On coming to power, Gouin had tried to calm the fears of the Catholic clergy. He promised Archbishop Paul Bruchési* of Montreal, with whom he developed a special relationship, that he would not secularize the educational system. In a speech on 11 Dec. 1905 at a banquet organized by the Liberals of the riding of Montreal, Division No.2, he declared: {d-0}We want neither to destroy nor to revolutionize; we want to improve and strengthen.{d-1} Out of concern for the archbishop{apos}s opinion, he blocked the adoption of many bills (often introduced by Godfroy Langlois) aimed at creating a department of education, standardizing school textbooks, introducing compulsory education, requiring all teachers whether secular or religious to hold a certificate of competence, and democratizing the Montreal school system. He would put off until 1916 [see Joseph-Narcisse Perrault] the recommendations of the royal commission on the Catholic schools of Montreal, appointed in 1909 and chaired by Raoul Dandurand*. In their report, the lay members of the commission recommended the formation of a single school board in Montreal. Abbé Louis-Philippe Perrier dissented, expressing the position of the clergy, who preferred a decentralized system that was easier to influence. In 1913, when Gouin told the archbishop of Montreal that he was thinking of giving Langlois a foreign posting, Bruchési was delighted, and is said to have exclaimed, {d-0}Get that pest out of the country.{d-1} In 1914, at the archbishop{apos}s urgent request, and following an exhausting campaign carried on by both the Nationalistes and the official organ of the archdiocese of Quebec, L{apos}Action sociale, Gouin agreed to have the École des Hautes Études Commerciales affiliated with the Montreal branch of the Université Laval, an institution under the control of the clergy [see Jean Prévost*]. The school was able to maintain a de facto independence, however. Gouin made a point of involving members of the clergy in most official events and of appointing priests as colonization agents. Despite all this, L{apos}Action sociale remained highly critical of Gouin and his government, to the point where the premier finally complained about it to Pope Pius X.

Opposition from the labour movement had remained marginal. The secretary of the Labour party, Albert Saint-Martin*, had run against Gouin in Montreal, Division No.2, in a by-election on 10 April 1905 and had won 13 per cent of the votes. Gouin promised that he would continue to be the workers{s-1-unknown} champion and immediately created a department of labour, attaching it to Public Works (which thereby became the Department of Public Works and Labour). He would also have a number of measures adopted – modest ones, on the whole – including one passed in 1909 providing for compensation in the case of accidents in the workplace, and another the following year making it illegal to employ children under the age of 16 if they could not read and write.

The Nationalistes were more of a problem for Gouin. The Ligue Nationaliste Canadienne [see Olivar Asselin], which had been founded in 1903 and had begun publishing an official newspaper, Le Nationaliste, the following year, had at first attacked Laurier{apos}s policies. But it also had concerns at the provincial level, so that, especially from 1907, under the leadership of their mentor Henri Bourassa the Nationalistes showed the Gouin government no mercy. Bourassa made a sensational entry into the Legislative Assembly by defeating the premier himself in the general election of 8 June 1908, in Montreal, Division No.2. Gouin, who had, however, won in the riding of Portneuf, wrote a letter to Laurier four days later in which he attributed his defeat to {d-0}the over-confidence of my organizers{d-1} and the receptiveness of the crowds whipped up by Bourassa. In 1908 and 1909 especially, the Nationalistes, who formed an alliance with the Conservatives, harshly denounced some of Gouin{apos}s policies. On the subject of colonization, they maintained that the timber limits granted to the logging companies hindered the settling of colonists on new land. In their view, the measures aimed at encouraging industrialization were first and foremost of benefit to foreigners and they called for an end to the sale of forests at bargain prices. They demanded reforms, including restrictions on the export of pulpwood and paper pulp, and made accusations of corruption. Outside the house, Jules Fournier*, who had been the editor of Le Nationaliste since 1908, led the attack until Gouin, in an effort to silence him, sued him for libel in 1909.

During the election campaign, however, Bourassa on 9 May 1916 would publish in his newspaper, Le Devoir, these highly flattering remarks about the party and the leader whom he had criticized so severely: {d-0}The Liberal party is something; Gouin is a somebody. The Quebec Conservative party is nothing any more; [Philémon] Cousineau [the new Conservative leader] is a nobody.{d-1} What had happened to enable Gouin to overcome the nationalist opposition?

In the era of World War I things worked in Gouin{apos}s favour. By 1910 Bourassa and the Nationalistes were again giving priority to their federal concerns. After forming an alliance with the Conservative leader, Robert Laird Borden*, to defeat Laurier, they quickly became disillusioned with the war policy of the Canadian prime minister. Gouin supported Canada{apos}s participation in the war effort. On 15 Oct. 1914 he attended a large rally in Montreal{apos}s Parc Sohmer, where Laurier spoke about the duty of French Canadians towards their two mother countries. In 1915 and 1916 he continued to appeal for recruits and to work with the federal government in encouraging the military effort. But, like Laurier and the Nationalistes, he soon found himself with no choice but to oppose conscription strongly.

Gouin had also vigorously championed the struggle of the Franco-Ontarians against Regulation 17, a measure adopted in 1912 that severely limited the use of French as a language of instruction in Ontario schools [see Sir James Pliny Whitney]. Gouin raised this matter in 1913, during an audience with the pope. On 11 Jan. 1915 he delivered an important speech in which he asked the government of Ontario to demonstrate justice and generosity in its dealings with the province{apos}s francophone minority. Then, on 25 January, to give resounding support to the Franco-Ontarian cause he took part in a big demonstration at the Université Laval at Quebec, along with Cardinal Louis-Nazaire Bégin, the Nationaliste Armand La Vergne*, and a number of other dignitaries. In March 1916, under his guidance, a bill introduced by Antonin Galipeault, to authorize school commissions to make contributions from their funds for patriotic, national, or school purposes, was passed. (Gouin did not want his province to make a direct grant to the Franco-Ontarians, for fear of angering their government.)

In December 1917, in the face of a frequently acerbic campaign in the English-Canadian press to denounce the so-called {d-0}disloyalty{d-1} of French Canadians and their rejection of compulsory military service, Gouin allowed one of his mlas, Joseph-Napoléon Francœur, to present a notice of motion stating that the province of Quebec would be prepared to accept the breaking up of the confederation pact if the other provinces considered it an obstacle to the development of Canada. Gouin made a vigorous and memorable defence of confederation at that time. After reminding his listeners that the federal system was the only one suitable for Canada, that separatism was impossible, and that confederation had brought notable benefits, the premier declared his confidence that the storm would pass. He was proud, he said, to be called a Canadian, and proud of his country, Canada. This part of his speech drew very positive reviews in the anglophone press. But at the same time, Gouin made a point of recalling the sufferings of {d-0}our fathers{d-1} in the wake of insults and appeals to prejudices, and he declared that the slanders of the present moment were the work of a {d-0}small number{d-1} and not the majority of anglophones. These references were probably intended to satisfy the Nationalistes in particular. At the end of the speech, Francœur withdrew his motion, declaring that it had had {d-0}the desired effect.{d-1} In 1937 he would admit, as the press reported on 10 December: {d-0}It was only a warning; I have never really wanted the province of Quebec to separate from the other eight provinces of the country.{d-1}

At the end of the war, Gouin was at the height of his power. His authority within the Liberal party was uncontested, and there was almost no opposition, either inside or outside the Legislative Assembly. His compatriots increasingly viewed him as their main champion. Many considered him a possible successor to Laurier, whose health was failing and who was faced with increasing opposition in the ranks of his party. In 1918 Borden, aware of his government{apos}s extreme weakness in the province of Quebec, had made another unsuccessful attempt to persuade Gouin to join his Union government. Gouin certainly had much in common with the Conservatives on some questions. Although he was a Liberal, in governing his province his approach was conservative, he was close to the financial circles in Montreal, and he supported the tariff protection so dear to the Conservatives. But Gouin also knew that, given the conscription issue, he would be signing his political death warrant if he developed close ties with Borden.

The year 1919 brought important changes in Canadian politics. Laurier died in February. In western Canada and Ontario the United Farmers gained ground and fiercely opposed the protective tariff. In order to fight them, some Conservatives wondered whether the time had come to form an alliance with Quebec Liberals who favoured the tariff, starting with Gouin. In July Borden had another meeting with Gouin and two other Liberals, Ernest Lapointe* and Rodolphe Lemieux, who told him plainly that they could not become part of a union government because of their province{apos}s opposition to conscription. Gouin also stressed the need to amend Regulation 17 in Ontario, a concession Borden was obviously powerless to grant. In any case, Gouin strongly opposed the Union government{apos}s policy of nationalizing railways.

Gouin put an end to these dealings by attending the Liberal convention in August. To be sure, the Liberal platform, with its reference to lower tariffs, worried the Montreal business community and its political friends, including Gouin and Lemieux. The co-chair of the convention, Gouin supported William Stevens Fielding, who had been minister of finance in Laurier{apos}s government, in the race for the party leadership. Fielding was pro-tariff and, although he had supported conscription, he had never disowned Laurier or served in the Union government. The Quebec delegates were more in favour of William Lyon Mackenzie King. Particularly concerned about bringing the western farmers back into the Liberal fold, King was prepared to agree to some relaxation of the tariff. He had been defeated in the general election of 1911, but had remained loyal to Laurier during the war. At Laurier{apos}s request, he had run as the Liberal candidate in the Ontario riding of York North in 1917, and had been defeated. He opposed conscription because he believed it posed a threat to national unity. King would never forgive Gouin for supporting Fielding.

In 1919, as well, Gouin had called a general election, two years before he had to, supposedly in an endeavour to win popular support for an ambitious and costly {d-0}program of reconstruction{d-1} (according to the account in Le Devoir of 10 June 1919) based on colonization and the development of hydroelectric power. It was becoming increasingly obvious that he wanted to relinquish the leadership of the government; in fact, his aim was to give his successor a strong mandate. The official opposition, led by Arthur Sauvé*, carried the stigma of the pro-conscription federal Conservatives. On election day, 23 June, 43 of the 81 Liberal candidates had no Conservative opponent; 74 Liberals and 5 Conservatives were elected. It was Gouin{apos}s last election campaign as premier. On 25 August he appointed Louis-Alexandre Taschereau, who seemed to represent a comfortable political choice, as attorney general. After serving for one session in the spring of 1920, Gouin gave a farewell speech on 21 June to the Young Liberals in Montreal, in which he reviewed his 15 years as premier. On 25 June he and Taschereau left for the Rivière Moisie and discussed the transfer of power. Gouin resigned on 8 July and Taschereau was summoned to replace him the following day.

Once the Liberals were in power, Gouin expected an important cabinet portfolio. King, who was worried mainly about the growing threat from the Progressives, knew that it was better for him to work closely with the Liberals from the Quebec City area, headed by Ernest Lapointe, than with the protectionist Liberals in Montreal. Maintaining ties with the former, who were relatively open to concessions in the matter of tariffs, would give him more opportunity to placate the farmers. Gouin asked King to give his province six ministers, four of them from Montreal. He pictured himself as minister of justice (a portfolio that King was planning to give to Lapointe), and president of the Privy Council, a prestigious office. The Montreal business community put similar pressure on King. The prime minister finally gave Gouin the most important portfolio, justice, but kept for himself the presidency of the Privy Council, in order, as he confided to Lapointe, not to put Canada{apos}s future in the hands of the Montreal financial magnates. In the end, the Montreal region had three ministers (Raoul Dandurand, Gouin, and James Alexander Robb), as did the Quebec region (Henri-Sévérin Béland*, Jacques Bureau*, and Lapointe). For the moment, Gouin was doing well. Having failed in his attempt to attract the Progressives into his cabinet, King could not afford to ignore the Montreal Liberals. In Gouin{apos}s case, the issue was merely postponed.

Gouin{apos}s career in federal politics was short. King never trusted him, for both personal and ideological reasons. He knew he had to get reduced tariffs and lower freight rates adopted in order to calm the farmers{s-1-unknown} revolt. Gouin objected to this policy and seems to have threatened more than once to resign. As time went on, he found himself more and more isolated. The younger Liberal mps disliked his arrogance and his ties to the Montreal ruling class. On 16 Dec. 1923 King recorded in his diary that he judged the time had come to dissociate himself completely from the Montreal interests in order to move closer to the farmers. When Gouin sent him his letter of resignation soon afterwards, King eagerly accepted it and made it public on 3 Jan. 1924. As soon as he had left, King committed himself to lowering the tariff, and noted in his diary that he would never have been able to get cabinet agreement if Gouin had been there.

On leaving active political life, Gouin was able to devote more attention to his business affairs, which indeed he had never neglected, even during his time as premier. On 12 May 1919, his friend Georges-Élie Amyot, who owned the Dominion Corset Company, stated in the Quebec newspaper L{apos}Événement that Gouin had sold him a lot in Maisonneuve (Montreal) in 1911 for $100,000. {d-0}Is it scandalous,{d-1} he concluded, {d-0}for a premier of Quebec to carry on business because he is the premier? On the contrary, I think we should congratulate ourselves on having a man in charge of our affairs who is able to look after his own and ours at the same time.{d-1} During his years in politics, Gouin continued to practise law, and his office maintained close ties with a number of big companies in Montreal. While he was a cabinet minister in Ottawa, he was a director of many corporations, including the Bank of Montreal, the Montreal City and District Savings Bank, the Royal Trust Company, the Crédit Foncier Franco-Canadien, the Shawinigan Water and Power Company, the Laurentide Company Limited, the Montreal Light, Heat and Power Company, and the Mutual Life Assurance Company of Canada. In April 1922 the Liberal mp Andrew Ross McMaster introduced a motion in the House of Commons that would have prohibited cabinet ministers from serving on the boards of directors of corporations. The person targeted was obviously Gouin and the government had to intervene vigorously to get the motion withdrawn.

After leaving the House of Commons, Gouin hoped to be given a seat in the Senate. Senator Dandurand interceded on his behalf, but King, and especially Lapointe, opposed the appointment. In 1926 Oswald Mayrand, Gaspard De Serres, Léon Trépanier, and J. P.-Victorien Desaulniers made a vain attempt to persuade Gouin to run for the mayoralty of Montreal. He showed some interest, but because he did not wish to run against Médéric Martin, he made one stipulation: he wanted to be elected by acclamation. Dandurand tried again in 1927 to persuade King to appoint Gouin to the Senate, but Lapointe still objected. King nonetheless offered him the post of lieutenant governor of Quebec. Humiliated at having been denied a seat in the upper house, but by now seriously ill, Gouin agreed to become lieutenant governor. {d-0}It is not a question of honours, but of honour,{d-1} he confided to one of his daughters-in-law. {d-0}I will go to Spencer Wood to die on my feet.{d-1} He took office on 10 Jan. 1929. In March, during a visit to Montreal, Gouin suffered an attack of angina. On 28 March he went to parliament in ceremonial dress to perform his first official act as lieutenant governor – to give royal assent to the acts that had been passed and to prorogue the session. In the presence of Premier Taschereau, a number of ministers and mlas, Lady Gouin, and a few close friends, he suffered another angina attack, collapsed in his office, received the last rites, and breathed his last. Thousands of people filed past his body in the chapel of rest at Spencer Wood, in Sillery, near Quebec. Messages of condolence poured in from all directions. The funeral took place in Notre-Dame basilica at Quebec on 1 April, after which a special train transported the casket to Montreal for burial.

Gouin was a taciturn, rather cold, and distant man. According to his friend Dandurand, he did not reveal his thoughts to anyone. He had no charisma and had little ability to stir up crowds. Because he was sensitive to criticism, some of his close friends thought he lacked self-confidence. In 1920 the Canadian annual review had referred to him admiringly as a {d-0}cool, calm and calculating{d-1} man, who appealed to people{apos}s intelligence rather than to their feelings. Somewhat authoritarian in style, Gouin kept a firm hold on the reins of the party and government. He saw to it that the Montreal Reform Club became the seat of the powerful Liberal machine, and in the house he gave his mlas little leeway except on private members{s-1-unknown} bills. His two sons would also have political careers. Léon Mercier-Gouin would become a professor of law at the Université de Montréal and a senator, and Paul Gouin* would be one of the founders of the Action Libérale Nationale and the Bloc Populaire.

Several of Sir Lomer Gouin{apos}s speeches are available on microfiche and are listed in CIHM, Reg. The Lomer Gouin fonds at the LAC (MG 27, III, B4) is voluminous and there is a copy on microfilm at the ANQ-Q. The ANQ-Q holds a second collection of his papers, at P1000, D2348. Other fonds at these archives that contain useful documents are LAC, MG 26, G; H; J; MG 27, II, D10; E1; III, B3; and ANQ-Q, P198 and P350.

Gouin{apos}s public career between 1906 and 1921 may be traced in such printed sources as Que., Legislative Assembly, Debates, 1906–21; Can., House of Commons, Debates, 1906–21; and Canadian annual rev., 1906–21. The memoirs of several politicians recall his life. Among them are R. L. Borden, Robert Laird Borden: his memoirs, ed. Heath Macquarrie (abridged ed., 2v., Toronto, [1969]), 2; P.-A. Choquette, Un demi-siècle de vie politique (Montréal, 1936); and Raoul Dandurand, Les mémoires du sénateur Raoul Dandurand (1861–1942), Marcel Hamelin, édit. (Québec, 1967). Pertinent theses and dissertations include René Castonguay, {d-0}La motion Francœur (1917–1918){d-1} (mémoire de MA, univ. de Montréal, 1989); Ruby Heap, {d-0}L{apos}Église, l{apos}état et l{apos}enseignement primaire public catholique au Québec, 1897–1920{d-1} (thèse de PHD, univ. de Montréal, 1987); and Edwidge Munn, {d-0}Les relations entre Wilfrid Laurier et Lomer Gouin, de 1905 à 1908{inch} (mémoire de MA, univ. de Montréal, 1985).

There are two articles that are entirely devoted to Gouin – P. A. Dutil, {d-0}The politics of progressivism in Quebec: the Gouin {s-0}coup{s-1-unknown} revisited,{d-1} CHR, 69 (1988): 441–65 and Bernard Weilbrenner, {d-0}Les idées politiques de Lomer Gouin,{d-1} CHA, Report, 1965: 46–57 – and he figures prominently in a number of others: in F. W. Gibson, {d-0}The cabinet of 1921,{d-1} in Cabinet formation and bicultural relations: seven case studies, ed. F. W. Gibson (Ottawa, 1970), 63–104; in Jean Hamelin et al., {d-0}Les élections provinciales dans le Québec,{d-1} Cahiers de géographie de Québec (Québec), 4 (1959–60): 5–207; and in three articles by Ruby Heap, {d-0}Libéralisme et éducation au Québec à la fin du XIXe et au début du XXe siècles,{d-1} in Combats libéraux au tournant du XXe siècle, sous la dir. d{apos}Yvan Lamonde (Montréal, 1995), 99–118, {d-0}La Ligue de l{apos}enseignement (1902–1904): héritage du passé et nouveaux défis,{d-1} RHAF, 36 (1982–83): 339–73, and {d-0}Urbanisation et éducation: la centralisation scolaire à Montréal au début du XXe siècle,{d-1} CHA, Hist. papers, 1985: 132–55.

Aside from Jacques Gouin{apos}s brief study, Sir Lomer Gouin (Montréal-Nord, [1981?]), and the collection of articles by Gonzalve Desaulniers*, Sir Lomer Gouin: sa vie, son œuvre ([Montréal], 1923), Gouin has never been the subject of a biography. On the other hand, several specialized studies contain information about him and allow him to be better placed in context: Réal Bélanger, Wilfrid Laurier; quand la politique devient passion (Québec et Montréal, 1986); R. C. Brown, Robert Laird Borden, a biography (2v., Toronto, 1975–80), 2; René Castonguay, Rodolphe Lemieux et le Parti libéral, 1866–1937: le chevalier du roi (Sainte-Foy, Qué., 2000); R. MacG. Dawson and H. B. Neatby, William Lyon Mackenzie King: a political biography (3v., Toronto, 1958–76), 1–2; P. [A.] Dutil, Devil{apos}s advocate: Godfroy Langlois and the politics of Liberal progressivism in Laurier{apos}s Quebec (Montreal and Toronto, 1994); John English, The decline of politics: the Conservatives and the party system, 1901–20 (Toronto, 1977); Roger Graham, Arthur Meighen: a biography (3v., Toronto, 1960–65), 1–2; Alain Lacombe, Errol Bouchette, 1862–1912: un intellectuel (Saint-Laurent, Qué., 1997); Claude Larivière, Albert Saint-Martin, militant d{apos}avant-garde, 1865–1947 (Laval, Qué., 1979); Joseph Levitt, Henri Bourassa and the golden calf; the social program of the nationalists of Quebec (1900–1914) (Ottawa, 1969); H. B. Neatby, Laurier and a Liberal Quebec; a study in political management, ed. R. T. Clippingdale (Toronto, 1973); Hélène Pelletier-Baillargeon, Olivar Asselin et son temps (2v. parus, [Montréal], 1996–?); Yves Roby, Les Québécois et les investissements américains (1918–1929) (Québec, 1976); Fernande Roy, Progrès, harmonie, liberté: le libéralisme des milieux d{apos}affaires francophones de Montréal au tournant du siècle (Montréal, 1988); three works by Robert Rumilly, Henri Bourassa; la vie publique d{apos}un grand Canadien (Montréal, 1953); Hist. de la prov. de Québec, 8–30; Histoire de l{apos}École des hautes études commerciales de Montréal, 1907–1967 (Montréal, 1966); Adrien Thério, Jules Fournier, journaliste de combat (Montréal et Paris, 1954); B. L. Vigod, Quebec before Duplessis: the political career of Louis-Alexandre Taschereau (Kingston, Ont., and Montreal, 1986); and two works by Mason Wade, The French Canadians, 1760–1945 (Toronto 1956); The French Canadians, 1760–1967 (rev. ed. 2v., Toronto, 1968).

Jenny Kidd Gowanlock was one of the women who first challenged men{apos}s exclusive hold on the medical profession in Canada. To some Victorians, the field of medicine appeared particularly appropriate for the female personality as they defined it, and so in this area women made early gains despite staunch opposition from most male doctors. Jenny{apos}s participation in the struggle to open new doors for women in the profession was inspired by feminism and by her Christian faith. {d-0}I hope to live to see the day when each larger town (at least) in Ont. will have one good true lady physician working in His name,{d-1} she would write in 1881.

Always encouraged and financially supported by her husband, in 1871–72 she took a one-year qualifying course at the Toronto School of Medicine. Both she and her classmate Emily Howard Stowe [Jennings*] passed, despite the active hostility of some professors and male students. No medical college in Canada was prepared to accept a woman as a regular full-time student, however, and Jenny, like Charlotte Ross [Whitehead*] of Montreal, attended the Woman{apos}s Medical College in Philadelphia, an institution noted for its Christian orientation. She received her md in March 1875 and a month later passed with relative ease the licensing examinations of the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Ontario. She thus became the first woman doctor authorized to practise in Canada, and she would remain unique in that regard until 1880, when Emily Stowe was licensed.

At Toronto in July 1875 Dr Trout and her close personal friend Emily Amelia Tefft, another graduate of the Woman{apos}s Medical College, started their practice, which featured {d-0}special facilities for giving treatments to ladies by galvanic baths or electricity.{d-1} Electrotherapy was highly regarded among late-Victorian physicians and in 1877 doctors Trout and Tefft launched the Medical and Electro-Therapeutic Institute in the three houses north of Jenny{apos}s home on Jarvis Street. Around 60 female patients lived at it and about 40 of them were treated each day. Eventually Trout and Tefft created branches in Hamilton and Brantford. The vast undertaking, although popular, proved to be a losing investment and its heavy personal demands wore down the always frail Dr Trout. Towards the end of 1882 she was forced to announce her retirement from the medical profession at the young age of 41.

This severe disappointment was mitigated by the rise of a new cause for her in 1883: the establishment of a women{apos}s medical college in Canada. Dr Michael Barrett* and five male colleagues at the Toronto School of Medicine had, on their own initiative, formed themselves into the faculty of a prospective institution in that city. Trout was willing to endorse the move with both her influence and her money, but only if women constituted a majority of the trustees and filled at least some of the positions on the faculty. Barrett, who was opposed to having any female trustees at all, rejected these demands and Trout then threw her support to a more obliging group in Kingston which was organizing a school in affiliation with Queen{apos}s College. After the founding of the Women{apos}s Medical College was approved at a public meeting in Kingston on 8 June 1883, Trout became not only one of its trustees but also its principal benefactor, promising $200 a year for the next five years.

She was stunned by the news on 12 June that Barrett and his associates, assisted by Emily Stowe and the Canadian Women{apos}s Suffrage Association, had created the Woman{apos}s Medical College in Toronto. Barrett, obviously afraid that his plans would be pre-empted by the Kingston group, was now willing to accept women on both the board of trustees and the faculty. Edward Trout, representing his wife{apos}s interests, denounced Barrett{apos}s {d-0}complete change of heart{d-1} and claimed the Toronto action was grossly unfair to the Kingston college. Neither side would yield, however, and in October two women{apos}s medical colleges were launched.

There were not enough students. Bitter rivalry between the Kingston and Toronto colleges deeply divided the small and struggling community which the Toronto Daily Mail called the {d-0}lady medicos,{d-1} and the competition for students was heightened in the 1890s with the opening to women of several Canadian medical faculties, including that of Bishop{apos}s College [see Francis Wayland Campbell*]. Strife did not end until 1894 when the two female schools united to form the Ontario Medical College for Women in the provincial capital. Dr Trout had served on the Kingston body{apos}s board of trustees until the end and had remained one of its principal financial patrons.

Trout{apos}s interest in medical matters was gradually overshadowed by other concerns. She became increasingly involved in Bible study and foreign missions, which many late-Victorian women found a liberating experience. Moreover, after a family tragedy the Trouts adopted their orphaned great-nephew and great-niece. She was also active, at some point in her career, in the temperance movement and in the Association for the Advancement of Women.

In 1908 the family moved to Hollywood, where Dr Trout died 13 years later. She had been significant in Canada as the country{apos}s first licensed female doctor, as a promoter of women{apos}s medical education on firm feminist principles, and as a quintessential Christian feminist.

Jenny Kidd Gowanlock Trout{apos}s studies at the Woman{apos}s Medical College of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia included the preparation of a thesis on the medical uses of the opium poppy, {d-0}Papaver somniferum{d-1} (md thesis, 1875).

Univ. of Waterloo Library, Special Coll. Dept. (Waterloo, Ont.), WA 10 (Elizabeth Smith Shortt fonds). Victoria Univ. Arch. (Toronto), Fonds 2083 (Victoria Univ., Cobourg, Ont., Dept. of Medicine fonds), 87.144V, 1os-1 (Toronto School of Medicine, student reg., 1858–75). Daily British Whig (Kingston, Ont.), 9 June, 3 Oct. 1883. Globe, 24 July 1875; 12, 15 May, 13 June, 2 Oct. 1883. Mail (Toronto), 16 April 1875, continued as Toronto Daily Mail, 14 May, 2 Oct. 1883. World (Toronto), 5 April 1883. G. F. Alsop, History of the Woman{apos}s Medical College, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 1850–1950 (Philadelphia, 1950). P. E. P. Dembski, {d-0}Jenny Kidd Trout and the founding of the Women{apos}s Medical colleges at Kingston and Toronto,{d-1} OH, 77 (1985): 183–206. V. [J.] Strong-Boag, {d-0}Canada{apos}s women doctors: feminism constrained,{d-1} in A not unreasonable claim: women and reform in Canada, 1880s–1920s, ed. Linda Kealey (Toronto, 1979), 109–29; reissued in Medicine in Canadian society: historical perspectives, ed. S. E. D. Shortt (Montreal, 1981), 207–35. A. A. Travill, Medicine at Queen{apos}s, 1854–1920: a peculiarly happy relationship ([Kingston, 1988]). W. H. Trout, Trout family history (Milwaukee, Wis., 1916).

A co-founder of one of Canada{apos}s most successful stationery firms, James Grand was raised in Toronto by English-born Anglican parents. In the mid 1870s he was a clerk and salesman, possibly in the stationery business of his brother-in-law William Leitch MacGillivray. Between 1878 and 1882 Grand and Frederick Perry worked in partnership as printers and railway and mercantile stationers, after which Grand continued under his own name. Failing prospects, combined with responsibility for his wife and son, may have pushed him to tackle a new enterprise, though he was already fighting a serious illness (possibly scleroderma, which would eventually force his retirement). On 1 Aug. 1882 he opened a stationery supply firm on King Street. Grand found that Toronto{apos}s market was eager for a personal touch, which he provided by delivering goods right to the customer{apos}s door in a wheelbarrow. Business prospered so much that one year later, on 1 Aug. 1883, he signed a partnership agreement with Samuel Martin Toy, his brother-in-law and a bookkeeper, to form Grand and Toy, with a store at the corner of Leader Lane and Colborne Street.

Grand soon realized that businesses required not only paper goods but also a complete range of office supplies, including typewriting materials. The company thus expanded, and a new store was opened in August 1893 at Wellington and Jordan. Although Grand and Toy gained a name for quality products (its slogan from 1883 to 1990 was {d-0}If Its Good – We Have It{d-1}), the firm did not have a large customer base. In 1904 Toronto had over 20 stationery and office-supply concerns in the downtown area. The company{apos}s fortunes, however, changed almost overnight. On 19–20 April 1904 fire devastated the city{apos}s commercial core. Over 220 businesses were destroyed, including 23 printing, bookbinding, and lithographing concerns, among them Warwick Brothers and Rutter, W. J. Gage, Barber and Ellis, and Copp, Clark. {d-0}The stationery trade of Canada is ruined,{d-1} Arthur Frederick Rutter ruefully told the Globe. By luck of location (one block east of the flames) and favourable winds, as well as the quick work of Grand{apos}s eldest son, Percy Frank, dousing sparks on the roof of their warehouse and store, Grand and Toy survived. In the aftermath of the fire, many businesses required a full stock of stationery and supplies. Grand and Toy was ready. Its sales were so intense during the rebuilding process that the partners handed out waste-paper baskets so that customers could fill their own orders. Heretofore grocers were the only merchants likely to have allowed any type of self-service.

The company expanded its clientele enormously over the following decade. Toy{apos}s death on 1 March 1906 left the firm under the sole control of the Grand family, who would run it until 1990. In 1911 James Grand had it incorporated and he opened an office-furniture department. In addition, to complement his profusely illustrated catalogues, he initiated Office Talk, a monthly promotional bulletin for his clients and employees. Within its pages, he demonstrated his sound knowledge of ethical business principles and offered futuristic articles on Toronto{apos}s need for an underground electric transit system, the transmission of business news by radio, and the place of ergonomics in the design of office equipment.

Grand continued as the titular president of Grand and Toy Limited until his death, though his poor health had caused him virtually to retire in 1913, when his son Percy, then vice-president, took over. Little is known of James Grand{apos}s private interests; by 1901 he and his wife had converted to Methodism. He died in 1921 at his residence at 28 Oriole Road, in the Deer Park neighbourhood, and was interred in St James{s-1-unknown} Cemetery. His estate, most of it in life insurance and stock, was valued at more than $210,500.

AO, RG 22-305, no.44063; RG 80-5-0-104, no.13529; RG 80-8-0-804, no.6603. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1871, Toronto, St James{s-1-unknown} Ward, div.6: 75; 1901, Toronto, Ward 4, div.5: 9 (mfm. at AO). Globe, 2 March 1906, 8 Nov. 1921. Grand and Toy Limited, Grand & Toy Limited: a century of service, 1882–1982 ([Toronto, 1982?]; copy in North York Central Library (Toronto), Canadiana Coll.); Mail order catalogue of office supplies, printing and office furniture (Toronto), 1924 (copy in TRL, SC). Michael McVean, 100 years for Grand & Toy Ltd., an all-Canadian celebration of success ([Toronto, 1982?]; copy in North York Central Library, Canadiana Coll.). Nancy Rawson and Richard Tatton, The great Toronto fire (Erin, Ont., 1984).

Like his uncle, the bishop of St Albert (Alta), Henri Grandin attended the Petit Séminaire de Précigné and the Grand Séminaire du Mans. On the occasion of the Oblates{s-1-unknown} general chapter in France in 1873, Bishop Grandin spoke at the seminary attended by his nephew and persuaded the young man to accompany him to Canada. After his arrival the following year, Henri attended the noviciate of Notre-Dame-des-Anges at Lachine, Que., and he made his perpetual profession of faith on 27 May 1875. He then journeyed to St Albert, where he was ordained by his uncle on 30 November. The young priest celebrated his first mass the following day and his first high mass on 5 December.

Henri Grandin was immediately placed in charge of the minor seminary established by Bishop Grandin in St Albert; he also taught there. As an administrator, he demonstrated qualities that soon ensured his appointment to positions entailing more responsibility. In 1880 he was made superior of the Lac Ste Anne mission, where he provided instruction to novices who were completing their theological studies prior to ordination. Three years later he was appointed the first resident priest in Fort Edmonton (Edmonton) and curate of St Joachim{apos}s parish. In 1889 he became superior of the Lac la Biche mission, which had been transferred from Bishop Grandin{apos}s jurisdiction to that of Bishop Henri Faraud* of Athabasca-Mackenzie. The status of the mission had been a constant source of controversy between the two bishops, and Henri Grandin was sent there to ensure that the interests of the diocese of St Albert were protected when Faraud relinquished control. In 1897 he was named superior of the Saddle Lake district, and he later became temporary curate of Saint-Paul-des-Métis (St Paul, Alta), where he built a new church. He returned to Lac la Biche as superior for the years 1903–5.

As Oblate superior, Henri Grandin was responsible for, among other things, recruiting and preparing new members. To this end, he inaugurated the Juniorat de Saint-Jean l{apos}Évangéliste in Pincher Creek, Alta, in 1908; two years later this institution was moved to Edmonton. He was also instrumental in establishing the Scholasticat de Marie-Immaculée in Edmonton in 1917 to enable western candidates for the priesthood to study in the west, rather than have to complete their theological and philosophical studies in Ottawa. Grandin had to deal with John Thomas McNally*, bishop of Calgary from 1913, who felt that there were too many French orders in his diocese. As part of his solution to what he regarded as the legacy of a {d-0}dead and useless past,{d-1} McNally ordered the Oblates to vacate their parish in his episcopal city and St Patrick{apos}s parish in Lethbridge. The question of ethnicity also involved Grandin and McNally in a controversy over St Joseph{apos}s Industrial School for native students at Dunbow, which was having serious problems attracting and retaining pupils from southern Alberta. The school was under the jurisdiction of the Oblates, and McNally alleged that it was not being properly conducted because none of the staff was English-speaking or competent to teach that language. For his part, Grandin argued that some of the institution{apos}s problems resulted from the fact that the Department of Indian Affairs and its agents were not assisting the Oblates with recruitment. He would not bow to pressure from McNally to close the school, and he informed the bishop that he alone would have to make the decision as to the institution{apos}s future.

Arch. Départementales, Sarthe (Le Mans, France), État civil, Sillé-le-Guillaume, 20 mai 1853. Arch. of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Calgary, Bishop J. T. McNally papers. PAA, Arch. of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, Prov. of Alberta-Saskatchewan, 71.220, items 3376, 7732; 84.400, items 883, 893–95, 898, 900. {d-0}Alberta et Saskatchewan,{d-1} Missions de la Congrégation des missionnaires oblats de Marie Immaculée (Rome et Bar-le-Duc, France), 47 (1909): 133–34. P.-É. Breton, {d-0}Histoire du collège,{d-1} in Collège Saint-Jean: cinquantième anniversaire, 1911–1961, ed. A. Duhaime (Edmonton, [1961]), 32–33. Gaston Carrière, Dictionnaire biographique des oblats de Marie-Immaculée au Canada (4v., Ottawa, 1976–89), 2: 105–6. The diaries of Bishop Vital Grandin, 1875–1877, trans. A. D. Ridge, ed. B. M. Owens and C. M. Roberto (Edmonton, 1989). {d-0}Feu le R.P. Henri Grandin, o.m.i.,{d-1} Les Cloches de Saint-Boniface (Saint-Boniface [Winnipeg]), 22 (1923): 51–54. R.[-J.-A.] Huel, {d-0}La mission Notre-Dame-des-Victoires du lac la Biche et l{apos}approvisionnement des missions du nord: le conflit entre Mgr V. Grandin et Mgr H. Faraud,{d-1} in Western Oblate Studies 1: proceedings of the first symposium on the history of the Oblates in western and northern Canada . . . , ed. R.[-J.-A.] Huel et al. (Edmonton, 1990), 17–36. {d-0}Jubilé d{apos}or du R.P. Gabillon, o.m.i.,{d-1} Missions de la Congrégation des missionnaires oblats de Marie Immaculée (Rome), 65 (1931): 755–58. {d-0}Lettre du R.P. Leduc au P. Aubert,{d-1} Missions de la Congrégation des missionnaires oblats de Marie Immaculée (Paris), 15 (1877): 297–306. {d-0}Oblations,{d-1} Missions de la Congrégation des missionnaires oblats de Marie Immaculée (Paris), 14 (1876): 562–66. {d-0}Le premier siècle de Saint-Joachim,{d-1} Missions de la Congrégation des missionnaires oblats de Marie Immaculée (Rome), 87 (1960): 70. {d-0}Le R.P. Grandin, vicaire des missions de Prince-Albert,{d-1} Missions de la Congrégation des missionnaires oblats de Marie Immaculée (Rome et Bar-le-Duc), 44 (1906): 469. {d-0}Rapports au chapitre général de 1908: Alberta et Saskatchewan,{d-1} Missions de la Congrégation des missionnaires oblats de Marie Immaculée (Rome et Bar-le-Duc), 47 (1909): 133–41. [E.] B. Titley, {d-0}Dunbow Indian Industrial School: an Oblate experiment in education,{d-1} in Western Oblate Studies 2: proceedings of the second symposium on the history of the Oblates in western and northern Canada . . . , ed. R.[-J.-A.] Huel with Guy Lacombe (Lewiston, N.Y., and Queenston, Ont., 1992), 95–113. M. B. Venini Byrne, From the buffalo to the cross: a history of the Roman Catholic diocese of Calgary (Calgary, 1973).

GRANDSAIGNES D{apos}HAUTERIVES, HENRY DE, Vicomte de GRANDSAIGNES D{apos}HAUTERIVES (named at birth Henri-Louis-Marie), itinerant projectionist and cinema operator; b. 28 July 1869 in Pont-l{apos}Abbé, France, son of Gustave de Grandsaignes d{apos}Hauterives, Comte de Grandsaignes d{apos}Hauterives, a customs collector, and Marie Tréourret de Kerstrat; m. first in June 1894 Charlotte Subé in Paris, and they had one son, Robert, who was the treasurer of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1950; m. secondly in 1922 in the same city Marguerite Holleville; d. there 26 Sept. 1929.

Henry de Grandsaignes d{apos}Hauterives belonged to two distinguished families of the French nobility. On his mother{apos}s side he was a descendant of the Comte de Mirabeau, a writer and a great revolutionary leader; on his father{apos}s side he had a prestigious military ancestry. These families had been impoverished by the French revolution and the advent of the Republic, but, through shrewd investments and creative management, Henry{apos}s mother restored the family{apos}s fortunes and prestige by setting up one of the first commercial holiday resorts in Brittany. Becoming a solicitor in Paris after he had studied law in Poitiers, Henry soon went into debt because of an extravagant style of living which caused his wife to leave him in 1897. He then decided to set out for North America, bent on making his fortune in the fledgling cinema business. To this end, he went into partnership with his mother, who became the manager of Historiographe Compagnie, an itinerant cinema company.

The Vicomte and Comtesse d{apos}Hauterives, as they were known in Canada, began presenting films in Montreal in October 1897 and they were among the first to offer this kind of entertainment. After several profitable months, they began a tour of Quebec towns in 1898; they drew audiences on obtaining the prior consent of the civil and religious authorities. They next went to Ontario and in 1899 they continued along the eastern seaboard of the United States, visiting New York, Boston, Atlantic City, N.J., and the neighbouring towns. Their tours soon extended to Bermuda and Saint-Pierre and Miquelon.

Until 1906 the province of Quebec was the main area of activity for Grandsaignes d{apos}Hauterives and his mother. They returned there every fall for tours in the course of which they showed dozens of films (then of only a few minutes{s-1-unknown} duration) in theatres, schools, and parish halls. They used a projector called a Historiographe, which was operated by a crank that ran the film in front of a lens illuminated by a gas lamp. The shows were well known and praised for their high quality. They included the most recent French films, especially historical ones, purchased from Charles Pathé and Georges Méliès and coloured by hand in a Parisian workshop. Grandsaignes d{apos}Hauterives was famous as a {d-0}bonimenteur,{d-1} the now obsolete occupation of providing an oral commentary on silent films. The journalists of the day almost unanimously praised his relevant and eloquent talks, which were given in both French and English during the shows.

However, the increase in the number of movie houses led Grandsaignes d{apos}Hauterives and his mother to give up their tours. They ran movie houses in New York from 1906 to 1908, in St Louis, Mo., from 1908 to 1910, and in Bermuda and the islands of Saint-Pierre and Miquelon from 1910 to 1913. Their activities were eventually curtailed and then brought to an end by the monopolization of the American movie industry that forced operators to become part of networks with which neither the Vicomte nor his mother wished to be associated. They insisted on remaining independent and on operating their cinemas on a seasonal basis, but this approach did not fit commercial practices. After returning to France in 1913, without having made his fortune, Grandsaignes d{apos}Hauterives worked as a civil servant in Rouen during the war and as a solicitor in Paris from 1920 until his death in 1929 (his mother had died in December 1920). During that period, he was better known for his worldly conviviality than for his professional activities.

A happy-go-lucky aristocrat who toiled as an obscure civil servant in France, Henry de Grandsaignes d{apos}Hauterives had been a daring pioneer in the cinema industry in North America, travelling the continent to present a new type of show, which he popularized by enhancing the interest of early silent films with the excitement of fascinating oral narration. Throughout his years in North America he continued to offer French films to all kinds of audiences, maintaining his reputation as an outstanding cinema operator. Showing silent films with commentary, a practice he initiated in Quebec, lasted until 1930. Many people became acquainted with the cinema through his work.

This biography is based on contemporary newspaper accounts of Henry de Grandsaignes d{apos}Hauterives{apos}s shows and on the correspondence of the Comtesse Marie de Grandsaignes d{apos}Hauterives in the Arch. Départementales of Finistère (Quimper, France), dossier 60 J 67.

Arch. Départementales, Finistère, État civil, Pont-l{apos}Abbé, 28 juill. 1869. Arch. Municipales, Paris, État civil, 28 sept. 1929. Germain Lacasse et Serge Duigou, L{apos}Historiographe (les débuts du spectacle cinématographique au Québec) (Montréal, 1985); Marie de Kerstrat, l{apos}aristocrate du cinématographe (Quimper, 1987).

Following her husband{apos}s death in a fire in 1870, Eliza Grant moved with her children to Ottawa, where Robert Henry managed to obtain a secondary education. He spent some time at the University of Toronto and the Ontario Agricultural College in Guelph before taking over the family{apos}s large farm near Hazeldean in Goulbourn Township, where he also became active in local government. He represented Goulbourn on Carleton County Council from 1882 to 1891 and then served as county auditor for 12 years. In 1884 he was appointed a justice of the peace. The dominion government engaged him the following year to assist in evaluating land to be purchased for the Central Experimental Farm at Ottawa and in 1915 for the military base at Valcartier, Que. A freemason and member of St Paul{apos}s Anglican Church in Hazeldean, he served as secretary of a local cheese factory and telephone company, the Farmers{s-1-unknown} Institute of Carleton, and the Eastern Ontario and Western Quebec Plowmen{apos}s Association.

Though a long-time Conservative, Grant joined the United Farmers of Ontario, the agrarian movement formed in 1914. When it fielded candidates in the provincial election of October 1919, he reluctantly accepted the nomination for Carleton, an old Conservative constituency, and ran a solid, if understated, campaign. Grant accused his Tory opponent, fellow farmer Adam Holland Acres, of blind party loyalty and argued that all organizations, including legislatures, could be improved by the presence of farmers. He obtained a stunning majority; {d-0}Carleton Sells Birthright,{d-1} proclaimed the Carp Review (Carp, Ont.). Provincially, the Farmers won more seats than any other party and, with 11 Independent Labor mpps, they formed a coalition government. Grant sat on the committee that selected Ernest Charles Drury* as premier. Although early rumours placed Grant in the agriculture portfolio, Drury made him minister of education, to some extent because of his post-secondary experience. This nomination marked the first time that a Carleton mpp had been appointed to cabinet. Grant displayed typical modesty in an interview shortly after his appointment: {d-0}I was born a farmer, am a farmer and am nothing else. My farm has been my principal attraction and comfort despite the other activities in my life.{d-1}

During his three-year tenure as minister, Grant performed competently but not spectacularly. From the beginning he emphasized the improvement of rural schools, a sector where he met with some success: the salaries of teachers were increased, a director of rural school organization was named (William John Karr), and classes were begun at agricultural schools in Ridgetown and Kemptville. The government{apos}s efforts, however, to enforce the 1921 act that extended the age of compulsory attendance from 14 to 16 met with resistance from rural backbenchers, and school attendance fell off. Drury believed that Grant, rather than use his own judgement, too often deferred to his department{apos}s officials, who included such experienced authorities as Arthur Hugh Urquhart Colquhoun (deputy), Francis Walter Merchant* (industrial and technical education), and William Oliver Carson (public libraries). Grant occasionally stood his ground. When Charles Vincent Massey* offered in 1920 to fund a commission on Ontario schools, Grant, because he had not been consulted, threatened to resign if Drury went ahead with the plan. Drury backed down, in part because the Farmers were wary of any external commission and of Massey because of his family{apos}s involvement in the implement business. On other important matters, Grant was either unable or unwilling to act upon Farmers{s-1-unknown} principles. Regulation 17, a measure passed by the former Conservative government of Sir James Pliny Whitney* to restrict the use of French in schools, was opposed by the Farmers, but Grant did not revoke it. Although he claimed inaction because of tensions between French- and English-speaking Catholics, the fact that his riding contained 87 Orange lodges was probably an important factor in his decision. The failure to rescind the regulation underscored the differences between the Farmers{s-1-unknown} rank-and-file members and their elected officials, who moderated or ignored several key planks of the party{apos}s platform.

In the election of June 1923, Grant again faced A. H. Acres, and was defeated. He returned to his farm and never ran again, though he continued to have an interest in education. He believed his Conservative successor as minister, George Howard Ferguson* of Kemptville (not far from Goulbourn), had a solid grasp of educational matters, and they corresponded. While Grant attended to his farm in the 1920s, his wife maintained her public profile. She was an honorary vice-president of the Ontario Federation of Home and School Associations, and in 1927 she represented the Federated Women{apos}s Institutes of Ontario at the annual meeting of the League of Nations Society in Canada. R. H. Grant died in 1930 and was buried in Maple Grove cemetery at Hazeldean.

Grant was fairly typical of the United Farmers returned in 1919 and the extent to which they diverged from other party members. He had believed that if farmers were elected, policies favourable to their calling would result. But, once at Queen{apos}s Park, the mpps largely failed to satisfy the membership{apos}s desire for sweeping changes to the political, economic, and social systems that went beyond agricultural concerns.

AO, RG 80-5-0-142, no.5994; RG 80-5-0-184, no.1976. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1871, Ottawa, Wellington Ward, div.1: 7; 1901, Goulbourn Township, Ont., div.5: 3. Carp Review (Carp, Ont.), 16, 23 Oct., 20 Nov. 1919; 7 June 1923; 24 Feb. 1927; 4 Dec. 1930. Ottawa Evening Journal, 27 Nov. 1930. Kerry Badgley, Ringing in the common love of good: the United Farmers of Ontario, 1914–1926 (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 2000). Canadian annual rev., 1920: 540. E. C. Drury, Farmer premier: memoirs of the Honourable E. C. Drury (Toronto, 1966). C. M. Johnston, E. C. Drury: agrarian idealist (Toronto, 1986). K. M. Nicholson, {d-0}Policies of the Department of Education during the administration of Premier E. C. Drury, 1919–1923{d-1} (ma thesis, Univ. of Toronto, 1972). Peter Oliver, G. Howard Ferguson: Ontario Tory (Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1977). Ont., Legislature, Sessional papers, reports of the minister of education, 1919–22. R. M. Stamp, The schools of Ontario, 1876–1976 (Toronto, 1982).

Henry J. Grasett was born into a prominent Toronto family – his father was rector of St James{s-1-unknown} Cathedral. He attended a private school in Toronto and Leamington College in England. His military career began in Canada when he was not yet 19: in June 1866 he served in the Fenian campaign with the 2nd Battalion of Rifles (Queen{apos}s Own Rifles of Toronto) [see Alfred Booker*]. After entering the British army in September 1867, as an ensign in the 100th Foot (Royal Canadians), he spent time in England and Canada; when he retired in 1875, with the rank of lieutenant, he had been adjutant of the regiment for five years.

On the basis of his military accomplishments and family connections, Grasett succeeded Francis Collier Draper* as chief constable of the Toronto police on 1 Dec. 1886. Some politics may have been involved: the Board of Police Commissioners passed over deputy chief William E. Stuart, the political appointee of a former mayor. Grasett would head the force for 34 years, in contrast to the average tenure of less than four years in large American cities. Under Grasett the department grew – from 172 police to 662 by 1920; in composition, however, it remained heavily Anglo-Celtic. As a result of lobbying by moral reformers that focused on prostitution, a number of policewomen were added in 1913. One of Grasett{apos}s first innovations was to arm the patrolmen, although, as an admirer of British policemen, he discouraged the use of firearms. As well, he supervised the reorganization of both the morality squad (under David Archibald*) and the detective department, the installation of a new electric call-box and signal system, and the acquisition of patrol wagons (1888), bicycles (1895), motorcycles for a traffic squad (1912), and motorized patrol wagons (1913). After 1917 mobility was increased by the greater use of automobiles, which themselves produced problems of traffic control.

Such developments helped make Grasett{apos}s department one of the most professional in Canada. It also became a powerful bureaucracy, charged not only with the preservation of law and order but also with regulatory functions such as licensing small businesses. In addition, it had to work with new agencies, among them the juvenile and women{apos}s courts. Training remained traditional, however, with an emphasis on military drill and learning on the streets. For years constables walked timed beats, and the merit-based system of pay and promotion was modelled on the British army{apos}s.

An important figure in North American police circles, Grasett served in the 1890s on the board of the Central Bureau of Identification in Chicago. This board was appointed by the National Association of Chiefs of Police, which in 1901 became the International Association of Chiefs of Police; Grasett was its vice-president in 1902. In 1905 he was involved, with Dominion Police commissioner Arthur Percy Sherwood* and others, in the formation of Canada{apos}s major police-lobby organization, the Chief Constables{s-1-unknown} Association of Canada. As its president in 1906, he spoke of how the police had become respectable in the eyes of the public. Under Grasett the Toronto department remained a driving force behind the CCAC.

In Toronto Grasett was a fairly popular and respected chief constable, despite criticisms before World War I. Moral reformers charged that prostitution was tolerated; Prohibitionists claimed that liquor laws were ignored or weakly prosecuted. To a large extent Grasett was shielded by the Board of Police Commissioners (the mayor, police magistrate, and county judge). When public debate called for direct municipal supervision, Grasett lobbied to preserve the autonomy of the police-commission system. Unlike his successors, he was careful to avoid inflammatory public statements, except during the war, when he spoke out vigorously against Toronto{apos}s foreign element.

Although crime actually declined between 1914 and 1918, Grasett was saddled with heavy responsibilities: war-time controls, monitoring aliens and radicals, enforcing the Ontario Temperance Act, and policing a large number of strikes. In the interest of patriotism and order, he banned outdoor anti-conscription meetings. When anti-foreigner riots broke out in August 1918, during a veterans{s-1-unknown} convention, his police intervened reluctantly, and then with force, generating bad publicity and an investigation. The inquiry exonerated the department as a whole, but led to the dismissal of two inspectors, a sergeant, and a constable. Grasett{apos}s greatest challenge, however, came from his own men, who were dissatisfied with wages, benefits, promotions, and disciplinary policies. In the fall of 1918 they organized a union in affiliation with the local Trades and Labor Council. The police strike that followed in December, combined with unrest among police in other Ontario centres, led to a provincial commission in 1919 headed by Sir William Ralph Meredith. During its hearings Grasett expressed disapproval of promotion by seniority, one of the bases of trade unionism. In late 1920 he retired as chief constable and was replaced by an officer who had risen from the ranks, Samuel James Dickson.

Grasett epitomized the patrician police leader of the era. He had much in common with long-time police magistrate and commissioner George Taylor Denison, a fellow veteran of the Fenian campaign. Grasett had played an important role in the royal tour of 1901 and for his contributions to the war effort he was made a cmg in 1916. A Conservative in politics, he was an Anglican in religion and served for a number of years as a warden of St James{s-1-unknown} Cathedral and as a delegate to synods. He was socially active in several Toronto clubs, and belonged to the Canadian Military Institute and the Naval and Military Club of England.

Predeceased in 1926 by his wife, who passed on her inherited wealth, Grasett died of pneumonia at his home on Clarendon Avenue in 1930. He received a full police and military funeral, and was buried in St James{s-1-unknown} Cemetery. In eulogies that focused on his career in policing, city officials, mindful or not of events in 1918–19, spoke of a record of unblemished achievement. One-time mayor Thomas Langton Church* believed that {d-0}only those intimately connected with the police force could appreciate adequately his services,{d-1} while Charles Alfred Maguire, a former controller and mayor, stated to the Globe that, in contrast to the experience of other cities, {d-0}no one had ever been able to attack the Toronto police force or its head.{d-1}

AO, RG 22-305, nos.56821, 65543. Globe, 30 Sept.–2 Oct. 1930. Toronto Daily Star, 6–7 Sept. 1905. World (Toronto), 19 Oct. 1887. Canadian annual rev., 1916: 802; 1918: 334–35, 586–87. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). Canadian Municipal Journal, and Telephone and Building News (Montreal), 2 (1906): 387–88. Canadian Police Bull. (Toronto), December 1930. E. M. Chadwick, Ontarian families: genealogies of United-Empire-Loyalist and other pioneer families of Upper Canada (2v., Toronto, 1894–98; repr., 2v. in 1, Lambertville, N.J., [1970]), 2. T. E. Champion, History of the 10th Royals and of the Royal Grenadiers, from the formation of the regiment until 1896 (Toronto, 1896). Chief Constables{s-1-unknown} Assoc. of Canada, Proc. of the annual convention (Toronto), 1912–31. International Assoc. of Chiefs of Police, Annual session (Washington), 1902. Greg Marquis, {d-0}The early twentieth-century Toronto police institution{d-1} (PHD thesis, Queen{apos}s Univ., Kingston, Ont., 1987); Policing Canada{apos}s century: a history of the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police (Toronto, 1993). Middleton, Municipality of Toronto, vol.1: 178–80. Desmond Morton, Mayor Howland: the citizens{s-1-unknown} candidate (Toronto, 1973). National encyclopedia of Canadian biography, ed. J. E. Middleton and W. S. Downs (2v., Toronto, 1935–37), 1: 178–80. R. E. Riendeau, {d-0}Servicing the modern city, 1900–30,{d-1} in Forging a consensus: historical essays on Toronto, ed. V. L. Russell (Toronto, 1984), 157–80. Toronto, Chief constable, Annual report, 1886–1920.

According to an obituary, Minard W. Graves received {d-0}but a meagre common school education,{d-1} probably at the one-room school in Port Lorne. In 1883 he purchased a farm in Upper Granville, and for the next 20 years he would regularly appear in official documents as {d-0}farmer{d-1} or {d-0}yeoman.{d-1}

Like many other Annapolis valley farms of this period, Graves{apos}s property had an established orchard, and for a time apple growing was a minor sideline for him. However, the development of rapid steam transportation by sea, combined with the railway that had been built through the valley in the 1860s, opened a new era in fruit production, the benefits of which would be quickly seized by Graves. Beginning in the 1880s the vastly increased apple crop of Nova Scotia found a ready market, first in the United States and then in Great Britain. Yet increased production also meant larger quantities of substandard fruit, unfit for foreign markets. It was to this part of the crop that Graves turned his attention. For several years, using a small apple press, he experimented with the making of cider vinegar, finally producing nine barrels which he sold in Saint John.

One of the first to recognize that there was a market for processed apples, not merely the raw fruit, Graves gradually turned his full attention to vinegar production. In 1903 he moved his operations to Bridgetown, a few miles from his farm, and there established a plant containing initially eight vats, which he ran in association first with Fred E. Bath and then with Jacob W. Salter (as M. W. Graves and Company). In spite of a devastating fire in 1904, Graves{apos}s business prospered. In 1913 his plant was described in the Halifax Morning Chronicle as {d-0}one of the largest and best equipped in the Dominion,{d-1} and by 1924 it was producing 400,000 barrels of vinegar a year, most of which was sold on the British market.

For some time Graves restricted his processing to cider vinegar, but he gradually expanded his operations, especially after his sons, Francis Mann and Owen Winchester, entered the firm (the three would incorporate the business as a limited company on 18 Feb. 1921, with a capitalization of $100,000). The production of dried apples, previously largely a home industry, soon became an important sideline. Evaporating plants were built in Bridgetown and several neighbouring communities; by 1925, 28,000 barrels of apples were being dried, most of which found a market in western Canada. The acquisition in 1922 of the Annapolis Valley Cyder Company Limited moved Graves into new areas, including canned apples, concentrate, and juice, and for a time carbonated beverages as well. Under Graves{apos}s sons, who carried on the business after his death, the company and its range of products continued to expand, encompassing additional plants in Berwick and Kentville and a wide variety of canned, and then frozen, vegetables. Although no longer owned by the Graves family, M. W. Graves and Company Limited is still a major producer of processed fruits and vegetables at the beginning of the 21st century.

Graves was an important leader in the development of the apple-processing business in Nova Scotia. Although apple production there increased dramatically during his active career, from an average of 284,000 bushels in the early 1880s to 5,389,000 bushels in 1923, the processed portion of the crop fluctuated from a low of 3.2 per cent to a high of 26.9 per cent. Most growers depended on the overseas market to absorb raw fruit. The powerful Fruit Growers{s-1-unknown} Association of Nova Scotia, founded in 1864 [see Andrew Hay Johnson*], focused its entire attention on this market, with its problems of shipping and quality control; virtually no mention of apple processing is to be found in the records of its proceedings. Significantly, Graves apparently never saw the advantage of joining this organization. The report produced in 1930 by the royal commission investigating the apple industry did not even address the issue of processing, so wedded was the larger community to the shipment of unprocessed fruit. It was, however, only the foresight of a few men such as Graves that kept even a segment of the apple industry alive in the Annapolis valley following the devastation of its foreign markets in the post–World War II period.

Annapolis County Registry of Deeds (Lawrencetown, N.S.), Deeds, book 80: 676–77 (30 April 1883); book 86: 135–36 (1 Sept. 1886); book 95: 426–28 (17 Nov. 1891); book 123: 551–54 (13 Oct. 1903); book 126: 152–53 (25 June 1904); book 141: 401–4 (23 June 1909); book 184: 593–94 (28 May 1925). Bridgetown and Area Hist. Soc. (Bridgetown, N.S.), {d-0}The Graves families,{d-1} comp. J. Dexter (MS); Obituary (no source), M. W. Graves. Macdonald Museum (Middleton, N.S.), Norwich Union insurance book, 47 (insurance policy). NSARM, RG 32, WB, Annapolis County. Riverside Cemetery (Bridgetown), Burial records, 607. Halifax Herald, 7 Jan. 1926. Middleton Outlook, 8 March 1904. Morning Chronicle (Halifax), 1 Jan. 1913. Morning Herald (Halifax), 17 Sept. 1886. Weekly Monitor (Bridgetown), 13 Jan. 1926. Margaret Conrad, {d-0}Apple blossom time in the Annapolis valley, 1880–1957,{d-1} in Atlantic Canada after confederation . . ., comp. and ed. P. A. Buckner and David Frank (Fredericton, 1985), 351–76. Fruit Growers{s-1-unknown} Assoc. of Nova Scotia, Annual report (Kentville), 1905, 1910. Anne Hutten, Valley gold: the story of the apple industry in Nova Scotia (Halifax, 1981). M. W. Graves and Company Limited, Our story (Berwick, N.S., n.d.). N.S., Legislative Council, Journal and proc., 1922, app.12: 9.

Robert Gray was the eldest of the four children of a blacksmith who had immigrated with his wife from Roxburghshire, Scotland, in 1853. They settled in Chatham, where William Gray established a carriage-making business. In 1883 Robert and his brother, James Scott, were taken into the business, which became William Gray and Sons. The following year the 22-year-old Robert assumed control after his father slipped while disembarking from a train in Kingston and died. He rose steadily in Chatham{apos}s business community, and became the first president of the Board of Trade. On 5 Jan. 1899 William Gray and Sons Company Limited was incorporated.

Like many carriage producers, Gray believed the advent of the automobile was the beginning of the end of carriage making, but he also saw the construction of auto bodies as an extension of the artisanal production that characterized the carriage industry. Conservatively minded, he carefully integrated auto work into his enterprise. His firm built bodies for the Still Motor Car Company of Toronto in 1899 and for the Chatham Motor Car Company from 1906. Gray{apos}s interest in automobiles and the emerging industry would be keenly shared by his son, William Murray, who motorized a buggy in his teenage years. An owner of Detroit-made Fords, Gray Sr was an original investor in the Ford Motor Company of Canada Limited in 1904. He had offered a used Ford as partial payment, but was politely turned down by Gordon Morton McGregor, the company{apos}s Canadian head, who needed cash more. Between 1906 and 1912 Gray would also make bodies for the Fords being assembled in Walkerville (Windsor); a strong booster of Chatham, he had tried to secure Ford work for other local companies, notably the foundry of McKeough and Trotter, and he was involved in bringing Chaplin Wheel, Dowsley Spring and Axle, and International Harvester to his native city. A shrewd businessman who would diversify his investments, in 1912 he discouraged his son from putting his savings of $6,250 into Ford stock, despite the substantial increase in value of his own shares.

Until 1916 Gray remained committed to developing his carriage business, of which automotive work was only one component. In 1907 he combined his sales force with that of the farm-equipment company of a partner in William Gray and Sons, Manson Campbell of Chatham, who had a strong distribution network in western Canada. A full merger on 24 Feb. 1911 created William Gray-Sons-Campbell Limited for the production of carriages, sleighs, fanning mills, cabinets, and auto bodies. William Gray and Sons would remain in business, but without the involvement of Robert{apos}s accountant brother, who died in 1911. By 1912 Gray{apos}s output had reached 15,000 wagons. When his main competitors in carriage making, Robert McLaughlin of Oshawa and James Brockett Tudhope of Orillia, expanded into making automobiles, Gray followed suit. He found an American partner to provide chassis, to beat the tariff on importing fully assembled automobiles. In October 1915 Gray and Josiah Dallas Dort, a Michigan carriage maker turned auto maker who was also president of a Canadian carriage company, created Gray-Dort Motors Limited. In the first year Gray imported fully assembled Dorts, but in 1916 he was building Gray-Dorts in Chatham. Though he ceased building carriages that year, he continued to use the Gray-Campbell network of distributors, which made his car particularly popular in Saskatchewan. Like McLaughlin, Gray was a transitional figure who had one foot planted in the old culture of carriages and personalized dealings. Known for his flexibility with customers, he once accepted a mare worth $150 as a trade-in on a Gray-Dort.

Marketed with an unassuming motto ({d-0}Own a Gray-Dort – You Will Like It{d-1}), Gray{apos}s auto became more popular in Canada than the Dort was in the United States. It was produced in various models over the years and was admired for its power, reliability, and ease of repair. Starting with a technically advanced automobile, Gray added such features as leather upholstery, a tilting steering wheel, optional wire wheels, and even a cigar lighter. The Gray-Dort sold in the mid-price range – the 1919 touring car cost $1,275, the sedan $3,000 – and followed the McLaughlin-made Buicks and Chevrolets as Ford{apos}s main rivals in the Canadian market. By 1921 he was making 8,000 cars annually and employing up to 825 people, and according to Bill Gray, then vice-president of Gray-Dort, 60 per cent of each car was being manufactured in Canada. The company boasted three plants in Chatham, factory branches across Canada, and some 400 dealers; 23,000 Gray-Dorts were made between 1916 and 1923. Though little is known of Gray{apos}s day-to-day involvement, there is some evidence that the company resisted union activity and that Gray had other corporate associations. In 1920 he became a director of the Standard Bank of Canada.

In 1922 J. D. Dort decided to get out of the business. His operating costs were higher than those of his competitors in the United States, sales were low, and producers were feeling the economic downturn. His liquidation in 1924 devastated Gray{apos}s operation. Despite the degree of Canadian manufacture, it had relied on Dort engineering and design. Like many other Canadian auto makers, Robert Gray was not the master of his own destiny. In addition, pressure from Ford and General Motors made it impossible for such small companies as Gray-Dort to continue. In 1924, with a debt of $1.2 million, it stopped making cars. By April of that year Robert Gray had left the firm, which some of its members unsuccessfully tried to keep going. Within months Bill had formed Colonial Traders Limited, to deal in automotive equipment and accessories.

Robert Gray{apos}s interests included the Presbyterian church and the Chatham Curling Club, and the family enjoyed a summer cottage on Lake Erie at Erieau. After an illness of six months, he died in 1929 at the age of 67. Although his shares in Gray-Dort and William Gray and Sons were deemed worthless at his death, these companies had been profitable in their heyday, and he was able to leave an estate valued at almost $595,000, much of it in war loans and stock in Chrysler and GM.

AO, F 149; RG 22-397, no.136-1929; RG 80-5-0-159, no.205469. Ont., Ministry of Consumer and Business Services, Companies and personal property security registration branch (Toronto), Dormant corporation files, TC 31828 (Gray-Dort Motors Limited). Globe, 1 April 1929. Automotive Industries (Philadelphia), 4 Sept. 1924: 464. Canada Gazette, 7 Jan. 1899: 1287; 25 Feb. 1911: 2798–99. Canadian annual rev., 1920: 64. R. A. Collins, A great way to go: the automobile in Canada (Toronto, 1969). D. F. Davis, {d-0}Dependent motorization: Canada and the automobile to the 1930s,{d-1} in The development of Canadian capitalism: essays in business history, ed. Douglas McCalla (Toronto, 1990), 191–218. Hugh Durnford and Glenn Baechler, Cars of Canada (Toronto, 1973). Industrial Canada (Toronto), 1911–24; May 1929: 150, 152. James Naylor, The new democracy: challenging the social order in industrial Ontario, 1914–25 (Toronto, 1991).

Nathan Green moved to London in 1842 and learned the cigar-making trade with Moses Gompers. He then left for New York in the 1850s with his brothers-in-law Solomon Henry Hart and Henry Levy. England offered few opportunities for immigrant Jews; journeying to the New World opened up better prospects. While in New York, Green worked with and befriended fellow cigar maker Samuel Gompers, a relative of Moses{apos}s and later the founder of the American Federation of Labor.

By 1859 Green was living with his wife and children in Saint John, as the second Jewish family to make this city its home. They had been preceded by Solomon Hart and his wife Alice Catharine Davis*, who had settled with their family in 1858; Henry Levy also resided in the city for a few years. Green{apos}s household in 1871 included his wife, six children, a female domestic servant, and a male apprentice. His home was imposing and had a billiard room. Until 1878 Green was one of a small Jewish community in Saint John that numbered no more than 15. In 1879 he participated in the first Rosh Hashana and Yom Kippur services held in the city. The second celebration almost did not happen: the minyan, or quorum, for public worship was ten males over the age of 13 but the community was one short until a Jewish visitor was located in a city hotel. Three years later the first Jewish wedding in the Maritime provinces was celebrated when Green{apos}s eldest son, Louis, married the Harts{s-1-unknown} daughter Elizabeth; they would become the parents of Solomon Hart Green*, a lawyer and mla in Manitoba. The first Jewish burial in Saint John had occurred in 1873 after Nathan Green and others had purchased a plot of land for a cemetery (the remains of deceased members of the community had generally been conveyed to New York for interment). The burial ground was consecrated by a rabbi from Boston. The plot retains the name Green-Hart Cemetery and is the burial ground for the original settlers and their descendants.

Green{apos}s life in Saint John revolved around the cigar-manufacturing and wholesale and retail tobacco business he had established in 1861, the largest in the city. His home and store, located on Prince William Street, were destroyed in the great fire of 20–21 June 1877 [see Sylvester Zobieski Earle*], but he was reportedly back in business within 24 hours. Advertisements for his store indicated a wide range of merchandise for which he was the exclusive distributor. Those who approached it after 1880 were greeted by a carving of a Scotsman which stood on the street outside.

The first Jew in the Maritimes to belong to the masonic order, Green was listed as a member of St John{apos}s Lodge No.2 for many years and was at his death its oldest living member. He was also a philanthropist, known especially for his assistance to the county poorhouse and to impoverished immigrants arriving in the city. He was the last Saint John resident to receive the freedom of the city before confederation. This was a privilege paid for by those who intended to conduct business there and was recorded in the city{apos}s financial accounts as a form of business taxation.

In 1888, at the age of 59, Green disposed of the stock in his tobacco shop, then located on Charlotte Street, and retired with savings of $100,000. Believing that this sum would last him for the rest of his life, he moved with his wife, his son Solomon, and his daughters Sarah and Frances to Chicago, where members of the family were already established. The Greens{s-1-unknown} son Henry (Harry) had settled there in 1885 and had established a wholesale and retail tobacco business. Their daughter Elizabeth had married a Chicago resident in 1886 and two of Green{apos}s sisters were also living in the city. Green purchased a block of houses for himself and his family; there he resided for many years, first with his wife and after her death in 1889 with one of his daughters. For a time he was associated with Harry Green and Company, in which Solomon had become a partner. Despite the distance, he maintained close ties to the Jewish community in Saint John. His son Louis, who had remained in the city, annually purchased a train ticket for his father to visit. In 1899 Nathan sponsored two small prizes for the Saint John Hebrew School. Six years earlier he had hosted a reception for the City Cornet Band of Saint John, which performed at the Columbian exposition in Chicago. Green boasted of his love of travel and made the voyage across the Atlantic more than 70 times.

Fernhill Cemetery Company (Saint John), Burial records. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1871, Saint John County (mfm. at Saint John Regional Library). Saint John Jewish Hist. Museum Arch., Corr. from Richard Berger, 21 June 1988; Green–Hart–Isaacs family tree, comp. Phyllis Green (1976); Hart–Green family tree; Hist. of Jewish businesses, Saint John City directory, 1880–1989; Shaarei Zedek Cemetery database; Joseph Tanzman, {d-0}The story of the Jewish community of Saint John, N.B.{d-1} (typescript, n.d.). Saint John Regional Library, Misc. index, SB (scrapbook) 18 (mfm.). Jewish Times (Montreal), 7 July, 22 Dec. 1899. St. John Daily Sun, 30 Sept. 1893. St. John Daily Telegraph and Morning Journal, 1 May 1871; continued as Daily Telegraph, 28 Sept. 1881, 16 Dec. 1896, and as Telegraph-Journal, 28 April 1926, 3 Feb. 1966. Saint John Globe, 11 Oct. 1882, 1903–13. Eli Boyaner, {d-0}The settlement and development of the Jewish community of Saint John,{d-1} N.B. Hist. Soc., Coll.(Saint John), no.15 (1959): 79–86. Directory, Saint John, 1865/66–89/90. Grand Lodge of the Ancient and Honorable Fraternity of Free and Accepted Masons of N.B., Proc. (Saint John), 1868–88. The Jew in Canada: a complete record of Canadian Jewry from the days of the French régime to the present time, ed. A. D. Hart (Toronto and Montreal, 1926). Marcia Koven, Weaving the past into the present: a glimpse into the 130 year history of the Saint John Jewish community (Saint John, 1989). The Lakeside annual directory of the city of Chicago (Chicago), 1888–90. Sheva Medjuck, Jews of Atlantic Canada (St John{apos}s, 1986). S. E. Rosenberg, The Jewish community in Canada (2v., Toronto and Montreal, 1970–71), 1. Vital statistics from N.B. newspapers (Johnson), 27–83.

A year after their return to North America in 1877, Charles died in Chicago. Though Hannah contemplated going back to England {d-0}to offer her widowhood . . . to God{apos}s service,{d-1} she remained with a nephew and a brother in Chicago, taking a position at the School of Decorative Art and executing embroidery and hangings for churches. She was on her way to enter the Sisters of St Mary in 1881 when, stopping in Toronto to visit her mother, she was approached about forming a sisterhood there.

After making her profession on 8 Sept. 1884 in Peekskill, Hannah founded the Sisterhood of St John the Divine in Toronto, taking up residence there at Bishop Strachan School, where her sister Rose Jane Elizabeth* was principal. In December, Hannah and Aimée Hare occupied a converted house on Robinson Street, in a receptive parish known for its high-church traditions, and began work: meals for the poor, a dispensary, Bible classes, visitations, the provision of clothing, and sewing for churches. Reaction to a Protestant sisterhood was mixed. Despite the support of Bishop Arthur Sweatman* and even the Orange order, some Anglicans found the sisters{s-1-unknown} black habits and religious practices too Catholic.

In the spring of 1885, during the North-West rebellion [see Darby Bergin*], Sweatman telegraphed Major-General John Wimburn Laurie to ask if volunteer nurses could serve. As a result of Laurie{apos}s response, requesting trained nurses under one head, the diocese directed the Reverend John Langtry to approach the Sisterhood of St John. Leaving three sisters in Toronto, Hannah, a novice (Aimée Hare), and two postulants joined three lay nurses in staffing a field hospital in Moose Jaw (Sask.), where, aided by Dr William Canniff*, they tended the wounded from Batoche and Fish Creek. For her work, Hannah received a service medal from the government.

Following their return in July, the sisters quickly set up St John{apos}s House on Euclid Avenue, the first surgical hospital for women in Toronto, and secured a staff of doctors. Over the next few years they progressed in several directions: a home for the aged (1886), an enlarged hospital and convent on Major Street (1888–89), incorporation of the order (with five sisters, 1889), a mission in Seaton Village north of Bloor Street (1890), and a system of lay associates and responsibility for Bishop Bethune College in Oshawa (1893). Though three British sisterhoods within the Church of England had established branches in Canada by 1900, the Sisters of St John remained the only Canadian order.

From the outset Hannah was insistent that they were never to beg for support, a condition that necessitated strong lay backing and periodic appeals. During her time as superior, the order was never large; the scope of their work often seemed to exceed their numbers. One result was the development of an extremely close religious community. Hannah was a pillar of strength who, though outwardly reserved, corresponded affectionately with sisters and novices when they were away. A shrewd financial administrator prone to overwork, she was compelled to take recuperative trips in 1889, 1894–95, and 1903. One of her last achievements was the opening in 1915 of a mission in the new east-end parish of All Hallows, where people were so well off, the sister-in-charge reported, {d-0}that we have to work persistently and patiently to get them to attend Church.{d-1}

In June 1916 Hannah, at age 78, resigned as superior and was succeeded by her niece Dora Lilias Grier. She died in 1921 and was buried in St James{s-1-unknown} Cemetery. Today the sisterhood is best known for its rehabilitation hospital and retreat centres.

Toronto Daily Star, 10 Feb. 1921. P. F. Anson, The call of the cloister: religious communities and kindred bodies in the Anglican communion (London, 1958). A memoir of the life and work of Hannah Grier Coome, mother-foundress of the Sisterhood of St. John the Divine, Toronto, Canada (London, 1933). Religious communities in the American Episcopal Church and in the Anglican Church of Canada (rev. ed., New York, 1956; copy in the contributor{apos}s possession). The Sisterhood of Saint John the Divine, 1884–1984 (4th revision, Willowdale [Toronto], 1984).

Early in 1850 Joseph-Dominique Guay{apos}s family became one of the first to put down roots in the Saguenay region. He was the ninth of 11 children. His father, who served as mayor of Chicoutimi from 1863 to 1870, was considered the most important businessman in the region, next to William Price*. When he died in 1880 Johnny Guay would leave his widow a fortune of nearly $100,000. Until her death in 1904, Marie-Émilie, a talented, indeed formidable businesswoman, would see to it that the family wealth increased and that her children were educated and established in life. In 1873 Joseph-Dominique enrolled in the Petit Séminaire de Chicoutimi, with the intention of following in the footsteps of his godfather Dominique Racine*, a future bishop of Chicoutimi, and teaching at the college. His academic results were apparently good, since he was awarded various honours. After completing a year of the two-year philosophy program at the Petit Séminaire de Québec in 1882–83, he began studying law in the office of his brother-in-law, Jean-Alfred Gagné, who was a lawyer in Chicoutimi and an mp. However, he abandoned his studies because of a set of circumstances related to his father{apos}s estate, his own temperament, and his personal predilection for business and journalism.

Guay championed the building of the Quebec and Lake Saint John Railway, which would reach Roberval in 1888 and Chicoutimi in 1893 [see Horace Jansen Beemer*]. He made it his mission, first in his newspaper and later in his public life, to promote agricultural and industrial progress in the Saguenay region, the two being, in his opinion, inseparable and complementary. He had shown an early interest in agriculture, attending around 1878 a lecture on the dairy industry given by Édouard-André Barnard*, who was then editor of Le Journal d{apos}agriculture (Montréal) and director of agriculture in the Department of Agriculture and Public Works. In 1887 Guay took part in the Quebec provincial exposition and won first prize in the horse category with a year-old colt.

As the operator of a farm his mother had given him and as a member of the Société d{apos}Agriculture de Chicoutimi, Guay supported the conversion of agricultural operations to dairy farming. In the spring of 1893, with the backing of Bishop Michel-Thomas Labrecque* of Chicoutimi, he encouraged the creation of a mutual fire insurance company for the farming community. He also undertook a tour to promote the establishment of agricultural clubs. In his talks he advocated the improvement of crops, animals, and buildings, and he set an example himself by becoming one of the first to own a silo in the Saguenay region. In October he went with veterinarian Joseph-Alphonse Couture – who, among other things, had founded the École Vétérinaire de Québec in 1885 – to the Columbian exposition in Chicago; while there he noted that Canadian cheese had an excellent reputation and that the British market was opening. In 1894, thanks to his network of contacts and his participation in the field, he was elected president of the Société d{apos}Agriculture de Chicoutimi for the first time. He would continue to be one of its chief architects until 1924.

In 1897 Guay worked with the Société Générale des Éleveurs d{apos}Animaux de Race Pure de la Province de Québec as president of the Canadian horse section. That year he bought his brother Victor{apos}s farm, which was one of the finest in the Saguenay region. By cultivating extensive acreage and raising a herd of 30 milk cows and a number of horses, he won a silver medal two years later at the competition for the Order of Agricultural Merit.

From 1895 to 1900 Guay was also a director of the Industrial Dairy Society of the Province of Quebec. Concerned about market standards, he persuaded cheese factory owners to upgrade their equipment and set common rules for the quality of milk as well as for the ripening and packaging of rounds of cheese. In June 1895 he accepted the presidency of a sales syndicate to export cheese directly to England, bypassing the Montreal market. Every two weeks an auction in Chicoutimi drew representatives of buyers from Montreal, Quebec, and the surrounding region. By making it possible for producers to be paid cash on delivery at the highest market price, this initiative not only helped the growth of local savings, but also led to a refrigerated warehouse being built and to the hiring of an inspector to grade the cheese. These improvements were responsible for the excellent reputation of the region{apos}s cheddar.

In 1895 Guay gained more influence over the development of the Saguenay region by running for mayor in Chicoutimi on a platform of urban modernization. He and four other fellow candidates won a crushing victory over the group running the previous administration, which had been under the thumb of Price Brothers and Company [see Sir William Price]. At the new council{apos}s first meeting, Guay was named mayor. In cooperation with the councillors, he put municipal finances in order. He undertook maintenance work on the streets, inaugurated an electrical system, and provided water service for the townspeople. Focusing on job creation and the growth of the economy, Guay sought to attract new industries by going in search of investors. One approach was to put advertisements in the province{apos}s large newspapers extolling the virtues of Chicoutimi. These measures proved unsuccessful and Guay, who was convinced that wood pulp was an {d-0}industry of the future,{d-1} destined to {d-0}revolutionize the province{d-1} because of the growing demand for paper to print mass-circulation newspapers, then decided he would work to set up a factory.

Thus in 1896 Guay and a few partners founded the Chicoutimi Pulp Company. The construction of the plant created a large work site and in July 1898 production of pulp began. The company soon made a name for itself on the British and American markets, thanks to the high quality of its machine-made pulp and the entrepreneurial spirit of its general manager, Julien-Édouard-Alfred Dubuc*. In 1898 it was cited as an example by La Semaine commerciale (Québec) for {d-0}dispelling the false claim that French Canadians are not suited for business.{d-1} Two years later it won a gold medal at the universal exposition in Paris. Ushering in the era of heavy industry in the Saguenay and Lac-Saint-Jean region, the company contributed to the area{apos}s urbanization. Not only did the population of Chicoutimi increase from 2,000 to 5,000 between 1895 and 1902, but its light industry, commerce, and institutions also experienced unprecedented growth.

In 1902, following a trip to Bermuda for health reasons, Guay resigned as mayor and he would not become involved in public affairs again until 1922. Meanwhile he worked as a journalist, writing columns on hunting and fishing for Le Progrès de Saguenay, and he looked after his mother{apos}s estate. Along with his father-in-law, he worked to organize a supply of wood for the Chicoutimi Pulp Company, of which he remained a shareholder and co-director until 1909. A large-scale landowner whose properties would be evaluated at more than $42,000 in 1914, he was also particularly involved in real estate. He presided over the operations of the Château Saguenay, a 130-room hotel he had built in Chicoutimi in 1898 in partnership with Dubuc and protonotary François-Xavier Gosselin. The building and the surrounding neighbourhood were destroyed in a fire in 1912. Guay then converted another of his properties, located in the centre of the city, into a hotel. Like a true travel agent, he offered hunting and fishing expeditions to the tourists he welcomed as guests, as well as overseas cruises on behalf of the big ocean-going ship lines. In October 1922 he was again elected mayor of Chicoutimi, but a year later he abruptly terminated his second term of office because of a lengthy illness. He died on 18 Sept. 1925 at the age of 59 years and five months.

A man of vision who focused on his own region, Joseph-Dominique Guay, throughout his life, devoted his energies to the development of the milieu he came from. Forward-looking, he used his boldness, organizational skills, and personal and family capital to ensure the Saguenay region{apos}s entry into the industrial age. Circumstances did work in his favour; his success shows nevertheless that progress does not come by itself, without action and determination.

Arch. de la Ville de Chicoutimi, Qué., Reg. des délibérations du conseil de ville, 1895–1902, 1922–25. Arch. du Séminaire de Chicoutimi, Annales du séminaire de Chicoutimi, 1866–1925. Alma mater (Chicoutimi), 1916–25. La Défense (Chicoutimi), 1898–1905. Le Journal (Chicoutimi), 1899–1902. Le Progrès du Saguenay (Chicoutimi), 1887–1925, esp. 24 sept. 1925. Le Protecteur du Saguenay (Chicoutimi), 1896–98. La Semaine commerciale (Québec), 8 avril 1898. Le Travailleur (Chicoutimi), 1905–12. Gérard Bouchard, {d-0}Élites, entrepreneurship et conflits de pouvoir au Saguenay (1890–1920),{d-1} Social Hist. (Ottawa), 60 (1997): 267–99. Directory, counties of Chicoutimi and Lac-Saint-Jean, 1927. Raymond Laliberté, {d-0}Joseph-Dominique Guay (1866–1925),{d-1} Saguenayensia (Chicoutimi), 10 (1968): 89–92.

The ancestors of Mary Ellen Gueren{apos}s father originated in France and immigrated to Ireland in the 1600s. In the 1830s Thomas came to Lower Canada from Clonbeg (Republic of Ireland) and settled in Montreal. He married Mary Maguire, also of Irish descent, in 1848. In addition to Mary Ellen, the couple had five sons, one of whom died in infancy. Initially a surveyor, Thomas became a civil engineer. In 1861, while her parents resided temporarily in Ottawa, Mary Ellen was enrolled as a student boarder at the Pensionnat Mont-Sainte-Marie established by the Congregation of Notre-Dame in Montreal. There, she pursued the French-language program in subjects such as music, art, grammar, elocution, and cooking. Little is known about her activities for a period of 20 years after she left the Pensionnat at age 17. She would later be described as having become an accomplished poet as well as the author of historical sketches of prominent women in New France, but no trace of these writings has been found. Perhaps during this time she adopted the name Bellelle Guerin, by which she would be known for the rest of her life.

In 1886 Bellelle took over the duties of raising the two young children of her brother James John Edmund after the death of his wife. The task occupied her for the next two decades. Her public career began in 1910, at age 61, with the election of James as mayor of Montreal. Bellelle acted as hostess for him, accompanied him to civic functions, and participated in such significant events as the International Eucharistic Congress, held in Montreal that year. This occasion was probably a catalytic moment for her. She was inspired by the suggestion of the visiting archbishop of Westminster, Francis Alphonsus Bourne, that she work to bring together the English-speaking Catholic women of Canada. About 1911 she published a tribute to a former mayor of Montreal, John Easton Mills, who had died in 1847 of typhus contracted while visiting the sick during an epidemic. {d-0}No greater hero is there,{d-1} she said, {d-0}than he who sacrifices his life on the altar of duty for charity{apos}s sweet sake!{d-1} Her words presaged the motivating principle – the dedication of oneself to the welfare of others – that would soon mark the achievements for which she is best known.

By 1917 Bellelle had become president of the Catholic Women{apos}s Club, formerly the Ladies of Loyola Club. That June she wrote to Montreal{apos}s Roman Catholic archbishop, Paul Bruchési*, requesting his blessing for the formation of another Catholic women{apos}s group, a local chapter of the Catholic Women{apos}s League, an organization which already existed in Edmonton [see Katherine Angelina Hughes], Boston, Chicago, and London, England. The Montreal CWL, Bellelle said, was meant to follow the model encouraged in England by Bourne and to unite English-speaking Catholic women for the purpose of {d-0}counsel, philanthropy and educational work in accordance with Catholic principles.{d-1} Bruchési gave his {d-0}hearty approval,{d-1} at the same time reminding Bellelle that {d-0}the French-speaking ladies of Montreal have a society with aims similar to the one you have in view, and which is known as the Fédération Nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste [see Marie Lacoste*].{d-1} In November 1917 she called a meeting at which the Montreal branch of the CWL was founded, with herself as first president.

For the next three years Bellelle presided over the Montreal branch, which by 1920 would grow to 440 members. The league was organized into various departments: art and literature, civics and education, current events, home economics, music, the Loyola Convalescent Home (opened in 1914 by the Ladies of Loyola Club), the Community House, and the junior branch. At weekly afternoon meetings speakers addressed the women on such topics as {d-0}Canada{apos}s contribution to modern art,{d-1} {d-0}Catholic women and the vote,{d-1} and {d-0}Homemaking as a profession.{d-1} Departments presented reports, the most crucial being that of the Loyola Convalescent Home, which in 1920–21 provided care for 125 patients at a daily cost of $1.10 per patient.

While the CWL continued to grow, Bellelle had been active in other organizations, particularly those connected with the war effort. She was the English-language editor of the bilingual L{apos}Aide à la France (Montréal), published in 1918 to raise funds for soldiers and refugees in France and Belgium. In addition she worked with the Canadian Red Cross Society and the Canadian Patriotic Fund.

In June 1920, at Bellelle{apos}s instigation, a meeting was called in Montreal to consider the unification of branches of the CWL, which by then existed in most major cities across Canada. She was elected first dominion president of the national federation, the Catholic Women{apos}s League of Canada. The following year at the first national convention, held in Toronto, she expressed her belief in the future of the organization. {d-0}We may be said to be laying the cornerstone of an edifice that will arise fair and beautiful, strong and proud before the eyes of the world.{d-1}

During her tenure as national president Bellelle saw the CWL become an important force for the integration of Catholic immigrants into the community, as well as an advocate for legislation affecting women, such as minimum wage acts and the Mothers{s-1-unknown} Allowance Act of Ontario. She promoted what she termed {d-0}Catholic feminism,{d-1} which, according to her, called for a woman {d-0}to direct thought, to guard morals, and to carry her influence into the scale of justice whenever righteousness demands.{d-1} Sometime after 1921 she changed the league{apos}s motto from Laborare est orare ({d-0}To labour is to pray{d-1}) to the more inclusive and patriotic {d-0}For God and Canada.{d-1} She also wrote English lyrics to {d-0}O Canada,{d-1} composed in 1880 by Calixa Lavallée* with French lyrics by Adolphe-Basile Routhier*. As she later explained, {d-0}It was my earnest desire that we should all hear the same words, the same sentiments as well as the same beautiful melody as our French Canadian fellow citizens.{d-1} Adopted by all league subdivisions and sung at the close of meetings, these lyrics were accepted by the Catholic committee of the Council of Public Instruction of the Province of Quebec in 1924, but they would not replace the more widely used version published by Robert Stanley Weir in 1908.

Bellelle{apos}s role in the CWL was recognized in 1922 at a meeting of the International Union of Catholic Women{apos}s Leagues in Rome, when she became the first woman in Canada to receive La Croce Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice from the papacy. She was also favoured with a letter praising her good works and with an apostolic benediction from the Vatican. By 1923 the national membership of the CWL had grown to 50,000. At the annual convention held in Halifax, Bellelle was made honorary president for life and Frances Lovering [Mahony] was elected president.

ANQ-M, CE601-S51, 7 nov. 1848, 30 sept. 1849. Arch. de la Chancellerie de l{apos}Archevêché de Montréal, 773.115 (Catholic Women{apos}s League of Canada/Plan national – Corr. générale, 1893–1925). Arch. de la Congrégation de Notre-Dame (Montréal), 312.560 (Mont-Sainte-Marie), nos.008, 161, 178–79, 257, 267. TRL, SC, Biog. files, vol.16: 719–21. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). {d-0}Except the Lord build the house . . .{d-1}: a history of the Catholic Women{apos}s League of Canada, 1920–1990, comp. V. J. Fall (Winnipeg, 1990). J. Hamelin et al., La presse québécoise, vol.5. Ross Hamilton, Prominent men of Canada, 1931–32 (Montreal, [1932?]). [D.-A. Lemire-Marsolais, dite Sainte-Henriette, et] Thérèse Lambert, dite Sainte-Marie-Médiatrice, Histoire de la Congrégation de Notre-Dame (11v. en 13 parus, Montréal, 1941–?), 10. Sheila Ross, {d-0}{s-0}For God and Canada{s-1-unknown}: the early years of the Catholic Women{apos}s League in Alberta,{d-1} CCHA, Hist. studies, 62 (1996): 98–108. Women of Canada (Montreal, 1930).

Born in the Savoie region of southern France, Guichon left at the age of 14 for Paris, where he worked for a vintner or distiller. In 1862 he followed his brothers Charles, Laurent, and Pierre to the Cariboo goldfields of British Columbia via London, Liverpool, New York, Panama, and San Francisco. Travelling on a freighter carrying pioneers and sheep, he made his way from California to Portland, Oreg., and thence to the crown colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia, which he reached in March 1864. He hiked from the Fraser valley to Barkerville [see William Barker*], where he teamed up with three other prospectors. Despite a few lucrative strikes, Guichon{apos}s mining experience was a failure. He wintered in Victoria and returned to the interior in 1865, finding employment on the Ashcroft ranch managed by Charles Augustus Semlin and with a nearby Basque rancher named Minabarriet. The next year he hired on with Jean Caux, known as Cataline, the French packer who provisioned the goldfields using the old Hudson{apos}s Bay Company brigade trails.

It was while wintering horses in the Nicola valley in 1866–67 that Guichon first became aware of the ranching potential of the district. His own small herd thrived on a homestead he obtained in the area of Savona{apos}s Ferry (Savona) in 1868. He subsequently took up land at Mamit Lake to the south where, along with his brother Laurent and a small number of francophones from both Quebec and France, he began to develop a farm. In the autumn of 1877 the geologist George Mercer Dawson* found Guichon growing {d-0}grain of all Sorts & potatoes with success,{d-1} despite the high elevation. Around 1878 Laurent and Joseph relocated to Chapperon Lake, some 25 miles to the southeast, establishing their base of operations at the Home Ranch. Throughout the decade they each acquired additional properties in the valley.

Within a few years the Guichon ranch became centred to the east of Nicola Lake, on Lot 105 of Township 97 (which was surveyed in 1881 and where Joseph and his family moved in 1882). Its history was one of almost perpetual expansion, though not as rapid or as great as that of the DLCC. One of the first properties acquired by the syndicate that would become the DLCC was the Guichons{s-1-unknown} Chapperon ranch in 1883. The brothers divided the spoils so that Joseph retained some 1,400 head of livestock while Laurent retired to the coast with the cash proceeds. Joseph Guichon{apos}s headstart in ranching allowed him to take advantage before 1885 of the food demands of the construction crews on the Canadian Pacific Railway. His ranch was roughly equidistant from the divisional points at Kamloops to the north and Spences Bridge to the west. After 1885 he marketed his cattle mainly in the burgeoning town of Kamloops. Guichon{apos}s relationship with the DLCC was sometimes uneasy. Suffering from a lung ailment in the 1880s, he sought a cure in San Francisco; when he returned a short time later he found his 320 acres at nearby White Lake completely surrounded by the DLCC{apos}s new holdings. Not to be entirely outdone, Guichon gradually increased his own holdings in the Nicola valley and obtained leases to huge tracts of crown land. He expanded his spread to the north in the 1890s, acquired the Quilchena Ranch, hotel, and general store from Edward O{apos}Rourke in 1904, and bought the Triangle Ranch in 1911 with $40,000 loaned to him by Joseph Blackbourne Greaves of the DLCC. By the time of his death the Guichon lands included nearly 40,000 acres of deeded land in addition to leases on over half a million acres of crown land.

Guichon retired in 1918, dividing his holdings among his seven children (according to French custom). Josephine and Joseph moved briefly to California before returning to British Columbia in 1919. Guichon died in Vancouver on 30 April 1921. Never at the centre of economic or political power, he had had close links to one of the largest agricultural businesses in North America (the DLCC) and connections with two provincial premiers (in addition to Semlin, he knew the family of George Anthony Walkem*). The lasting grandeur of his Quilchena operations is testimony to his personal ambition. The family name survives in the Gerard Guichon Ranch Limited and on the local map at Little Guichon Field, Mount Guichon, and the enormous, mineral-rich Guichon Batholith; Guichon Creek flows through what is idyllically known as {d-0}the Valley of Guichon.{d-1}

Kamloops Museum and Arch. (Kamloops, B.C.), Vertical files, Guichon, Dr L. P. Inland Sentinel (Kamloops), 20 Jan. 1881, 15 April 1963. H. S. Cleasby, The Nicola valley in review ([Merritt, B.C., 1958]). G. M. Dawson, The journals of George M. Dawson: British Columbia, 1875–1878, ed. Douglas Cole and Bradley Lockner (2v., Vancouver, 1989), 2. Sandra Klein and Gerard Guichon, {d-0}The Guichon family,{d-1} Nicola Valley Hist. Quarterly (Merritt), 11 (1993–94), no.1: 3–12. Landmarks and branding irons: a guide to some historical ranches in the Nicola valley of British Columbia (n.p., [1988?]). Nicola Valley Arch. Assoc., Merritt & the Nicola valley: an illustrated history (Merritt, 1989). N. G. Woolliams, Cattle ranch: the story of the Douglas Lake Cattle Company (Vancouver, 1979).

Educated at Shrewsbury School, King{apos}s College, Cambridge, and the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, Willoughby Gwatkin was commissioned in the Manchester Regiment in 1882. He served as adjutant of his battalion from 1888 to 1892, was promoted captain in 1890, and passed the Staff College, Camberley, in 1895. In March 1899, after a short period on the staff in Egypt, he went to the War Office, where he served for a time in Colonel Percy Henry Noel Lake*{apos}s celebrated mobilization section. In 1900 he became a major. On 31 Oct. 1903 he returned to regimental service in South Africa, a vital experience for an ambitious officer.

In 1905 Lake, now chief of the general staff (CGS) in Canada, summoned Gwatkin as director of operations and staff duties to develop plans and procedures for a militia that was becoming an army [see Sir Frederick William Borden*]. The following year Gwatkin brought over 250 disbanded veterans from his old regiment as volunteers for Canada{apos}s expanding Permanent Force. He remained Lake{apos}s right-hand man until 20 Oct. 1909. He then went back to England with the rank of colonel to serve as general staff officer, 1st grade, at Eastern Command.

In the summer of 1911 Gwatkin returned to Ottawa as general staff officer, mobilization. Though he believed that war with the United States was {d-0}very remote,{d-1} he developed a plan that expanded militia strength in the vulnerable Canadian west. A European war was more likely, and Gwatkin prepared a proposal for an infantry division and a mounted brigade to serve in {d-0}a civilized country with a temperate climate.{d-1} He also pressed discreetly for an interdepartmental committee to coordinate war planning. The committee, headed by Sir Joseph Pope, would barely complete Canada{apos}s War Book by the summer of 1914.

The Conservative victory in the federal election of 1911 gave Gwatkin a new political master, Colonel Samuel Hughes, a militia officer with a pronounced distaste for British officers and regular soldiers. By the summer of 1913 Gwatkin{apos}s superior, Major-General Colin John Mackenzie, had fallen victim to Hughes. When the War Office tried to negotiate better terms for a successor, on 1 Nov. 1913 Hughes simply promoted Gwatkin. For fear of losing any rational influence in the Department of Militia and Defence, Gwatkin determined to get along with Hughes. More peremptory decisions by the minister soon followed. On the outbreak of war in August 1914, Hughes scrapped Gwatkin{apos}s mobilization plan, summoned volunteers to Valcartier, Que., and proceeded to organize his own contingent, choosing officers, organizing units, and making all the decisions himself. Then he left for London to demand the right to command Canadians in the field. In his absence Gwatkin managed to use his plan to organize a second contingent for the Canadian Expeditionary Force.

Gwatkin appealed to be allowed to rejoin the British army; the War Office promoted him major-general (26 Feb. 1916) and left him in Ottawa. By working incredible hours Gwatkin kept militia headquarters functioning. His increasingly erratic minister was a bigger strain. Could military schools be reserved for would-be CEF officers? No, declared Hughes, everyone who applied must be trained. Hughes insisted on naming colonels and creating new battalions, a procedure that brought quick results but ultimately wasted men, money, and morale. Though responsible for recruiting and training hundreds of thousands of men, Gwatkin was kept in ignorance of overseas tactics and techniques. His wisest advice was that Canada{apos}s manpower commitments reflect the availability of volunteers – two or three divisions. Hughes insisted that Canadians would fill six or even eight divisions.

During the war Gwatkin had opposed a separate Canadian air force, but his encyclopedic mind foresaw the problems and possibilities of post-war aviation. Mindful of his ideas and his weariness, and having the CEF{apos}s leaders to employ, the government appointed him air vice-marshal and inspector-general of the Canadian Air Force. Gwatkin saw the impossibility of maintaining a real air force on a part-time {d-0}militia{d-1} basis, as the government proposed, and understood the potential of aviation as a servant of many branches of government. His prestige won the infant CAF its own ranks and uniforms. He joined Sir Arthur William Currie*, the inspector-general of the militia, Major-General James Howden MacBrien*, his successor as CGS, and Sir Eugène Fiset*, the deputy minister of militia, in successfully urging that all of Canada{apos}s defence services be united in a single department of national defence. At the same time he fought the army to give the CAF the same independence as the post-war Royal Air Force had in Britain. As a final service to Canada, Gwatkin brought his knowledge of heraldry to the committee that designed the new Arms of Canada in 1919–20.

After his retirement in 1922 Gwatkin stayed on in Ottawa, intending to divide his time between Canada and England. He went back to London in the summer of 1924 when he was made colonel of his old regiment, but his friends there knew he was failing and they were not surprised that he died at St John{apos}s Hospital in Twickenham after being admitted for sciatica. His long wartime hours of work, often while he was suffering severe stomach pains, had shortened his life.

Outside Ottawa{apos}s narrow official circles, few knew Gwatkin. Those who recalled him, as did Charles Hamilton, remembered {d-0}a man of unusual cultivation and of wide intellectual interests,{d-1} whose writing extended to Canadian ornithology, traces of the Basques in Canada, and anonymous contributions of Latin and macaronic verse to scholarly journals. Gwatkin{apos}s judgements, sometimes brutal, often shrewd, were rendered with a rare brevity and precision. In a city of myopic politics, he saw farther than most.

Erindale College, Univ. of Toronto (Mississauga, Ont.), Desmond Morton, Canadian Expeditionary Force research files, Donald MacKinnon papers, MacKinnon to parents, 14 Oct. 1915. Gazette (Montreal), 25 March 1922. Times (London), 27 June 1888, 4 Feb. 1925. Cyclopædia of Canadian biog. (Rose and Charlesworth), vol.3. G.B., War Office, The monthly army list (London), 1900–5. C. F. Hamilton, {d-0}Lieut.-General Sir Willoughby Gwatkin: an appreciation,{d-1} Canadian Defence Quarterly (Ottawa), 2 (1924–25): 226–30. S. J. Harris, Canadian brass: the making of a professional army, 1860–1939 (Toronto, 1988). R. G. Haycock, Sam Hughes: the public career of a controversial Canadian, 1885–1916 (Waterloo, Ont., 1986). Desmond Morton, A peculiar kind of politics: Canada{apos}s overseas ministry in the First World War (Toronto, 1982); When your number{apos}s up: the Canadian soldier in the First World War (Toronto, 1993). Nicholson, CEF. The official history of the Royal Canadian Air Force (3v. to date, [Toronto and Ottawa], 1980– ), 2 (W. A. B. Douglas, The creation of a national air force, 1986).

Although he was not an ordained rabbi, Halpern was highly learned in Jewish law and became the shochet (ritual slaughterer) for the Galician Jewish community in the city. Almost immediately upon his arrival, he had been among the founders of the Galician synagogue, Shomrai Shabboth. The congregation met first in a room on Richmond Street, then on Queen Street, and finally, in 1899, on Chestnut Street in St John{apos}s Ward, where the Halperns lived. Isaac acted as their spiritual leader until the arrival from Romania in 1901 of the Galician-born Joseph Weinreb, the first eastern European rabbi to serve in Toronto. Halpern was especially popular because he undertook to be the East Europeans{s-1-unknown} spokesman whenever the acculturated English Jews of Holy Blossom Temple became patronizing or attempted to speak for them. When the Duke and Duchess of Cornwall visited Toronto in 1901, he was a representative of the Jewish community at the formal greeting ceremony.

After 1901 Halpern appears to have given up his work as a butcher to focus on rabbinical duties at the Chestnut Street Synagogue as well as at the Polish Jewish synagogue on nearby Elm Street. Religious and ethnic tensions existed among Toronto{apos}s Galician, Polish, Russian, and Lithuanian Jews; in 1906 the Galician congregation itself split over differing religious practices, largely according to place of origin in Galicia. The division even occasioned a riot. Halpern stayed with the congregation on Chestnut Street.

Isaac Halpern died of heart disease in July 1922 and was buried in the Jones Avenue Cemetery. The Toronto Daily Star described his passing as {d-0}a great loss to the Jewish community.{d-1}

George Ham was the son of a country doctor of United Empire Loyalist stock who gave up his medical practice to study law. In 1851 the Hams took up residence in Whitby, where George attended the Henry Street School and then the Whitby Grammar School. Dr Ham wanted his son to become a lawyer, but George baulked at the idea because, in his words, few of the lawyers he knew {d-0}had achieved high distinction and greatly accumulated wealth.{d-1} Instead, he took up journalism, obtaining his first employment at the Whitby Chronicle in 1865. As a reporter, he showed considerable enterprise and talent. Failing health, however, prompted him to try his hand at a variety of other pursuits, one of which involved a stint as a sailor on schooners operated by his father-in-law in the early 1870s. In this, as in other lines of work, the gregarious Ham did not find what he was seeking. Nevertheless, the wide experience that he acquired would prove an invaluable asset.

After working briefly for newspapers in Guelph and Uxbridge and serving as a correspondent for the Toronto press, Ham set off in May 1875 for Winnipeg. There he obtained a job at the Manitoba Free Press as a compositor and began to write unsigned humorous articles. These attracted the attention of the paper{apos}s editor, William Fisher Luxton*, who, on learning the author{apos}s identity, promoted Ham to the editorial department. Ham soon rose to become city editor.

In late October 1879 Ham launched his own paper, the Winnipeg Daily Tribune. When it amalgamated a few months later with the Daily Times, another Winnipeg paper, he became managing editor of the joint publication. Ill health forced him to leave regular newspaper work in 1882 and to take up the less demanding occupation of registrar of deeds for Selkirk. He served in this capacity until about 1885. That year he acted as war correspondent for the Toronto Daily Mail during the North-West rebellion [see Louis Riel*]. Since he was invariably the first reporter to file his copy, his articles were the most widely quoted of any that originated from the front. In 1886 he was admitted to the Parliamentary Press Gallery in Ottawa as correspondent for the Daily Times. When parliament was in session, he would regularly attend the gallery{apos}s Saturday night banquets until their discontinuance in 1914. For 16 years he would sit beside Sir Wilfrid Laurier*, who became a great friend and admirer.

A pillar of the Winnipeg community, Ham had been elected to Winnipeg City Council as alderman for Ward 1 in 1883, 1884, and 1887. During the 1880s he also served as a school trustee and for some time between 1883 and 1885 as a commissioner under the McCarthy Act, the federal liquor licensing act. In 1888 Ham wrote and published his first book, The new west, a description of the region{apos}s potential. It and two subsequent works – The flitting of the gods (1906) and Reminiscences of a raconteur (1921) – are notable for the glimpses that they provide of his wit and philosophy.

It was not until he joined the Canadian Pacific Railway, however, that Ham found his true calling, that of {d-0}Ambassador-At-Large,{d-1} one of several unofficial titles by which he became known. He was lured away from Winnipeg and his job with the Manitoba Free Press, which he had taken on in the late 1880s, by CPR president William Cornelius Van Horne*. On meeting Ham in July 1891, Van Horne hired him on the spot as a general passenger agent, to be based at CPR headquarters in Montreal. Two years later Ham was assigned the newly minted position of journalist – the inception of what would become known as the Canadian Pacific Press Bureau.

In his work for the CPR, Ham accompanied parties of newspaper reporters and other excursions across Canada, entertained special guests, spoke at public functions, and represented the company at expositions and fairs. He was particularly adept at the promotion of tourism and he became one of the most popular and best-known men in Canada. In 1904 he was elected honorary president of the newly founded Canadian Women{apos}s Press Club after he had arranged for the CPR to provide free transportation to 16 Canadian women journalists attending the Louisiana Purchase exposition. In later years he would quip that his job kept him {d-0}in umbrellas and valises [gifts from the groups he escorted].{d-1} He continued to fill publicity positions at the CPR{apos}s Montreal headquarters until 1913, when he was appointed special assistant to the president, acting as a lobbyist for the CPR. He remained with the railway until his death in 1926.

George Henry Ham is the author of: The new west: extending from the Great Lakes across plain and mountain to the golden shores of the Pacific: wealth and growth, manufacturing and commercial interests, historical, statistical, biographical (Winnipeg, 1888); Our western heritage ([Toronto, 1895?]); The flitting of the gods: an authentic account of the great trek from Mount Olympus to the Canadian Rockies ([Toronto?], 1906); All{apos}s well, no blue ruin (Montreal, [1914?]); Reminiscences of a raconteur, between the {s-0}40s and the {s-0}20s (Toronto, [1921]); and The miracle man of Montreal [biography of Alfred Bessette, named Brother André] (Toronto, 1922).

AO, RG 22-264, no.376; RG 80-5-18, 17: 111. Canadian Pacific Arch. (Montreal), Newton MacTavish, {d-0}George Ham: sketch of a gentleman on whom the sun never sets{d-1} (typescript). Gazette (Montreal), 16, 19 April 1926. Manitoba Free Press, 17 April 1926. Montreal Daily Star, 16 April 1926. Vancouver Daily Province, 18 April 1926. Canadian Railway and Marine World (Toronto), May 1926. E. J. Hart, {d-0}See this world before the next,{d-1} in The CPR west: the iron road and the making of a nation, ed. Hugh Dempsey (Vancouver and Toronto, 1984), 151–69; The selling of Canada: the CPR and the beginnings of Canadian tourism (Banff, Alta, 1983). Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell).

In 1894 and 1895 Hamilton served a Congregational church in Forest. Probably in the mid 1890s he undertook postgraduate studies in Christian sociology at the Chicago Theological Seminary with Graham Taylor. Under Taylor{apos}s tutelage he also did social settlement work. He then took up pastorates in Pointe-Saint-Charles (Montreal) (1898–1902) and London, Ont., at First Congregational Church (1902–8). He was particularly successful in London, where he developed a strong congregation. He became a member of the school board, served for four years as president of the London Temperance League, and was a councillor in the Royal Templars of Temperance. As a member of the local Charities Organization Board, he tried to develop an awareness among the public of its obligations toward the needy, but he did perhaps his best work as a member of the board of the Children{apos}s Aid Society.

In 1911 Hamilton was appointed inspector of foster homes by Felix John Billiarde, the provincial superintendent of neglected and dependent children. Manitoba{apos}s initial child welfare legislation, the Children{apos}s Protection Act of 1898, had been established to protect children from abusive or incompetent parents and to keep society safe from delinquents. To the private orphanages and children{apos}s homes already existing the act had added the ostensibly private Children{apos}s Aid societies and a part-time, government-appointed superintendent, who provided services for children in regions not covered by these organizations. Billiarde, the first full-time superintendent, had been appointed early in 1908 in anticipation of the Juvenile Delinquents Act of that year; when the juvenile court was established, he was also made chief probation officer and he occasionally acted as judge. In 1910 he had been given powers to advise and supervise the Children{apos}s Aid societies and in 1912 he was authorized to oversee orphans{s-1-unknown} homes and asylums. Hamilton had been appointed to assist the overburdened superintendent. According to Billiarde, Hamilton{apos}s job required {d-0}a very large measure of discrimination and tact.{d-1} The superintendent later reported that in selecting and visiting foster homes across the province, Hamilton travelled over 10,700 miles per year.

Hamilton succeeded Billiarde as superintendent in 1919. He made few changes in his predecessor{apos}s programs. The number of rural cases he investigated remained relatively constant (212 in 1921–22, 182 in 1922–23, and 232 in 1923–24) and the number of children brought into care increased (63, 92, and 93 respectively). The majority of these children were placed with Children{apos}s Aid societies; the rest were sent to various institutions. In addition he dealt with cases requiring the cooperation of other government bodies, oversaw relations with other child-care agencies, mediated disputes between agencies and vetted the quality of their work, investigated applications for adoption, assisted the general public, promoted the work of his office, collected statistics, and reported on all of the above to the government. Although he continued to hold the title of inspector, he gave no indication of visiting institutions or foster homes. He counted on public-spirited individuals to inform his office of any problems and sought to cultivate the recognition of local responsibility with regard to the needy.

The superintendent also had responsibilities under the Juvenile Delinquents Act, including occasionally acting as judge, cooperating with the chief school attendance officer, and helping to find employment for boys. In keeping with modern methods of juvenile work, Hamilton sought to {d-0}conserve rather than disrupt homes, and to reduce rather than increase institutional care,{d-1} placing as many children as possible on probation rather than in jail.

In 1924 the government of John Bracken* proclaimed the Child Welfare Act. The original intention of the act, passed by the government of Tobias Crawford Norris* in 1922, had been to create a central department of public welfare coordinating all work in the province. The legislation, once amended and implemented under an economical government, combined the administration of child welfare with that of mothers{s-1-unknown} allowances and relegated child welfare programs to a position of secondary importance. Moreover, when the child welfare division of the new department was created in 1924, the former secretary of the Mothers{s-1-unknown} Allowance Commission, Alfred Percy Paget, was appointed director and Hamilton was given the subordinate position of chief inspector. He retired the following year.

Elected president of the Social Workers{s-1-unknown} Welfare Club of Winnipeg in 1925, Hamilton passed away in 1929 after an illness of three years. He was survived by his wife and son.

During Daniel Salmon Hamilton{apos}s years of service, responsibility for the care of neglected children had continued to be gradually shifted from private charity to the provincial government. Much of the impetus for the transition came from government legislation, but some may be attributed to the work and enthusiasm of the first two superintendents. Hamilton had followed the pattern set down by his predecessor and extended his influence. Although he frequently lacked resources and the legislation under which he operated was not always adequate to meet the needs of the population, he had nonetheless helped to lay the foundations of the modern child welfare system in Manitoba.

AO, RG 80-5-0-416, no.15348. Winnipeg Tribune, 2, 23 June 1910; 23 April 1929. Conference of the Joint Committee on Church Union, Proceedings of the second conference . . . together with the reports of the sub-committees as adopted by the joint committee (Toronto, 1906). {d-0}The Congregational churches of Canada: a statistical and historical summary,{d-1} comp. Douglas Walkington (mimeograph, [Toronto], 1979; copy at UCC-C). Directories, London, Ont., 1902, 1908; Montreal, 1900–10. L. F. Hurl, {d-0}An analysis of social welfare policy: a case study of the development of child welfare policies and programmes in Manitoba, 1870–1924{d-1} (msw thesis, Univ. of Man., Winnipeg, 1981); {d-0}The politics of child welfare in Manitoba, 1922–1924,{d-1} Manitoba Hist. (Winnipeg), no.7 (spring 1984): 2–9. McGill Univ., Annual calendar (Montreal), 1889–92. Man., Dept. of Education, Annual report (Winnipeg), 1913–25. Pioneers and prominent people of Manitoba, ed. Walter McRaye (Winnipeg, 1925). P. T. Rooke and R. L. Schnell, Discarding the asylum: from child rescue to the welfare state in English Canada (1800–1950) (Lanham, Md, 1983). F. H. Schofield, The story of Manitoba (3v., Winnipeg, 1913). UCC, Conference of Manitoba, Minutes (n.p.), 1929.

J. W. Harris{apos}s parents, John Harris and Jane Jones, were of Irish and Welsh descent respectively and were early settlers in Oxford Township, Upper Canada. After studies in civil engineering and surveying in Toronto, Harris secured his land surveyor{apos}s commission in 1866. He subsequently taught elementary school in Illinois and Iowa from 1868 to 1871. While in Iowa he obtained a first-grade teaching certificate and introduced a method of arithmetic he had devised known as the Lightning Calculator. During 1871–72 he was an investor in and operator of a lumber mill at Batchawana Bay, Ont., on the north shore of Lake Superior.

Harris{apos}s association with the city of Winnipeg began on 10 Feb. 1879 when he was hired to prepare the annual tax assessment and collection rolls. He kept the job in 1880, lost it the next year after seeking a salary increase, but was rehired in early 1882 when two additional assessors were also appointed. From 18 Dec. 1882 to his retirement on 30 April 1916 he held the posts of assessment commissioner and city surveyor.

During Harris{apos}s tenure, the value of land, buildings, and other property multiplied many times over as Winnipeg grew in size and wealth. The responsibilities and resources of his office likewise expanded. Between 1893 and 1910 he implemented major changes in methods of assessing businesses. He also organized special block surveys in the early 1890s to ensure that the city{apos}s future development would be orderly and free of the errors that had caused so many property disputes in the past. He took every opportunity to consult with officials in eastern Canada and the United States on assessment matters, attended international conferences on taxation, and presented papers. Over time, he became a source of advice for others in the fields of assessment and urban planning.

Harris retained a private surveying practice into the early 1900s and actively furthered the profession{apos}s development. He was among the 11 surveyors who met in Winnipeg on 24 April 1874 to organize a provincial association, the first in Canada. The group was unable to gain legislative recognition in 1875, but a renewed effort in 1880–81 was successful. Harris was secretary of the Association of Provincial Land Surveyors from 1881 to early 1904 and its president in 1907 and 1916. He also was involved for more than 20 years on its board of examiners.

Harris{apos}s retirement from the city did not inaugurate a period of leisure. Instead, he plunged into the preparation of a manuscript on abbreviated methods of arithmetic, which he published in 1919. As part of his pension agreement with the city, he served on the Board of Valuation and Revision into the 1920s. He continued to participate in municipal tax reform and urban planning. He also managed his many investments and organized a library at the masonic temple.

Harris was physically imposing in presence, firm in his principles, demanding of himself and others, and always open to new ideas and challenges. His career and his business and personal relations had their share of controversy. He nonetheless garnered public praise and honours for his contributions to his profession and his community, including his formative role in the development of Winnipeg{apos}s civic administration.

AM, GR 393, I-2-6-17, file 17379; GR 549A, G4339, Y17: ff.526–27; MG 11, A20; MG 14, C74. City of Winnipeg, Arch. and records control branch, City Council, minutes, 1878–1911, 1914–16. Manitoba Free Press, 6, 14 May 1875; 28 Dec. 1878; 11, 13 Feb. 1879; 11, 25 Jan., 1–3, 15 Feb., 26 May, 23 June, 6 Sept., 6–7, 13 Dec. 1881; 24, 26, 31 Jan., 1, 14 Feb., 7 Nov., 19 Dec. 1882; 13 Dec. 1892; 15 Feb. 1902; 11, 13 Feb. 1908; 14, 16 Oct. 1915; 20, 25 Jan. 1916; 18 April, 5–14 Nov. 1917; 21, 23 Dec. 1918; 28 June 1919; 17 June 1921; 22, 24 March 1926. Edith Paterson, {d-0}The diary of J. W. Harris,{d-1} Winnipeg Free Press, 1, 8 March 1969, Leisure Magazine; {d-0}J. W. Harris – land surveyor,{d-1} Winnipeg Free Press, 22 Feb. 1969, Leisure Magazine. Winnipeg Tribune, 23 Aug. 1910; 13–14, 19 Oct. 1915; 20, 26 Dec. 1918; 21 June 1919; 16 June 1921; 22, 24 March 1926. George Bryce, A history of Manitoba; its resources and people (Toronto and Montreal, 1906). {d-0}J. W. Harris, m.l.s., d.l.s,{d-1} Canadian Surveyor (Ottawa), 2 (1925–28), no.4: 15.

In common with many boys of his age and social class in 19th-century Newfoundland, Samuel Harris received only the rudiments of an education before going to sea. At age 10 he boarded the Billow, a coaster engaged in the cod fishery belonging to his half-brother Morgan Foote. By age 22 he was captain of another of Foote{apos}s vessels, the Jennie S. Foote, a command he held for most of the 1870s.

By 1881 Harris had acquired fishing schooners of his own: the Kitchener and the George C. Harris. In the latter vessel he sailed in 1881 to the offshore banks, where foreign fleets had been operating for some time, and thus, it is claimed, ushered in the modern Newfoundland bank fishery. The venture proved to be lucrative, and the fishery soon expanded to include other vessel owners from Grand Bank and communities along Newfoundland{apos}s south coast.

Harris acquired additional ships, vastly increasing the amount of cod he could catch, cure, and export. He was also able to eliminate the St John{apos}s merchants, who usually bought the fish caught by outport fishermen. His ships returned from Europe and the West Indies with the holds full of salt for the next season, which further enlarged profit margins and reduced expenses. Many of these ships were tern (three-masted) schooners, built in Grand Bank especially for the deep-sea fishery. Harris owned and operated more than 60 schooners in the years between 1881 and 1926, 14 of which, in a grand show of patriotic fervour, were named for World War I military heroes.

The end of the war brought a downturn in European markets. This, coupled with over-expansion during the war years, declining revenue (that Harris claimed was a direct consequence of new regulations governing the fishery introduced in 1920 by William Ford Coaker*, Newfoundland{apos}s minister of marine and fisheries), and the loss of at least eight schooners between 1919 and 1922, led to the company being placed in receivership in 1922 and declared bankrupt in 1923. It was taken over by a consortium of creditors, headed by the Bank of Nova Scotia, which restructured the firm as Samuel Harris Export Company Limited, with Harris as president and his son-in-law Percy Lee Carr as managing director.

A well-respected and influential figure in Grand Bank, Harris served for many years on its Board of Works, established in 1879 to direct improvements to the harbour. He gave liberally to the Methodist church, in both time and money, donating, for example, a large clock for the church{apos}s bell tower. He was committed to education, working hard to ensure that there were always teachers available for the community{apos}s school. Through the efforts of his first wife, Mary, who apparently originated the idea, he provided much of the money needed for the construction of Grand Bank{apos}s first hospital in 1900.

Samuel Harris was a generous community leader and benefactor, an astute businessman, and an advocate of hard work whose ability, industry, and sense of fair play were known throughout the island. He is recognized as the founder of the modern Newfoundland bank fishery, the economic mainstay of many of the island{apos}s fishing communities for the first half of the 20th century.

PANL, Parish records coll., Grand Bank Methodist Church (Grand Bank, Nfld), RBMB (photocopies). A. F. Buffett, {d-0}Grand Bank,{d-1} Daily News (St John{apos}s), 23 June 1941. Evening Telegram (St John{apos}s), 22 April 1926. Bert Riggs, {d-0}Bound down from Grand Bank: Samuel Harris earned his nickname as the Father of the Bank Fishery,{d-1} Telegram (St John{apos}s), 20 April 1999: 9. J. A. H. Carr, {d-0}Genealogical histories: the Samuel Harris family and the Percy Lee Carr family of Grand Bank, Newfoundland{d-1} (typescript, 1996; copy in the author{apos}s possession). Garfield Fizzard, Unto the sea: a history of Grand Bank ([Grand Bank], 1989). Charles Lench, {d-0}Grand Bank: an interesting outport,{d-1} Newfoundland Quarterly (St John{apos}s), 12 (1912–13), no.3: 13–15. [R. C. Parsons], {d-0}Prominent figures from our recent past: Samuel Harris,{d-1} Newfoundland Quarterly, 89 (1994–95), no.1: 34–35.

William Richard Harris was always reticent about his family, even suppressing any mention that his sister Mary was Mother Jones, the famous American labour leader. The family may have settled in Toronto as early as 1853. Harris was first educated by the Brothers of the Christian Schools, and from 1860 to 1867 he took his classical studies at St Michael{apos}s College. Favoured by his bishop, John Joseph Lynch*, a fellow Irishman, he was sent to study philosophy and theology at the Collège de Sainte-Anne-de-la-Pocatière in Quebec. He taught English and belles-lettres at the college and earned a reputation as a formidable athlete.

Harris subsequently served as assistant pastor and then pastor of St James in Colgan, Ont. (1870–75), rector of St Michael{apos}s Cathedral in Toronto (1875–76), and pastor of St John Chrysostom in Newmarket (1876–84). Energetic, ambitious, and committed to {d-0}square dealing{d-1} with his flock in financial matters, he was a building priest in an era when the erection of churches and schools was the summit of Catholic clerical success. At the same time he was thoroughly modern for his day. Believing that the prejudices transferred from the Old World had to die if Canada was to flourish as a nation, he made himself a leading example of ecumenical behaviour. In Newmarket he was an important patron of the local library and mechanics{s-1-unknown} institute, for in his view adults no less than their children should acquire an education to meet the demands of an emerging industrial world.

Harris{apos}s final parish appointment was as priest of St Catherine of Alexandria in St Catharines from 1884 to 1901, when he was also dean of St Catharines. His policies of openness in financial matters, church-related construction, and religious toleration were continued with even greater results. He printed two audited statements of the parish finances, erected a separate school with his own money, decorated and enlarged the church, collected funds to build the Canadian Lyceum and Athletic Club, which was open to all city athletes, and warned his parishioners, many of whom were Irish-born, not to be gulled into sectarian violence no matter the provocation. Responding quietly to one Presbyterian minister{apos}s attack on Catholicism, he wisely left it up to Presbyterians and the public at large to judge {d-0}the wisdom or expediency of a minister of the gospel of Christ scattering in the furrows of society the seeds of religious rancour and bitterness.{d-1}

Before too long, Harris had acquired a public persona rare among the Catholic clergy of his day. He had transcended factionalism of all kinds, without sacrificing his own religious faith and Irish nationalism, in favour of a kind of public service that dovetailed with his own broader interests in continuing education and Irish Home Rule. In addition to being in great demand as a preacher, Harris was elected president of the Association of Mechanics{s-1-unknown} Institutes of Ontario for 1886, the first Catholic to serve in this capacity; delivered a paper to the Pan-American Congress of Religion and Education in Toronto in 1895; was invited to lecture before the St Catharines Historical Society; and in 1896 was one of the Canadian delegates at the Irish Race Convention in Dublin.

The St Catharines period witnessed the beginning of Harris{apos}s prolific writing career. That career, so central to his public reputation, would not have been possible without David Boyle*, head of the Canadian Institute Museum and Ontario{apos}s first professional archaeologist, whose excavation of a Neutral Indian site near Port Colborne in 1887 inspired Harris to begin writing about the natives and early French missionaries. His first scholarly article, {d-0}The Indian missions in western Canada{d-1} – western Canada, for Harris, meant Ontario – was published in 1892 and then expanded the next year into a book, History of the early missions in western Canada (Toronto). Eight articles followed by 1901, including {d-0}The Roman Catholic Church in Ontario,{d-1} his contribution to John Castell Hopkins{apos}s Canada, an encyclopædia of the country, as did his classic work of history and archaeology, The Catholic Church in the Niagara peninsula, 1626–1895, published in Toronto by William Briggs in 1895. This book earned him a place in the small but influential world of English Catholic letters and is the one book still in general circulation today. In recognition of his achievement, the University of Ottawa awarded him an honorary degree in 1896.

Just when Harris should have been enjoying the fruits of his success, a division took place in the parish over his handling of the finances. He had lost the trust of enough parishioners to ask Archbishop Denis O{apos}Connor* for his unrestricted release from parish work, an exeat granted without question in April 1901. Harris soon set off on travels that were to last more than four years and take him to the Azores, the Caribbean, South and Central America, Mexico, and the southern United States. No idle tourist, he regularly contributed lengthy descriptions of his adventures to the Toronto Daily Star. These articles and other material were later compiled into three travel books of extraordinary quality: Days and nights in the tropics (Toronto, 1905), By path and trail (Chicago, 1908), and Here and there in Mexico (Chatham, Ont., [1920?]). They remain very readable, for Harris was a natural storyteller, obviously at ease with the world of the exotic and the bizarre.

By June 1905 Harris was living in Salt Lake City, where Bishop Lawrence Scanlan gave him the task of writing an official history of his diocese, published there in 1909 as The Catholic Church in Utah. Other undertakings included articles for The Catholic encyclopedia, regular contributions to the diocesan newspaper, and the publication of By path and trail and Pioneers of the cross in Canada (Toronto, 1912). When he was not writing, Harris was chaplain at Kearns St Ann{apos}s Orphanage and then at Judge Mercy Hospital.

In January 1913 Harris, who had returned to Canada, became chaplain of St John{apos}s Industrial School for Boys in Toronto. He also entered upon the most productive period in his life: he would write five books, 25 articles, and even some poetry. His reputation for religious tolerance in Protestant Toronto was almost legendary. He received two more honorary degrees, from the University of Toronto in 1916 and the Université Laval in 1920, and he was elected twice by acclamation as president of the Ontario Archaeological Association, in 1919 and 1920.

Harris{apos}s death on 5 March 1923 was given extensive coverage in all the Toronto newspapers. During his life his many books had received much positive publicity. Time, however, has not been kind to his oeuvre. Although his writing is strong in narrative and style, his lack of training in research, his uncritical acceptance of sources, and his fondness for superlatives combine to rank him as a gifted amateur. However, the sheer volume of his output and the beauty of much of his writing laid the foundation for later generations of scholars to write the history of Catholic Ontario.

Harris{apos}s first publication, {d-0}The Indian missions in western Canada,{d-1} originally appeared in Jubilee volume, 1842–1892: the archdiocese of Toronto and Archbishop Walsh, [ed. J. R. Teefy] (Toronto, 1892), 1–36. Bibliographies of his writings appear in R. J. Scollard, {d-0}Reverend William Richard Harris, 1846–1923,{d-1} CCHA, Study sessions, no.41 (1974): 65–80, and Michael Power, {d-0}An introduction to the life and work of Dean Harris, 1847–1923,{d-1} in Catholics at the {d-0}Gathering Place{d-1}: historical essays on the archdiocese of Toronto, 1841–1991, ed. M. G. McGowan and B. P. Clarke (Toronto, 1993), 119–36. Two manuscripts by Harris, {d-0}Travel notes and autograph album{d-1} (1894–1902) and {d-0}Notes of foreign travel{d-1} (1900–7), are preserved in the Univ. of St Michael{apos}s College Library, Toronto.

Arch. of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Toronto, Clergy biog. and ministry database; SC, AB02.05(a–b), AB02.06. QUA, Lorne and Edith Pierce coll., Thomas O{apos}Hagan, {d-0}Dean Harris{d-1} (1924). St Mary{apos}s [North Cathedral] (Cork, Republic of Ireland), RBMB, 28 Feb. 1846. Univ. of St Michael{apos}s College Arch., Records concerning W. R. Harris. Canadian Freeman (Toronto), 15 Sept. 1870. Catholic Register (Toronto), 23 June 1893. Catholic Weekly Review (Toronto), 17 Nov. 1888, 16 Feb. 1889, 17 May 1890. Daily Mail and Empire, 7 March 1923. Evening Star (St Catharines, Ont.), 1 June 1901, 29 Dec. 1904. Globe, 6 March 1923. St. Catharines Standard, 11 Feb. 1892, 17 Oct. 1896, 19 Jan. 1897, 29 Dec. 1910, 11 June 1920, 6 March 1923. Toronto Daily Star, 6 March 1923. The Cathedral of St. Catherine of Alexandria 150th anniversary, 1832–1982 ([St Catharines, 1982]). Cyclopædia of Canadian biog. (Rose and Charlesworth), vol.2. History and album of the Irish Race Convention, which met in Dublin the first three days of September, 1896 . . . (Dublin, [1897]). Gerald Killan, David Boyle: from artisan to archaeologist (Toronto, 1983). W. C. Noble, {d-0}An early O.A.S.,{d-1} Ontario Archaeological Soc., Arch Notes (Toronto), 81 (1981), no.1: 9–10. Ontario Provincial Museum, Annual archæological report (Toronto), 1923: 140–41. St Joseph Lilies (Toronto), 11 (March 1923): 13. St Michael{apos}s College, Year book ([Toronto]), 14 (1923): 19.

The son of immigrants from Tipperary (Republic of Ireland), William Harty was educated in Kingston by the Roman Catholic Church, at first by the Brothers of the Christian Schools and then at Regiopolis College. While in his teens he joined the wholesale grocery firm there of his uncle James Harty and in 1868, after his uncle{apos}s death, he took it over. A member of the local Board of Trade, he rose to become its president in 1873. The following year he attended the meeting at Saint John of the Dominion Board of Trade, which rejected the proposals of George Brown*, a leading Reformer, for a reciprocity agreement with the United States. The experience nonetheless confirmed Harty{apos}s affiliation with the Liberal party.

Success in the grocery business led Harty into other enterprises. From 1875 to 1879 he was a director and executive member of the Kingston and Pembroke Railway. Perhaps because of his success in this venture, he left the grocery trade in 1881 and helped set up the Kingston Charcoal and Iron Company. With other Kingstonians, he also gained control of the Canadian Locomotive and Engine Company. This business, which had originated as a foundry on Kingston{apos}s waterfront [see James Morton*], had moved its offices to Montreal and fallen on hard times. Harty{apos}s group included mps George Airey Kirkpatrick* and Sir Richard John Cartwright* and two former mayors, John McKelvey and John Breden. They brought the offices back to Kingston, installed Harty as managing director, and operated the factory successfully for seven years before selling it to a Scottish firm, Dubs and Company. At this point Harty left and accepted a position as the general manager in Canada for the Equitable Life Assurance Society of the United States.

In his absence Canadian Locomotive again declined. The problems experienced by Dubs and Company eventually led the Bank of Montreal, its largest creditor, to have the courts appoint A. F. Riddell and Kennet William Blackwell as receivers. In 1900 they selected the offer of a group led by Harty, now an mla, to take control and reopen the works. He joined with his brother-in-law Cornelius Bermingham and Michael John Haney, a Toronto engineer and fellow Liberal, to purchase the company for $60,000. An important part of this agreement was their commitment to upgrade the factory, which had fallen behind the industry standard. The resulting technical improvements and Harty{apos}s political connections brought new contracts, notably from the Intercolonial Railway and rail barons Donald Mann* and William Mackenzie, and renewed the company{apos}s position as one of Kingston{apos}s largest employers. The partisan Daily British Whig trumpeted the news on 6 Nov. 1900 as a Liberal triumph: {d-0}Secured the works. Honourable William Harty is now in possession. Orders for 32 engines. Liberals only friend of working man after all.{d-1} On 7 Feb. 1901 the firm was reincorporated as the Canadian Locomotive Company Limited. That year it faced a strike by the local machinists{s-1-unknown} union over the issue of ironworkers being assigned machinists{s-1-unknown} work. The dispute would drag on until 1905 but the use of replacement workers meant that production continued unabated.

Although Harty and his associates had great success in restoring the works to prominence, their relationship was strained by Harty{apos}s refusal as president to consider offers to participate by American investors and his determination to keep the company in Kingston. The friction between Harty and Bermingham was not resolved, and Harty never spoke to his brother-in-law again. In the aftermath, Haney and Bermingham opened a larger locomotive factory in Montreal, while retaining their positions in the Kingston firm. In 1911 Harty, though commercially well connected, lost control of Canadian Locomotive to a group of Toronto speculators led by Edward Æmilius Jarvis, and shortly thereafter he resigned. His sons would remain with the firm, each becoming president, John Joseph (Jock) in 1917 and William in 1924.

In addition to his career as an industrialist, Harty was extremely active in Kingston{apos}s politics. He had been elected as an alderman in 1879 and sat on the city{apos}s finance committee. A president of the local Reform Association, in 1892 he was elected to the Ontario legislature. His defeat in 1894 by one vote was overturned and he won the subsequent by-election in 1895, thanks in part to the intervention of Premier Sir Oliver Mowat*. This election too was overturned but in October 1895 Harty was returned by acclamation. In May 1894, though not well known throughout Ontario, he had been appointed commissioner of public works, largely to replace Christopher Finlay Fraser* as the Roman Catholic representative in the cabinet. Although he gave up this post in October 1899, he continued as a minister without portfolio and retained his seat until January 1902, when he moved to the federal House of Commons following a by-election in Kingston. A member of the manufacturers{s-1-unknown} deputation that in January 1911 opposed the government{apos}s adoption of reciprocity, he did not run in the reciprocity election in September. His view of politics is best revealed in his correspondence with Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier*. Much of the exchange consists of requests from Harty for financial aid for his locomotive company and continued tariff protection, and appeals from Laurier for financial and political support.

Following Harty{apos}s retirement in 1911, he remained publicly active as a trustee of Queen{apos}s University in Kingston and as chairman of the board of its School of Mining and Agriculture. His interest in education had earlier been reflected by the active role he and his wife had taken in the creation of the Women{apos}s Medical College at Queen{apos}s in 1883 [see Jenny Kidd Gowanlock]. In 1892 Harty had also accepted appointment to the senate of the University of Toronto. His later years were darkened by the loss of his elder son, John, of pneumonia in 1919. William Jr and his sister, Kathleen, survived their father, who died in 1929, leaving an estate worth more than a million dollars.

William Harty{apos}s life had been wrapped up in Kingston. He told electoral supporters in 1908 that his desire to reacquire Canadian Locomotive had been both personal and altruistic. At the time of the purchase he telegraphed Kingston that {d-0}in endeavoring to help myself I rejoice in being able to do something for my old employees of the Locomotive Works and for Kingston.{d-1} This sentiment neatly summarizes his approach to business and politics: the Limestone City brought him enormous success and he attempted to return the favour.

AO, RG 22-159, no.4215. LAC, MG 26, G, Harty to Laurier, 11 Dec. 1903; Laurier to Harty, 14 Dec. 1903. Daily British Whig (Kingston, Ont.), 6 Nov. 1900. Kingston Whig-Standard, 1 April 1929. Katherine Bermingham Macklem, The Berminghams of Kingston (Kingston, 1977). Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Cyclopædia of Canadian biog. (Rose and Charlesworth), vol.1. Fritz Lehmann, {d-0}The Canadian Locomotive Company{apos}s response to three crises in the post–World War II era{d-1} (paper presented at the annual CHA meeting, Kingston, 1991). D. R. McQueen and W. D. Thomson, Constructed in Kingston: a history of the Canadian Locomotive companies, 1854–1969 (Kingston, 2000). George Richardson, {d-0}The Canadian Locomotive Company,{d-1} in To preserve & defend: essays on Kingston in the nineteenth century, ed. G. [J. J.] Tulchinsky (Montreal and London, 1976), 157–67. Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell). A. A. Travill, Medicine at Queen{apos}s, 1854–1920: a peculiarly happy relationship ([Kingston, 1988]).

Of Cornish descent, John Thomas Hawke claimed kinship with Admiral Sir Edward Hawke, hero of the battle of Quiberon Bay, a decisive British victory in the Seven Years{s-1-unknown} War, but this connection has not been substantiated. Little is known about his early life or where he learned the craft of typesetting, though he is said to have become a printer in Torquay. After emigrating to the United States in 1873, Hawke worked briefly as a compositor in the office of the Rome Sentinel in Rome, N.Y., before moving the same year to Ontario. There over the next decade and a half he was employed by various newspapers, rising from compositor to reporter for the St Thomas Times, legislative reporter for the Toronto Leader, reporter for the Ottawa Citizen, and member of the parliamentary staff and political correspondent for the Toronto Globe in Ottawa. From 1882 to 1885 he was managing news editor of the Globe, before moving to the Hamilton Tribune, a prohibitionist daily, as editor and then to editorship of the Ottawa Free Press, a position he held until 1887. In that year, with support from the federal Liberal party, Hawke purchased the Daily Transcript of Moncton, a move made to counter the dominance of the Conservative Daily Times, edited by Henry Thaddeus Stevens. He became editor and publisher of the Liberal paper on 1 June.

The following day in the Transcript, Hawke set out his views, which he was to promote through his newspaper and in other activities for the rest of his life. He would, the editorial stated, {d-0}adhere to the traditional lines and policy of liberal journalism . . . [since] the best interests of Canada are identified with advent of the Liberal Party to power.{d-1} He argued for commercial union with the United States and against the current high tariffs. He expressed dismay at the {d-0}enormous increase in the number of Federal employees,{d-1} noting that {d-0}a source of patronage is becoming . . . a menace to the existence of constitutional government.{d-1} Hawke believed that members of the Senate should be elected. He also argued for the abolition of the New Brunswick Legislative Council, the provincial upper house, and he believed that the British North America Act should be amended to eliminate the office of the lieutenant governor, whose responsibilities should be assumed by the chief justice. He opposed the sale of intoxicating liquor and felt that the prohibition question should be decided by a direct vote of the people, not during an election. In conclusion, Hawke pledged that his newspaper would advance the interests of the Maritime provinces, New Brunswick, and especially the town of Moncton.

He was almost immediately involved in controversy. After the Conservative candidate, Josiah Wood, defeated his Liberal opponent, Henry Robert Emmerson*, in Westmorland County during the federal election of 1887, Emmerson responded with a petition alleging that Conservative agents had been responsible for 500 acts of bribery and corruption in the course of the campaign. Such petitions had to be heard within six months of filing or they would expire. After judge John James Fraser*, apparently misunderstanding the terms of this requirement, three times postponed the date of the hearing, Wood{apos}s counsel, Pierre-Amand Landry*, claimed on 22 October that the petition had expired, and Fraser so ruled. Emmerson appealed, and the full bench of the Supreme Court, which included Fraser, reversed the judge{apos}s earlier decision. In an editorial in the Transcript Hawke referred to {d-0}that distinguished judicial acrobat, Mr. Justice Pooh-Bah Fraser,{d-1} an allusion to the popular Gilbert and Sullivan musical The Mikado. He went on to claim that the judge had been {d-0}manifestly inebriated on the bench{d-1} on a previous occasion. Hawke was summoned to Fredericton to show why he should not be charged with contempt of court. Despite a lengthy speech in his own defence, the Supreme Court concluded that he was guilty of contempt for implying that Fraser had taken bribes. He was given an opportunity to apologize, but refused. On 27 April 1888 he was sentenced to two months{s-1-unknown} imprisonment and a fine of $200. Hawke{apos}s arrest and sentence sparked lively discussion in many Canadian newspapers and a day-long debate in the House of Commons on 9 May on the issues of press freedom and the limits of judicial power. Having paid his fine and served his time in prison, he returned to Moncton to much acclaim.

Under Hawke{apos}s editorship, the Transcript flourished. In the early 1890s he built a new building for the newspaper, and by 1911 the coverage of the paper, now called the Moncton Transcript, was expanded to include more sports and community news. His financial success and political influence had increased appreciably as a result of the Liberal victory in Westmorland County in the federal election of 1896. Hawke obtained lucrative printing contracts for the Intercolonial Railway, which had its headquarters in Moncton, and he dispensed many of the railway{apos}s jobs from his newspaper office, rewarding Liberals and party donors. For a number of years Hawke also served as president of the local Liberal association.

Always desirous to promote the press and its interests, he was the first president of the New Brunswick Press Association from 1905 to 1907. After this organization merged with its Nova Scotia counterpart to form the Maritime Press Association, he served as secretary of the new group for the first three years of its existence. He also played a significant role in persuading the Maritime Press Association to join the Canadian Press Association in 1913. As well, Hawke was active in the community. In 1900 he became chair of the Moncton school board, a position he held until 1911. He pushed for legislation that would raise the age of school admission to six and argued vigorously for compulsory school attendance, noting in the board{apos}s annual report for 1908–9 the high incidence of petty crimes committed by juveniles in the Moncton area. Under his tenure the board also advocated the medical examination of schoolchildren. Its recommendations were energetically endorsed in Hawke{apos}s newspaper.

A strong supporter of the monarchy, Hawke attended the coronation of George V in 1911 as a delegate from Moncton. During World War I, always an effective speaker, he regularly addressed the fortnightly {d-0}patriotic meetings{d-1} held in the city. He was also active in the Canadian Patriotic Fund, established to aid families of Canadian servicemen, and in the Board of Trade of the Maritime Provinces. Other issues that he promoted included women{apos}s suffrage and Maritime union. On the question of union he wrote that {d-0}we stand at a disadvantage in this Morning Land of Canada because as three provinces we speak with differentiated voices.{d-1} Through his many activities, John Thomas Hawke contributed in numerous ways to the city of Moncton and the province of New Brunswick.

John Thomas Hawke is the author of {d-0}The meeting was an excellent one,{d-1} Busy East of Canada (Sackville, N.B.), 10 (1919–20), no.2: 24–25, {d-0}Moncton City and its future,{d-1} Busy East of Canada, 8 (1917–18), no.[11]: 26–28, 60, and {d-0}The Transcript{apos}s platform,{d-1} Daily Transcript (Moncton, N.B.), 2 June 1887: [2].

GRO, Reg. of births, Plymouth, 30 April 1854. Moncton Transcript, 17–18, 20–21, 28 Feb. 1922. Times & Transcript (Moncton), 15 Aug. 1998; 16 Oct. 1999; 13 May, 15 July 2000. J. E. Belliveau, {d-0}Hawke of the Transcript: a forgotten hero of Canadian journalism,{d-1} Beaver (Winnipeg), 77 (1997–98), no.4: 35–37; {d-0}Hawke of the Transcript . . . in Liberal homes he was a family deity,{d-1} Atlantic Advocate (Fredericton), 65 (1974–75), no.7: 36–38; The Monctonians (2v., Hantsport, N.S., 1981–82). Can., House of Commons, Debates, 9 May 1888. J. A. Cooper, {d-0}The editors of the leading Canadian dailies,{d-1} Canadian Magazine (Toronto), 12 (November 1898–April 1899): 336–52. A history of Canadian journalism . . . (2v., Toronto, 1908–59). H. B. Jefferson, {d-0}The great Pooh-Bah case,{d-1} Atlantic Advocate, 54 (1963–64), no.1: 45–51. {d-0}Liberty of the press,{d-1} University Monthly (Fredericton), 7 (1887–88), no.8: [1]–2. N.B., Dept. of Education, Annual report of the schools of New Brunswick (Fredericton), 1900–11. C. A. Pincombe and E. W. Larracey, Resurgo: the history of Moncton (2v., Moncton, 1990–91).

Not much is known about Jules Helbronner{apos}s life before he came to Canada with his wife in 1874. They settled in Montreal and would have two children, Michel and Antoinette, born respectively in 1876 and 1880. Helbronner worked as a clerk and sales representative before setting up his own enterprise, Jules Helbronner and Company, which distributed Quina-Laroche quinine, mainly in Canada.

Helbronner went to work for the Montreal weekly Le Moniteur du commerce as assistant editor in 1882, and he became its editor-in-chief in 1884. He did not get on well with the owner and resigned shortly afterwards. On 20 Oct. 1884 he wrote his first labour column for La Presse under the pseudonym Jean-Baptiste Gagnepetit, and it would appear at very irregular intervals until 1894. Although nearly 350 of these articles were published, they dealt with a relatively limited number of topics. Following a strategy widely used in the Anglo-American press at that time, Helbronner regularly engaged in newspaper campaigns. For several weeks he would concentrate on one theme, such as early closing hours for shops, preventive vaccination, or the reform of the water tax, and he would even return to it at more or less frequent intervals. In his columns he supported the whole range of demands put forward by the North American labour movement, while maintaining his critical attitude towards workers{s-1-unknown} organizations. His vision of society was marked by organicism, a conviction widely held by social thinkers of his day. In his view, trade unionism provided workers with the essential means to defend their interests, but political action was also a route worth pursuing. This was why he supported labour candidates on a number of occasions, though he expressed reservations with regard to a genuine labour party. It seemed to him that workers{s-1-unknown} interests were better served in the short term by the existing political parties.

Helbronner was also active within the trade union movement. He joined the Knights of Labor in 1885 and helped draw up the program supported by three labour candidates in the Montreal region in the 1886 provincial election. He was an executive member of the Central Trades and Labor Council of Montreal and he would be made a life member of this body in 1889. From 1887 to 1889 he served on the royal commission on the relations of labour and capital [see James Sherrard Armstrong*], participating actively. He went on almost all its travels and wrote 5 of the 14 appendices of its minority report, those covering economy and the working class, unjust laws, strikes and arbitration, the payment and non-payment of wages, and the {d-0}sweating process.{d-1} He set the tone for the minority report, which was disparagingly described by some as {d-0}capitalistic.{d-1} It would have been more accurate to label it {d-0}philanthropic,{d-1} since its authors, taking their inspiration from a consensual vision of society, proposed measures likely to integrate workers harmoniously into the economic system. As a delegate from the Canadian government to the universal exposition in Paris in 1889, Helbronner studied the condition of the working class in the various countries represented in the section on social economy.

After an absence of several years from day-to-day journalism because of his official duties, Helbronner signed an employment contract with La Presse in 1890 stipulating that he would deal with {d-0}civic{d-1} and labour issues. Having made a name for himself there as a columnist, he became the newspaper{apos}s editor-in-chief, a post he would hold almost continuously from 1892 to 1908. Although he produced most of his writings on labour issues over a period of some ten years, he maintained his interest in municipal affairs throughout his journalistic career. In one of his earliest press campaigns he had denounced the corvée, a regressive fiscal measure imposed on Montreal tenants which was abolished in 1886, thanks in part to his efforts. In 1904 a disagreement with the administrator of La Presse, Herménégilde Godin, forced him to leave the newspaper temporarily. This situation recurred in 1908 when, despite opposition from the paper{apos}s management, Helbronner strongly advocated the establishment of the royal commission to make a general and complete inquiry into the administration of the affairs of the city of Montreal [see Lawrence John Cannon], which began its work in April of the following year. In 1909 he joined La Patrie, where he was municipal affairs correspondent for several years. In 1916 he moved to Ottawa, probably to be closer to his daughter, who had been married since 1904 to Louvigny de Montigny*, a journalist, a writer, and since 1910 a translator for the Senate. Helbronner worked until 1920 as a clerk in the Department of Public Printing and Stationery in Ottawa, and he died in that city on 25 Nov. 1921. During his career as a journalist, he had written for many other Montreal periodicals, including Le Journal du dimanche, Le Nationaliste, La Revue moderne, and Le Soir.

The question of workers{s-1-unknown} savings and provision for mutual benefits was one of Helbronner{apos}s favourite subjects. He devoted a number of columns to it and dealt with it in an appendix to the report presented in 1889 by the royal commission on the relations of labour and capital, as well as in his Report on the social economy section of the Universal International Exposition of 1889 at Paris, which was published in Ottawa in 1890. He also served on the boards of directors of several mutual benefit societies. In 1901, in a series of articles in Les Débats (a militant Montreal weekly founded in 1899 by Louvigny de Montigny and Paul de Martigny that from October 1900 bore the Liberal label), he exposed the shortage of reserves in the life annuity department of the Union Franco-Canadienne, an insurance company. This campaign, which he waged under the pseudonym of Julien Véronneau, gave rise to some widely publicized lawsuits between him and Louis-Gaspard Robillard, the company{apos}s president and the editor of Le Pionnier, which was then being published in Montreal. The affair came to an abrupt end when Robillard fled to the United States.

The importance of Jules Helbronner{apos}s service to the working class was widely recognized. A number of his contemporaries even credited him with the success of La Presse. While doubtless exaggerated, this claim was not groundless. Although the daily{apos}s commercial success from the mid 1890s was evidently the result of decisions taken by its owner, Trefflé Berthiaume*, the fact remains that during the 1880s Helbronner{apos}s column had greatly assisted in establishing the credibility of La Presse among working people. This was, however, a succès d{apos}estime that had not increased the paper{apos}s circulation to any appreciable extent.

[There is no known archival fonds solely for Jules Helbronner. Correspondence concerning him can be found in a few collections, in particular that of Trefflé Berthiaume (P207) at ANQ-M. Many indications of his disputes, notably with his employers, other journalists, a tenant, and the city of Montreal, can be found in the judicial archives of the District of Montreal, which are held at ANQ-M, T. The Fonds de la Légion d{apos}Honneur at the Arch. Nationales (Paris), L1278060, contains a thin file on him. The Arch. Départementales, Seine (Paris), État civil, Paris, holds a copy of his birth certificate. The biographical dictionaries on Canadian Jews make no mention of Helbronner. Doubtless this lacuna is a sign that he defined himself as first and foremost a Frenchman and had tenuous links with the Jewish community in Montreal. He seems to have been brought back into the collective memory of Quebec Jews through the work of David Rome, who assembled a large file of documents that is held at the Canadian Jewish Congress National Arch. (Montreal), and who devoted a monograph to him – On Jules Helbronner, David Rome, comp., intro. Saul Hayes (Montreal, 1978).

Helbronner{apos}s significant contribution to newspapers spanned nearly 40 years; since much of it consists of columns and editorials, it can quite easily be identified. He engaged in numerous polemics that give indications of his personality and his journalistic endeavours. Fernande Roy takes up his career as a business correspondent in Progrès, harmonie, liberté: le libéralisme des milieux d{apos}affaires francophones de Montréal au tournant du siècle (Montréal, 1988), as does Yves Saint-Germain in {d-0}The genesis of the French-language business press and journalists in Quebec, 1871–1914{d-1} (phd thesis, Univ. of Delaware, Newark, 1975). On his labour column, the author{apos}s monograph Jean-Baptiste Gagnepetit: les travailleurs montréalais à la fin du XIXe siècle (Montréal, 1975) and Mélanie Méthot, {d-0}Jules Helbronner (1844–1921): père de la conscience ouvrière montréalaise et intellectuel engagé,{d-1} Mens (Montréal), 2 (2001–2): 67–104, may be consulted.

As a member of the royal commission on the relations of labour and capital in Canada, Helbronner co-signed the minority report, in particular with Guillaume Boivin*, as well as several of its appendices: Can., Royal commission on the relations of labour and capital in Canada, Report (5v. in 6, Ottawa, 1889), first report, apps.C, H, I, L, O. Subsequently, as Canada{apos}s delegate to the universal exposition in Paris, he penned the voluminous Report on the social economy section of the Universal International Exposition of 1889 at Paris (Ottawa, 1890). Analysis of his contribution to the work of the royal commission can be found in Canada investigates industrialism: the royal commission on the relations of labor and capital, 1889 (abridged), ed. G. [S.] Kealey (Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1973), and in Fernand Harvey, Révolution industrielle et travailleurs; une enquête sur les rapports entre le capital et le travail au Québec à la fin du 19e siècle (Montréal, 1978). Marcel Pleau, in Histoire de l{apos}Union française, 1886–1945 (Montréal, 1985), gives an account of Helbronner{apos}s involvement in supporting French nationals in Montreal. j.de b.] Le Devoir, 26 nov. 1921. Le Droit (Ottawa), 26 nov. 1921. La Patrie, 26 nov. 1921. La Presse, 26 nov. 1921. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898).

John S. Hendrie attended the Hamilton grammar school and in 1872 he was sent to Upper Canada College in Toronto, where he excelled in mathematics and rugby. On graduation he went to work for the Great Western Railway as a civil engineer. He joined his father and uncle in carting and engineering in the late 1870s, occasionally as a project engineer on lines in Ontario and Michigan. In 1895 he became manager and then vice-president of the Hamilton Bridge Works Company Limited, a reorganization of a firm started by his father to produce bridges, railway turntables, powerhouses, and sheds. By the first decade of the new century, its proficiency in structural steel had led it into the supply of equipment for the electrical power and telecommunications industries. Hendrie, who assumed the presidency after his father{apos}s death in 1906, became known for his {d-0}aggressive and skillful{d-1} managerial qualities. His business career also included service with the Bank of Hamilton – he became a director in 1903 and president in 1914 – and directorships in Great-West Life Assurance and Mercantile Trust.

His father{apos}s considerable success had made the family one of Hamilton{apos}s wealthiest. Within the city{apos}s civic culture, militia rank was a test of social respectability, and in December 1883 J. S. Hendrie was commissioned a captain in the Hamilton Field Battery. Promoted major in June 1894, he was chosen to command an artillery contingent at the celebration in 1897 of Queen Victoria{apos}s diamond jubilee in England. In September 1903 he was promoted lieutenant-colonel and given command of the 2nd Brigade of Artillery; he would retire in 1909. A president of the Ontario and Canadian artillery associations, in 1907 he was made a commander of the Royal Victorian Order. In addition, he had been a founder of the Hamilton Patriotic Fund in 1899, during the South African War, and served as its chairman from 1906 until it merged with the Canadian Patriotic Fund during World War I. The English Canadian search for national identity in an imperial context was expressed by a keen interest in the War of 1812. Hendrie{apos}s wife was vice-president in 1905 of the Women{apos}s Wentworth Historical Society [see Sara Galbraith Beemer*], which had long advocated the commemoration of the battle site at Stoney Creek. John{apos}s own efforts to create a park there, along with his militia service, led to his appointment to the National Battlefields Commission in 1908.

Meanwhile, Hendrie had entered politics. In December 1900, when Frank E. Walker, the Tory candidate and front runner in Hamilton{apos}s mayoralty race, dropped out, he was approached. Disinclined at first to accept the nomination – his reluctance was genuine, not feigned – he changed his mind, and turned his lack of political experience to advantage in a campaign where the municipal debt was a major issue. His reputation as an efficient businessman was cited by the pro-Tory Hamilton Spectator as his key credential, and Hendrie promised the application of {d-0}business methods{d-1} to the administration of Hamilton. Elected on 3 Jan. 1901, he cut both its debt and its taxes. The mayor generally served two terms, with an understanding between the Grits and the Tories that an incumbent could seek his second term unopposed. In the 1902 election, however, opposition came from socialist candidate William Barrett, who received a quarter of the votes. Though easily re-elected, Hendrie remained concerned about this support: {d-0}a capitalist looking for a place to locate a manufacturing concern will avoid a socialist city every time,{d-1} he told the Spectator.

In anticipation of the provincial election on 29 May 1902, Hendrie was nominated as the Tory candidate for Hamilton West in preference to Edward Alexander Colquhoun, the sitting mpp. Hendrie handily defeated Colquhoun (who ran as an independent), Grit candidate Stephen Frederick Washington, and socialist Robert Roadhouse. Though the Liberal government of George William Ross* was returned, the Tories emerged as the party of Ontario{apos}s cities and in 1905 they swept the scandal-plagued Ross government from power. Premier James Pliny Whitney* offered Hendrie the position of minister of public works but he declined, preferring to serve as a minister without portfolio and chairman of the legislature{apos}s railway committee or, as the Toronto Globe put it, {d-0}virtually acting Minister of Railways.{d-1}

Drawing on the principles of competent management that had earned him his reputation, in March 1906 Hendrie introduced two significant bills on railways and municipal affairs, both of which had engaged the drafting skills of former Conservative leader Sir William Ralph Meredith. The Ontario Railway Act, which regulated all aspects of operations and franchises, including those of a rising number of electric and privately owned lines, helped appease popular sentiment against William Mackenzie{apos}s monopolistic Toronto Railway Company. The second, and related, act formed the semi-judicial Ontario Railway and Municipal Board and gave it unprecedented powers. Within months, under the chairmanship of James Leitch, it had made decisions on a range of issues, among them rates, accidents, strikes, assessments, utilities, and municipal financing. In February 1907 Hendrie continued his regulatory impulse by introducing legislation stripping provincial benefits from any public utility that had secured a federal charter. This aggressive bill drew him into a complex debate over provincial rights and the privileges sought by the Hamilton Radial Electric Railway, backed by a determined John Morison Gibson. The bureaucratic instinct for government by specialistic tribunal that gave rise to the ORMB produced a long list of other agencies, boards, and commissions, which characterized the growth of the administrative state in 20th-century Ontario.

Another major achievement of the first Whitney government, again with a focus on government by expertise and the limitation of private interests, was the establishment in 1906 of the Hydro-Electric Power Commission of Ontario. Hendrie{apos}s part in its development was minor, and his attitude to the public ownership of electrical utilities was ambivalent. In Hamilton he had leaned towards private control; in the legislature he had sat on a select committee in 1903–4 to survey public opinion on the principle of municipal ownership. In 1906 he was appointed to the hydro commission to assuage private interests and to keep a firm hand on the radical populism of its chairman, Adam Beck. Hendrie{apos}s insistence on a critical examination of many early projects was interpreted by Beck as personal animosity rather than a concern for diligence. There was likely an element of both. Hendrie had inherited from his father (and shared with his brothers) a love of horses – his entries won the King{apos}s Plate in 1909 and 1910. Beck too was an avid horseman, and their rivalry at meets and their dramatically different temperaments amplified their persistent conflict at Hydro.

Hendrie was returned in Hamilton West with declining majorities in the elections of 1908, 1911, and 1914. In September 1914 he succeeded his fellow Hamiltonian Sir John M. Gibson as lieutenant governor of Ontario. One reason for his selection was his personal wealth (his father had left an estate worth $2.3 million). His affluence enabled him to maintain a residence in Toronto until the completion there of a new government house, which the Hendries would occupy at the end of 1915. On the announcement of the king{apos}s birthday honours on 3 June 1915, Hendrie was created a kcmg. He frequently used his position to further the war effort. At the opening of the Canadian National Exhibition in August 1915, for instance, he reconfirmed his {d-0}life-long{d-1} belief in the militia; though he found the term conscription a {d-0}misnomer,{d-1} he firmly supported {d-0}universal training and service for all.{d-1} In addition, he continued to be involved in volunteer endeavours such as the Canadian Patriotic Fund, the Speakers{s-1-unknown} Patriotic League, and the Hamilton Recruiting League, and he chaired the provincial Organization of Resources Committee, established in 1916 to maximize Ontario{apos}s contribution to the war. In 1917 the University of Toronto recognized his work by awarding him a lld. One of his last functions was a dinner for the Prince of Wales at Government House on 25 Aug. 1919. He retired from public life in November and returned to his Hamilton home, Strathearn, where he would continue to enjoy affiliations with local clubs, the masonic lodge, and the Presbyterian Church.

Sir John S. Hendrie{apos}s resolve to bring business methods to government at the local and provincial levels reflected a desire to improve public administration through rigour and expertise. Though a leading industrialist in Hamilton, he was certainly not the most important Canadian of his age; many others were more powerful and more accomplished. His significance lies in his typicality of the urban elite who came of age after confederation. He was committed to an ideology of service that, in the words of historian John English, {d-0}created a scale to measure the quality of citizenship.{d-1} Measured on this scale, Hendrie did well.

AO, RG 22-205, no.13103; RG 24; RG 80-5-0-133, no.3382. Hamilton Military Museum (Hamilton, Ont.), Hendrie papers. Hamilton Public Library, Special Coll. Dept. (Hamilton), Arch. file, Brown–Hendrie papers. Globe, 28 Sept. 1914. Hamilton Spectator, 8 Jan. 1902. R. M. Bray, {d-0}{s-0}Fighting as an ally{s-1-unknown}: the English-Canadian patriotic response to the Great War,{d-1} CHR, 61 (1980): 141–68. R. C. Brown and Ramsay Cook, Canada, 1896–1921: a nation transformed (Toronto, 1974). Canadian annual rev., 1901–19. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). J. H. Collinson and Mrs Bertie Smith, The Recruiting League of Hamilton ([Hamilton, 1918?]). Merrill Denison, The people{apos}s power: the history of Ontario Hydro ([Toronto], 1960). DHB, vol.2. John English, The decline of politics: the Conservatives and the party system, 1901–20 (Toronto, 1977). T. H. Ferns, {d-0}The life and times of John Strathearn Hendrie, 1857–1923{d-1} (graduate research paper, Univ. of Toronto, 1991). C. W. Humphries, {d-0}Honest enough to be bold{d-1}: the life and times of Sir James Pliny Whitney (Toronto, 1985). J. E. Middleton and Fred Landon, The province of Ontario: a history, 1615–1927 (5v., Toronto, 1927–[28]), 3: 4–6. H. V. Nelles, The politics of development: forests, mines & hydro-electric power in Ontario, 1849–1941 (Toronto, 1974). Ontario and the First World War, 1914–1918; a collection of documents, ed. and intro. B. M. Wilson (Toronto, 1977). W. R. Plewman, Adam Beck and the Ontario Hydro (Toronto, 1947).

Louis-Anthyme Herdt{apos}s family came to Montreal around 1880. As a Protestant, Louis-Anthyme at once began attending the prestigious High School of Montreal. In 1889 he entered McGill University, from which he graduated with a bachelor{apos}s degree in electrical engineering in 1893. When he was called up for military service in France, he took the opportunity to obtain further training as an engineer in Europe. As it turned out, he was excused from military service because he was partially deaf and he enrolled in the Montefiore Institute of Electrotechnics in Liège, Belgium. A year later he continued his studies at the École Supérieure d{apos}Électricité in Paris. On returning to Montreal in 1895, Herdt was hired as a demonstrator in the department of electrical engineering at McGill. He became a lecturer in 1897 and the following year obtained his master{apos}s degree there. Teaching and research in the sciences at McGill were expanding significantly at the turn of the century. Thanks to the munificence of tobacco magnate Sir William Christopher Macdonald*, a number of buildings and laboratories specifically for the sciences, and especially the applied sciences, were erected on the university campus. In 1896, for instance, Macdonald gave $30,000 for the electrical engineering laboratory. It was under these exceptional circumstances that Herdt engaged in research, at a time when Quebec was on the verge of discovering its hydroelectric potential.

Herdt{apos}s first experiments in the new laboratory were focused on the performance of electrical motors and alternators. He was working at the time with Robert Bowie Owens, the professor principally developing electrical engineering at McGill. With Owens{apos}s assistance, Herdt perfected an invention that made it possible to guide ships through a canal. The ships had to be equipped at the bow with a device for detecting changes in a magnetic field generated by an underwater cable. The captain could then keep the ship on the course set by the cable, even in conditions of zero visibility. This invention, which was tested for the first time in 1904 on the St Lawrence in the presence of Raymond Préfontaine*, the minister of marine and fisheries, earned high praise for Herdt from the scientific community. It was not until World War I, however, that its full potential was revealed. Thanks to Herdt{apos}s invention, ships of the Royal Navy could be guided into English ports during the war. In 1907 Herdt became an assistant professor at McGill. Two years later he held the Macdonald chair of electrical engineering and succeeded Owens as head of the department, a position he retained for the rest of his life. The university recognized the importance of his scientific work by granting him a dsc in 1910.

At the end of the 19th century, wide-ranging economic changes forced provincial governments and municipalities to create new agencies to regulate the exploitation of natural resources and to coordinate the establishment of the main public utilities. Scientific consultants, of whom engineers certainly were the largest group, had to be recruited for commissions of inquiry, technical services, government departments, and supervisory commissions. Herdt{apos}s interest in solving concrete problems in the field of electricity placed him in the front rank of the experts on whom these bodies called for assistance. In 1907 he was appointed to the Board of Consulting Engineers of the City of Winnipeg, which supervised work on the Pointe du Bois hydroelectric station. Whether it was to develop the hydroelectric potential of the Ottawa River or of New Brunswick, Herdt was approached for his opinion in order to inform decision-makers. He was a member of most of the public utility commissions in Montreal. In 1912 he was appointed by provincial order in council chair of the Electrical Commission of the City of Montreal, whose responsibilities included supervising the construction of underground conduits for the city{apos}s many electric cables. When the Quebec government created the Montreal Tramways Commission in 1916 to ensure some uniformity in the services and contracts of the Montreal Tramways Company, Herdt acted as consulting engineer. A 36-year agreement between the city and this corporation was signed in June 1918. The Montreal Tramways Commission then became a permanent agency and Herdt was appointed one of its two vice-presidents. Decisions on public transportation in Montreal would now come under the jurisdiction of this body, rather than that of a private company or of the city. In the same year Herdt went to the United States to study various metropolitan transportation systems.

In the mid 1920s, Louis-Anthyme Herdt began to experience health problems. He suffered from depression and was treated at the Royal Victoria Hospital. On Sunday, 11 April 1926, his son John Dougas noticed that his father, when leaving the house for his office at McGill University, as he did every Sunday, seemed back in form. A couple of hours later Herdt{apos}s body was found by one of the watchmen of the building. At the age of only 53, the renowned McGill professor and vice-chairman of the Montreal Tramways Commission had shot himself in the head, putting a tragic end to a brilliant scientific career. Over the years he had helped develop standards in a number of fields connected with the use of electricity. He had also distinguished himself as a technical consultant in the setting up of hydroelectric stations and had proved an important expert for public agencies charged with the regulation of recognized utilities.

ANQ-M, CE601-S1, 4 mai 1897. Arch. Départementales, Calvados (Caen, France), État civil, Trouville-sur-Mer, 17 juin 1872. MUA, Reference Room Staff Index, Herdt, L.-A.; RG 49, scrapbooks and newspaper clippings, 1–6. Montreal Daily Star, 13 April 1926. Christopher Armstrong and H. V. Nelles, Monopoly{apos}s moment: the organization and regulation of Canadian utilities, 1830–1930 (Philadelphia, 1986), 251–54. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). {d-0}Dr. Louis A. Herdt,{d-1} McGill News (Montreal), 7, no.3 (June 1926): 29–30. R. C. Fetherstonhaugh, McGill University at war, 1914–1918, 1939–1945 (Montreal, 1947). S. B. Frost, McGill University: for the advancement of learning (2v., Montreal, 1980–84), 2: 104. Robert Gagnon et A. J. Ross, Histoire de l{apos}École polytechnique, 1873–1990; la montée des ingénieurs francophones (Montréal, 1991), 178–81. Linteau, Hist. de Montréal, 273. {d-0}Louis Anthyme Herdt,{d-1} RSC, Trans., 3rd ser., 20 (1926), proc.: xxi–xxiv. McGill Univ., Annual report (Montreal), 1894–1926.

Mary Hiester{apos}s ancestors emigrated from Germany to the United States in the mid 18th century. Her father died when she was an infant, and about 1863 her mother took Mary and her sister, Caroline, to live with relatives in Beloit, Wis. After her mother{apos}s death in November 1875, Mary returned to Pennsylvania, where she lived in Reading with a cousin{apos}s family. She then attended the Philadelphia School of Design for Women in 1881–83 and enrolled (most likely on a part-time basis) at the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts in 1883–85, in classes taught by Thomas Pollock Anshutz and Thomas Eakins. It was at the academy that she met Canadian artist George Reid, a fellow student, whom she married in 1885.

The Reids honeymooned in Europe for four months, visiting London, Paris, Italy, and Spain. In Málaga they saw Mary{apos}s sister, who had converted from the family{apos}s Lutheran faith to Roman Catholicism and become a nun. On their return they settled in Toronto and established a studio at 31 King Street East, where they gave art lessons. The couple moved, probably in 1888, to quarters in the Toronto Arcade building on Yonge Street, in 1901 to a house on Indian Road, and finally in 1907 to Upland Cottage, a house designed by George in Wychwood Park, a pastoral community north of Toronto. In the spring of 1888 an auction of their work had raised enough money to finance a second trip to Britain and France, in 1888–89. Mary Reid enrolled in the Académie Colarossi in Paris, taking costume-study and life classes under Joseph Blanc, Pascal Dagnan-Bouveret, Gustave Courtois, and Jean-André Rixens. She studied there again in 1896, when the couple made an extensive tour of Gibraltar and Spain, which she described in three articles in Massey{apos}s Magazine (Toronto). They would make two more trips to Europe, in 1902 and 1910. In addition, the Reids spent every summer from 1891 to 1916 at Onteora, a private literary and artistic club in the Catskill Mountains near Tannersville, N.Y., where they had a house and a studio, both designed on arts and crafts principles by George. They spent their time painting and teaching, their studio having accommodation for ten students, some of whom came from as far away as Toronto.

Reid{apos}s oeuvre consists almost exclusively of easel paintings and a few surviving watercolours, but also includes a small number of marouflée landscape murals. The most admired of these murals was a view of the Humber River done for the town hall of Weston (Toronto) in 1912–13. She was, however, best known as a painter of floral still lifes, and by 1890 she was widely considered the pre-eminent flower painter in Canada. Critics particularly liked her sophisticated infusion of {d-0}character{d-1} into the straightforward botanical accuracy emphasized by most of her Canadian predecessors in this genre. As well, she regularly exhibited paintings of gardens, meadows, and other domesticated landscapes, night scenes, and, less frequently, studio interiors and figure studies. Along with a superficial examination of Impressionism, especially in her work of the 1880s and 1890s, she developed an enduring interest in a restricted range of colours to evoke a poetic subjectivity in her paintings, as in A study in greys, done about 1913. These were characteristics of the tonalist aesthetic found throughout North American art of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Reid{apos}s attraction to such a palette was reinforced by the paintings of Diego Velázquez, which she had studied and admired in Madrid in 1896. Her work also incorporated elements from the aestheticism of American artist James Abbott McNeill Whistler. These included oriental motifs, which sometimes appear in her still lifes and interior scenes, for example in Chrysanthemums: a Japanese arrangement (painted around 1895), and the occasional use of titles to suggest parallels between visual art and music, as in her Harmony in grey and yellow (1897). More than most contemporaries, Reid produced work that exemplified the decorative sensibility that was also prevalent in North American art. In this respect she was supported by critics such as Hector Willoughby Charlesworth* of Saturday Night, who described Reid{apos}s paintings as {d-0}exquisitely refined.{d-1} In explaining the idealized feminine sensitivity that he found in her works, however, he resorted to stereotype, emphasizing that she was a model of humble and gracious womanliness – the perfect helpmate to her more famous husband. Reid said or did little to contradict this image. {d-0}Nothing can tempt her to talk about her pictures,{d-1} Marjory Jardine Ramsay MacMurchy* wrote in the Globe in 1910. Yet Reid clearly saw herself as a professional artist. This perception would be echoed in a memorial poem published in 1921 in the Daily Mail and Empire and reprinted in the Canadian Theosophist (Toronto): {d-0}Lived she to work and bless; / This was her heart{apos}s delight.{d-1} In the absence of firmer documentation, however, little else can be said of Reid personally, and the two major portraits of her by her husband provide only tentative clues.

Reid had entered the artistic establishment of Toronto soon after settling there. Elected a member of the Ontario Society of Artists in 1887, in 1907 she became only the second woman to serve on its executive committee. She was elected an associate of the Royal Canadian Academy of Arts in 1893 and a member of the Canadian Society of Applied Art in 1904. Although, in both Toronto and Onteora, she gave lessons to students, among them Mary Matilda (May) Riter Hamilton, her reputation was principally based upon her exhibited work. She contributed to the annual exhibitions of the OSA and the RCA almost every year between her arrival in Canada and her death, and participated in selected annual exhibitions at the Art Association of Montreal, the Women{apos}s Art Association of Canada, and the Canadian National Exhibition. She also showed at the Columbian exposition in Chicago (1893), the Pan-American exposition in Buffalo (1901), and the Louisiana Purchase exposition in St Louis (1904), with Mary Evelyn Wrinch at the galleries of the Art Metropole in Toronto (1912), and with her husband and Wrinch at the Royal Ontario Museum, in aid of the Red Cross Society during wartime (1915).

Following George{apos}s appointment in 1912 as principal of the Ontario College of Art, Reid, a member of its board, actively supported its development and life. She had been a fixture of the Toronto art scene for three decades when, in 1919, she began suffering from angina. At the time of her death two years later, many of her paintings were owned by private collectors and others had been acquired by the National Gallery of Canada and the government of Ontario. In 1922 a large retrospective was organized at the Art Gallery of Toronto, the first solo exhibition given there to a woman, and it was enthusiastically praised in the press. By then, however, the visual aesthetic embodied in Reid{apos}s art was becoming dated as Canadian artists moved on to new concerns.

Mary Hiester Reid{apos}s articles on her tour of Gibraltar and Spain were published, with illustrations by her husband, in Massey{apos}s Magazine (Toronto), 1 (January–June 1896): 297–308, 373–84; 3 (January–June 1897): 375–83. Two important portraits of her were painted by her husband: Portrait of Mary Hiester Reid (1885) at the National Gallery of Canada (Ottawa) and Mary Hiester Reid (1898) at the Art Gallery of Ontario (Toronto). In addition, she is pictured in George A. Reid{apos}s Reverie (c. 1885) at Museum London (London, Ont.), Mortgaging the homestead (1890) at the NGC, and Sketch portraits of GAR and MHR (1896) at the AGO. Her paintings A study in greys and Chrysanthemums are located at the AGO, and Harmony is in the Government of Ontario Art Coll., which was transferred to the AO in 2001. Other works by her are in the NGC, Museum London, the Robert McLaughlin Gallery (Oshawa, Ont.), the Agnes Etherington Art Centre, Queen{apos}s Univ. (Kingston, Ont.), the Art Gallery of Windsor, Ont., the Art Gallery of Hamilton, Ont., and the Edmonton Art Gallery.

Art Gallery of Ontario, Research Library and Arch., C. W. Jefferys papers, C. W. Jefferys, {d-0}The art of Mary Hiester Reid{d-1}; George Reid scrapbook. AO, F 1140, minute-books; RG 22-305, no.43899. Moore College of Art and Design (Philadelphia), Philadelphia School of Design for Women, student registration records. Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts (Philadelphia), Records, school reg. of students, 1884–85 (mfm. in Arch. of American Art, Smithsonian Institution (Washington), reel no.62: 221–36); student reg. in antique and life classes, 1858–84 (reel no.62: 666–89). Daily Mail and Empire, 11 Oct. 1921. Farmers{s-1-unknown} Sun (Toronto), 24 Oct. 1922. Globe, 16 July 1910. Art Gallery of Toronto, Memorial exhibition of paintings by Mary Hiester Reid, 1922 (Toronto, 1922). Canadian Farmer, Dairyman and Stockbreeder (Toronto), 30 Dec. 1922: 24. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Canadian Theosophist (Toronto), 2 (1921–22), no.10: 144. V. E. C[lymer] Hill, A genealogy of the Hiester family (Lebanon, Pa, 1903). Directory, Toronto, 1887–1910. Brian Foss and Janice Anderson, Quiet harmony: the art of Mary Hiester Reid (exhibition catalogue, AGO, 2000). E. D. Gaillard, Onteora: hills of the sky, 1887–1987 (n.p., 1987). Madge MacBeth, {d-0}Canadian women in the arts,{d-1} Maclean{apos}s (Toronto), 27 (1914), no.12: 23. Muriel Miller Miner, G. A. Reid, Canadian artist (Toronto, 1946; rev. ed., George Reid, a biography, ed. I. R. Coutts, 1987). M. L. Montgomery, History of Berks County in Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1886), 595–96. Saturday Night, 19 Nov. 1898, 15 Oct. 1921, 21 Oct. 1922.

At the age of eight months, William Wilson Hilborn moved with his parents and grandparents to a farm in Lambton County, one mile west of the settlement that would become Arkona. He was educated privately by family members. From a young age he experimented with plants and shrubs, always trying to develop better varieties. At the time of his marriage in 1883 to Josie Hartwig, who had taught sign language to the deaf in Michigan, he purchased the adjoining farm and took up the culture of fruit. He began contributing articles on small fruits and their marketability to the Canadian Horticulturist [see Linus Woolverton*] and served as a divisional director of the Fruit Growers{s-1-unknown} Association of Ontario. The success of his work attracted the attention of William Saunders*, director of the Dominion Experimental Farms, who in November 1886 selected him to become the first horticulturist at the central farm in Ottawa. There Hilborn would work with such agricultural scientists as James Fletcher* and, when Saunders was away setting up new stations, he oversaw the developing farm.

Hilborn{apos}s intention, according to his horticultural report for 1887, was to promote fruits that could adapt to extreme Canadian weather conditions. Chosen too for their commercial potential, trees were imported from Russia and northern Europe for experimentation. The plantings in the spring of 1887 included 297 varieties of apples, 101 of pears, 72 of plums, and 71 of cherries, as well as 11 American varieties of peaches and apricot trees from Europe and China. Small fruits – grapes, currants, gooseberries, raspberries, blackberries, and strawberries – were also started. In 1889 the Department of Agriculture published, in both English and French, his practical report on strawberry culture.

Hilborn resigned his post in September 1889 and purchased a 70-acre farm near Leamington in Essex County, the most southerly part of Ontario, where the climate and soils were conducive to early yielding crops. Intending to concentrate on peach culture, he immediately made plans to plant different varieties. He began experimenting as well with gooseberries and currants from varieties he had grown in Ottawa. An energetic promoter, in January 1890 he addressed a meeting held in nearby Kingsville for the purpose of setting up the Essex County Horticultural Society. By December, Hilborn and Edward Maxson, a former head florist in the governor general{apos}s gardens in Ottawa, were advertising in the Leamington Post that they had erected large greenhouses for {d-0}the growth of choice greenhouse plants, gladioli and dahlia bulbs, fruits and early vegetables.{d-1} Mail orders were accepted and the operation was soon shipping vegetables as far away as Quebec and Manitoba.

In December 1891 the managers of the Ontario Agricultural College and Experimental Farm in Guelph asked Hilborn to accompany them around the province to give lectures. Two years later the Fruit Growers{s-1-unknown} Association named Hilborn, dominion horticulturist John Craig, and Windsor fruit-grower Alexander McNeill to a committee {d-0}to devise a practical scheme for experimental horticulture, contemplating several small stations.{d-1} In 1894 ten stations were established under the joint control of the association and the OAC. Hilborn was placed in charge of the southwestern station, at Leamington, where he specialized in peaches and strawberries. The firm of Morris and Wellington, which ran the Fonthill Nurseries in Niagara, was so attracted by the station that it bought a farm west of Leamington and sought Hilborn{apos}s help in an enterprise that involved planting 10,000 peach trees. The Lake Erie and Detroit River Railway put in a special siding to accommodate the shipment of the fruit expected from this farm.

Near the turn of the century, Hilborn had about 100 acres of peaches, plums, pears, and apricots under cultivation. The fruit-growing industry, especially peach culture, had spread rapidly through the southern portion of Essex on farms with sandy soils. In 1895 Hilborn{apos}s brother Joseph Lundy had settled in the area and had begun growing fruit, early vegetables, and greenhouse crops. About 1898, according to one report, over 1,000 acres of orchards could be seen from Inglewood, W. W. Hilborn{apos}s new residence on the Talbot Road. In February 1899 Hilborn and other growers suffered major financial losses when severe frost destroyed most of their trees. Undeterred, Hilborn continued to work with peaches and other plants and small fruits. He had large fields of strawberries and raspberries, including his own variety of blackcap, the Hilborn raspberry, which was planted widely in Canada and the United States. As well, he had his greenhouse operation, grew flowers for sale, and with his wife provided floral arrangements for funerals. Family photographs of Hilborn, some taken in his fields, portray a broad-shouldered man of medium height and build with a weathered face.

Hilborn travelled widely to share his expertise. He prepared award-winning exhibits for international expositions in London, Chicago, and St Louis. A member of the Farmers{s-1-unknown} Institute staff of speakers for many years, he addressed meetings in nearly every county in Ontario. He judged fruit as far away as California, and both Hilborn and his son Chester Harvey adjudicated at fall fairs throughout western Ontario. At exhibitions and in business, he always stressed careful selection, top quality produce, precise grading and packing, and presentation in attractive containers.

In August 1912 Hilborn sold ten acres of his farm to the manager of the Windsor, Essex and Lake Shore Rapid Railway, which, according to the Kingsville Reporter, already had one peach orchard about to bear fruit. His remaining land was divided between his sons, Harvey and William Edward, but he retained a three-acre plot at his residence and turned it into a showplace with colourful flowers and ornate shrubs and trees of new and rare varieties. Despite this reduction of his farm, he continued to experiment and, with one of his sons, maintain a large greenhouse. In November 1917 W. W. Hilborn and Son leased its greenhouse to the Dominion Floral Company for the purpose of cultivating carnations and sweet peas {d-0}for the city trade.{d-1} Four years later complications from cataract surgery led to Hilborn{apos}s death. He was buried in Lakeview Cemetery in Leamington.

William Wilson Hilborn{apos}s contributions to the Canadian Horticulturist (St Catharines, Ont.; Toronto; etc.) are listed, along with other writings by him, in Science and technology biblio. (Richardson and MacDonald). His report on the growing of strawberries was published as Strawberry culture ([Ottawa, 1889]). A collection of family photographs is in the possession of a granddaughter, co-author Madeline Hilborn Malott of County Road 20, Kingsville, Ont.

AO, RG 80-8-0-812, no.12601. Amherstburg Echo (Amherstburg, Ont.), 1889–1917. Kingsville Reporter, 22 Aug. 1912. Leamington Post (Leamington, Ont.), 18 Dec. 1890, 15 Dec. 1921. T. H. Anstey, One hundred harvests: research branch, Agriculture Canada, 1886–1986 (Ottawa, 1986). Can., Experimental farms service, Fifty years of progress on Dominion Experimental Farms, 1886–1936 (Ottawa, 1939); Parl., Sessional papers, report of the minister of agriculture, app., report of Experimental Farms, 1887, 1889. Commemorative biographical record of the county of Essex, Ontario . . . (Toronto, 1905). B. S. Elliott, The city beyond: a history of Nepean, birthplace of Canada{apos}s capital, 1792–1990 (Nepean, Ont., 1991). Farmer{apos}s Advocate and Home Magazine (London, Ont.), 1892: 630. N. F. Morrison, Garden gateway to Canada: one hundred years of Windsor and Essex County, 1854–1954 (Toronto, 1954). Ont., Dept. of Agriculture, Fruit branch, The fruits of Ontario (Toronto, 1914); Legislature, Sessional papers, 1886, no.6; 1887, no.11; 1893, no.13; 1894, no.37; 1895, no.67; 1900, no.17; 1922, no.44: 19–20.

Robert Hobson was born into a railway family. A native of Guelph Township, his father was a highly respected civil engineer who rose to become chief engineer of the Grand Trunk Railway and whose accomplishments included the St Clair Tunnel at Sarnia, Ont., and the rebuilding of Montreal{apos}s Victoria Bridge. After attending common schools in Berlin, Robert joined him in the construction department of the Great Western Railway. His family{apos}s social status and residence in Hamilton from 1875 brought him into the orbit of hardware merchant Andrew Trew Wood*, who stood at the centre of an ambitious group of capitalists. Hobson married his daughter, and in 1896 Wood turned to his son-in-law to help administer the Hamilton Blast Furnace Company, of which he was president. It had just begun smelting pig iron and though Hobson knew nothing about making iron and steel, he became the firm{apos}s secretary-treasurer in February 1896. He threw himself into the job, thus beginning a lifelong fascination with the industry, and soon impressed the board of directors with his managerial abilities. When the company merged with the local Ontario Rolling Mills to create the Hamilton Steel and Iron Company Limited in 1899, he became the new firm{apos}s secretary and assistant general manager, and he would take over as general manager in 1904.

The first steel was poured on 15 May 1900, but steel production was then a risky business in Canada. Unlike its giant competitors in Sault Ste Marie, Ont., and Sydney, N.S., the smaller Hamilton firm pursued a cautious policy of slow growth and diversification of products to serve many different markets. The company{apos}s plant in the city{apos}s suburban east end became a nucleus around which many large corporations established metalworking factories. Hobson would help attract a number of them, including International Harvester in 1902 and National Steel Car in 1913.

In 1910 an opportunity emerged to integrate the firm{apos}s primary production with the manufacturing of secondary products. That year the Montreal-based promoter William Maxwell Aitken* acquired options on the Montreal Rolling Mills and Dominion Wire Manufacturing and, rejecting a purchase offer from United States Steel, set out to organize a Canadian merger. He called together Charles Seward Wilcox, president of Hamilton Steel and Iron, Cyrus Albert Birge, president of a screw and tack company in Hamilton, and Lloyd Harris, head of Canada Bolt and Nut in Toronto. Out of their negotiations emerged the Steel Company of Canada Limited in June. Wilcox became president and Hobson general manager of this vastly bigger corporation; it established its headquarters in Hamilton, where Hobson provided the energy and skills needed to knit the new enterprise into a major corporate success, of which he would become president in 1916. For Hobson its emergence was marred only by the death of his daughter, Dorothy Wood, in April 1910 as a result of an automobile accident.

At the outbreak of World War I, Hobson was one of North America{apos}s most prominent steel men. With his corporation{apos}s rolling mills and finishing plants as assured consumers, he had been able to initiate a major expansion to create state-of-the-art facilities. Most important were the electrically powered mills completed in 1913 for breaking down steel ingots into blooms, bars, and rods. Increasingly Hobson and his plant supervisors were changing the complexion of the local labour force by recruiting large numbers of recent immigrants from southern and eastern Europe. By 1914 recession had hit the Steel Company, but when the war eventually brought a massively increased demand for steel, his company expanded again by adding a munitions department for turning out shells, for which it developed a special steel. In 1917 a rolling mill to produce sheet metal – vital for the growing automobile industry – was added and iron and coal properties were acquired in the United States. Known as Stelco from about 1915, the company emerged from the war as the largest, most diversified steel maker in Canada.

Hobson{apos}s management style was paternalistic and authoritarian. His affability apparently built allegiance among his white-collar staff, but he crushed all efforts by his blue-collar workers to form unions. At the end of the war, however, he recognized that Stelco had to appeal more directly for their loyalty, and a company magazine, safety program, and pension plan were instituted. As president, Hobson had a particular responsibility to scout out markets and sound out broader trends in the international capitalist economy. In this work he travelled widely in Britain, Europe, and North America to meet with powerful businessmen. He also kept abreast of new developments in the industry by attending the annual meetings of the American Iron and Steel Institute, of which he had become a director by 1913. He was as well a fellow of the Royal Colonial Institute in London and an active member of the American Institute of Mining Engineers.

Hobson had not restricted himself to the fortunes of one company. He participated in a tight web of interlocking directorships in Hamilton, joining the boards of the Landed Banking and Loan Company and Tuckett Tobacco in 1910, the Bank of Hamilton in 1915, and Dominion Power and Transmission in 1917. A tall, genial, articulate man with a large white moustache and a jaunty air, he emerged as a leader when the business community wanted to express its collective concerns. In 1909 he was elected first chairman of the newly formed Hamilton branch of the Canadian Manufacturers{s-1-unknown} Association, and he served on its executive several times over the next decade. When the Ontario commissioner investigating workers{s-1-unknown} compensation, Sir William Ralph Meredith, visited Hamilton in 1912, Hobson took charge of presenting business{apos}s case. He also became the leading voice of the Hamilton Employers{s-1-unknown} Association, formed after the city{apos}s production of munitions was disrupted by a huge strike in June 1916.

Like many other capitalists of this period, Hobson moved comfortably too within the emerging national business elites centred in Montreal and Toronto. He personally invested on a national scale, and was added to the boards of the Canadian Locomotive Company in Kingston, Toronto General Trusts, North Star Oil and Refining in Calgary, and Canada Steamship Lines in Montreal, of which his brother, Joseph Irvine, was treasurer. He was unapologetic about this widening capitalist vision. In 1915, when rumours suggested the Bank of Hamilton was about to be taken over by the Royal Bank of Canada, he publicly defended, to loud protest from Hamilton politicians, small businessmen, and labour leaders, the right of a local bank to merge into a larger corporate unit. The merger would be {d-0}in the public{apos}s interest,{d-1} he proclaimed, since strong banks were a {d-0}national asset.{d-1} Not surprisingly, he would have no qualms about joining the board of the Canadian Bank of Commerce when it absorbed the Bank of Hamilton in 1923. The federal government named him in September 1918 to the board formed to direct the beleaguered Canadian Northern Railway [see Sir William Mackenzie], to which the Canadian Government (later Canadian National) Railways were added in November. It is unlikely that Hobson was dismayed when Andrew Ross McMaster rose in the House of Commons in 1921 to denounce the alleged interlocking directorships held by four members of the Canadian National board: chairman David Blythe Hanna*, Hobson, Thomas Cantley*, and Edward Rogers Wood*.

Well before the war Hobson had emerged as a kind of industrial statesman who carried the concerns of the business community into the political realm. His skills brought him onto the executive council and the tariff and transportation committees of the CMA in 1901, to its Ontario vice-presidency in 1907, and to its national presidency in 1908. A long-time Liberal, he joined other Canadian industrialists in publicly denouncing Sir Wilfrid Laurier*{apos}s reciprocity platform three years later; he served on the executive of the Canadian Home Market Association, the CMA{apos}s front organization for supporting the Conservative election campaign of 1911. Henceforth he gave his allegiance to the Conservatives. As late as 1920 he continued to maintain that the elimination of tariff protection would spell the end of Canada{apos}s steel industry.

Hobson may have reached the pinnacle of his influence locally and nationally during the war. In Hamilton he was a director of the Canadian Patriotic Fund, and, as chair of its finance committee, he used his many connections to raise money to support the dependants of local men in the armed forces. He would remain active on the fund{apos}s local relief committee until 1923. As a close friend of Conservative prime minister Sir Robert Laird Borden* and his finance minister, William Thomas White*, Hobson was not only consulted regularly, he was also recruited for the munition resources commission in 1915 and the new Honorary Advisory Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (later the National Research Council) a year later. In 1919 he was added to the executive of the Canadian Reconstruction Association, the national business organization that attempted to smooth the transition from war to peace and to promote class harmony in the face of popular unrest.

Long an active member of Hamilton{apos}s Central Presbyterian Church, the religious home of many in the local elite, Hobson served on its board of trustees. He had been a freemason since 1888, when he joined the Scottish rite as a member of the Murton Lodge of Perfection, in which he held several offices, including inspector general of the Supreme Council. No prude, he enjoyed the masculine pleasures of his class. He was a director of the Hamilton Jockey Club and, despite an early football injury that left him with a permanent limp, he enjoyed outdoor sports in the Hamilton Golf and Country, Tamahaac, and Caledon Mountain Trout clubs. Exuding bonhomie and a flair for sporty attire, he mixed business and pleasure in the exclusive lounges of his clubs in Hamilton, Montreal, Ottawa, and Toronto. Hamilton was shocked when he died suddenly of a brain haemorrhage in February 1926.

AO, RG 22-205, no.14385; RG 80-5-0-191, no.12937; RG 80-8-0-904, no.35583. LAC, MG 28, I 230, 16: 1909–10; 17: 1915–20; 18: 1921–26; MG 30, A16. Daily Times (Hamilton, Ont.), 18 Feb. 1896. Hamilton Herald, 18 Sept. 1918, 26 Feb. 1926. Hamilton Spectator, 26 Feb. 1926. American Iron and Steel Institute, Yearbook (New York), 1912–26. Annual financial rev. (Toronto and Montreal), 1902: 113; 1910: 254; 1911: 190; 1916: 92, 329; 1917: 227, 418; 1920: 442, 567. R. C. Brown, Robert Laird Borden: a biography (2v., Toronto, 1975–80), 1: 190. Canadian annual rev., 1903–26. Canadian Engineer (Toronto and Montreal), 7 (1899–1900): 141. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Canadian Patriotic Fund, Hamilton and Wentworth Branch, Five years of service, 1914–1918 ([Hamilton?, 1920?]). DHB, vol.3. D. B. Hanna, Trains of recollection drawn from fifty years of railway service in Scotland and Canada, ed. Arthur Hawkes (Toronto, 1924), 271. Craig Heron, {d-0}Working-class Hamilton, 1895–1930{d-1} (PHD thesis, Dalhousie Univ., Halifax, 1981); Working in steel: the early years in Canada, 1883–1935 (Toronto, 1988). Industrial Canada (Toronto), 2 (1901–2): 12, 75, 101, 331; 3 (1902–3): 44; 4 (1903–4): 92; 6 (1905–6): 204–5, 637; 7 (1906–7): 266–68; 8 (1907–8): 209, 278. William Kilbourn, The elements combined: a history of the Steel Company of Canada (Toronto and Vancouver, 1960). J. E. Middleton and Fred Landon, The province of Ontario: a history, 1615–1927 (5v., Toronto, 1927–[28]), 3: 61–63. Ont., Commission on laws relating to the liability of employers, Final report on laws relating to the liability of employers to make compensation to their employees for injuries received in the course of their employment which are in force in other countries and second interim report on laws relating to the liability of employers, commissioner W. R. Meredith (Toronto, 1913): 32–46. P. E. Rider, {d-0}The Imperial Munitions Board and its relationship to government, business, and labour, 1914–1920{d-1} (PHD thesis, Univ. of Toronto, 1974). Victor Ross and A. St L. Trigge, A history of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, with an account of the other banks which now form part of its organization (3v., Toronto, 1920–34), 3. Mel Thistle, The inner ring: the early history of the National Research Council of Canada (Toronto, 1966), 60. Who{apos}s who and why, 1914–16, 1921.

At an early age he had also embarked on a military career. He entered the Toronto Military School in 1866 as a cadet, and served as a trooper during the Fenian raids. While at university, he joined the 2nd Battalion of Rifles (Queen{apos}s Own Rifles of Canada) and in 1877 he became a captain. Following his move to Ottawa, he transferred to the No.1 Battalion of Infantry (Governor General{apos}s Foot Guards); promoted major in 1890, he assumed command of the regiment in 1894, apparently with some reluctance since it was in a state of disarray. Even so, his tenure seems to have been without controversy, and he served as an aide-de-camp to a number of governors general. A member of the councils of the Dominion and Ontario rifle associations, from 1897 to 1903 he was secretary of the national organization. In 1903 he accepted appointment to the Permanent Force, a move that necessitated his retirement from the justice department; appointed colonel in 1909 and brigadier-general in 1914, he held a number of district commands.

In January 1915, during World War I, Hodgins was made acting adjutant-general in Ottawa, and in September he was promoted major-general. In September 1917, as a representative of the Department of Militia and Defence, he joined the demobilization committee of the Overseas Military Forces of Canada, based in England and chaired by Sir Hugh Montagu Allan*. He threw himself into this work with characteristic zeal; he studied how other countries approached the problem and his reports were perceptive and comprehensive. In a draft report in February 1918 to the minister in Ottawa, Sydney Chilton Mewburn, Hodgins, maintaining that demobilization and repatriation were {d-0}inseparably allied,{d-1} recommended two new government departments, for {d-0}reconstruction{d-1} and {d-0}pensions and invalids,{d-1} and a central advisory committee. He was far removed, however, from the political negotiations that produced the Department of Soldiers{s-1-unknown} Civil Re-establishment that same month. Hodgins retired from service in March, and in June he was created a cmg. Both of his sons had also served with distinction in the war, and one, Frederick Owen, would die in 1924 as a consequence of disabilities resulting from the conflict.

A {d-0}splendid athlete{d-1} in his youth, Hodgins was an active member of the Royal Ottawa Golf Club, the Rideau Curling Club, and the local branch of the Royal Caledonian Curling Club. An Anglican, in Ottawa he attended St George{apos}s Church and then All Saints{s-1-unknown}; in 1920 he participated {d-0}whole-heartedly{d-1} in the Anglican {d-0}Forward Movement.{d-1} He then began to slow down, though some recognition would still come his way. In 1925, for instance, the University of Toronto awarded him an lld. Following his death after a brief illness in February 1930, it was reported in obituaries that he had held the record for the longest military service in Canada. Hodgins had performed competently in two very different careers, law and the military, which he favoured. He never attained the fame of some contemporary military figures, but he performed his tasks, a number of them quite onerous, with proficiency. He was apparently ill rewarded, for his estate consisted almost entirely of life insurance. Enormously popular in Ottawa, he was accorded one of the largest military funerals seen in the city for many years.

AO, RG 22-354, no.14506; RG 80-5-0-92, no.7870; RG 80-8-0-71, no.13346. LAC, MG 26, H, 65; MG 30, E48; RG 13, 35, 39, 72, 74, 128; RG 25, 206: file M3/54; RG 31, C1, 1881, Bowmanville, Ont., div.1: 61 (mfm. at AO); RG 150, Acc. 1992-93/166, box 4411. UTA, A1973-0026/152(91). Ottawa Evening Journal, 28 Feb., 3 March 1930. Gordon Bale, Chief Justice William Johnstone Ritchie: responsible government and judicial review (Ottawa, 1991), 273. Can., Parl., Sessional papers, 1901, no.30: 4. Canada Gazette, 12 Oct. 1877: 384; 28 April 1883: 1781; 20 Oct. 1917: 1253. Canadian annual rev., 1909, 1914, 1917. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). Directory, Toronto, 1880–83. Dominion annual reg., 1883: 185. Governor General{apos}s Foot Guards, Steady the buttons two by two: Governor General{apos}s Foot Guards regimental history, 125th anniversary, 1872–1997, comp. R. M. Foster et al. (Ottawa, 1999).

Of British parentage, Castell Hopkins moved as a child with his family to Bowmanville, Ont., where he completed his education. Between 1883 and about 1891 he worked as a clerk with the Imperial Bank of Canada, first in Bowmanville and from 1889 in Toronto. During the mid 1880s the British imperial tie became one of his abiding passions: in Ingersoll on 28 May 1886 he played a key role in the formation of the Ontario branch of the Imperial Federation League and in November 1888 he became an honorary secretary of the dominion League. During this period he set his sights too on a literary career; in February 1887 Goldwin Smith* of Toronto had applauded, but declined to contribute to, Hopkins{apos}s planned project to {d-0}diffuse correct information about the Colonies.{d-1} Hopkins left banking to join the strongly imperial Toronto Empire, where he quickly moved from clerk to associate editor, a position he relinquished in 1894 to freelance full-time.

Hopkins did not possess a {d-0}hardy physique{d-1} but he was a fast writer, one who allowed few distractions. An Anglican, he did not marry until 1906 (Annie Bonner, a Roman Catholic, was half his age). According to one biographer, his {d-0}life was one of great nervous activity{d-1} and {d-0}his literary output was probably larger than any other publicist in the Dominion.{d-1} In a writing career that spanned three decades, he produced some 40 books and pamphlets, wrote extensively for newspapers, journals, and other publications in Canada and abroad, and coordinated and edited a number of series, including the first encyclopedia on Canada. Produced in six volumes between 1898 and 1900, this work, a good deal of it prepared by Hopkins himself, was meant to document authoritatively Canada{apos}s past and present; Canada {d-0}requires only to be known in order to be great,{d-1} he wrote. In addition, each year between 1901 and 1923 he edited and wrote much of the ambitiously conceived, massively detailed, and still widely consulted Canadian annual review of public affairs, which he intended to be an impartial compendium of statistics, current events, speeches, and press opinions. He was assisted in this project by his wife.

A good deal of Hopkins{apos}s work reflected his strong attachment to British imperialist philosophy, a gospel that had a wide audience. Closely related and also evident was a romanticized sense of history and an acceptance of the popular idea of progress. For Hopkins these strands came together in a view of national development that stressed Canada{apos}s advancement under British guidance. The logical goal was membership in an imperial federation in which Canada would play a key role. Like most imperialists, Hopkins was suspicious of possible aggression by the United States and he loathed what he saw as its excessive democracy and materialism. He provided hagiographical depictions of groups who championed the British connection, such as the United Empire Loyalists and Canada{apos}s defenders in the War of 1812; chosen individuals such as Prime Minister Sir John Sparrow David Thompson* were squeezed into an imperial mould, regardless of their true sentiments. Similarly, in well-meant but condescending caricature, French Canadians were cast as loyal habitants. Hopkins took his imperialism very seriously, and did not hesitate to publicize its trappings. In 1910, for example, he issued a pamphlet on the origins of Empire Day in Canada (in which he gave credit to Sir George William Ross*, thus undermining the claim of Hamilton imperialist Clementina Fessenden [Trenholme*]).

Whatever the imperial crusade, Hopkins offered unqualified support. In South Africa and the Boer-British war . . . (Brantford, Ont., 1900) he upheld the cause by defending the liberty of Anglo Uitlanders against autocratic and cruel Dutch Boers. He went on to portray World War I as a struggle between British civilization and German authoritarianism, so that in such works as The province of Ontario in the war . . . (Toronto, 1919) he used his pen as a sword to rally Canadians. He came to celebrate the war years as Canada{apos}s coming of age within the international community, something demonstrated, he said, by the acceptance of Canadian delegations at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 and the League of Nations. However, he insisted that this new status had been attained with Britain{apos}s support and thus did not adversely affect the dominion{apos}s commitment to the empire. He could not recognize that the nationalism generated by the war had, in fact, moved Canada away from Britain, a trend reinforced during the 1920s by a desire to avoid costly involvement in another European conflict. Furthermore, the United States had become Canada{apos}s pre-eminent trading partner. The declining influence of imperialism was also reflected in scholarly works that explained the essence of Canada by reference to theories centred on North America.

Most of Hopkins{apos}s work thus fell into obscurity after his death in 1923, little of it sustained by literary merit. Much had been written in haste, the result of professional need and journalistic energy. In a patronizing critique of one of his books, academic historian William Stewart Wallace* said its only use was {d-0}to lend an air of refinement to the parlours of many farmhouses throughout the countryside.{d-1} Referring to Hopkins{apos}s deferential treatment of Thompson, which came out within two months of his death, historian P. B. Waite finds its language {d-0}flat, even flatulent{d-1} and the biography {d-0}for most purposes dead.{d-1}

If, as Carl Berger suggests, Hopkins did not mix easily with such elite imperialists as George Taylor Denison, he did correspond with most of Canada{apos}s leading imperialist thinkers, and important links were maintained through his many associations. A member of the Orange order, the Sons of England, and the council of the British Empire League, he was president in 1891–92 of the Toronto Young Men{apos}s Liberal Conservative Association and in 1910–11 of the Empire Club of Canada, which he had helped found in 1903. Connections were no doubt made too through his memberships in major historical societies and the Toronto-based Albany Club, Rosedale Golf Club, and Royal Canadian Yacht Club. He was, as well, a fellow of the Royal Statistical Society, the Royal Geographical Society, and the Royal Society of Literature of the United Kingdom.

Hopkins{apos}s books, pamphlets, and articles provide considerable insight into the imperialist mindset that so profoundly affected Canadian politics and society during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Longer lasting in impact was the meticulous effort made by Hopkins to record contemporary history in his Canadian annual review, a project that was carried on by his wife from 1923 to 1936 and, after a long hiatus, was reborn in 1960.

There is no comprehensive listing of John Castell Hopkins{apos}s publications, but partial ones appear in Middleton, Municipality of Toronto, vol.2: 32–33, and in an ma paper prepared by the author, {d-0}The policies of Canada{apos}s chief press censor during the Great War{d-1} (ma memoir, Carleton Univ., Ottawa, 1986). Most of Hopkins{apos}s books and pamphlets have been made available on microfiche by the CIHM and are listed in its Reg.

Representative publications include Canada and the empire; a study of imperial federation (Toronto, 1890); Canada and American aggression ([Montreal, 1892]); The maple leaf and the Union Jack: a brief study of the imperial connection (Toronto, 1892); the entries for {d-0}D{apos}Alton McCarthy,{d-1} {d-0}Wm. Ralph Meredith,{d-1} and {d-0}Charles H. Tupper,{d-1} in Men of the day: a Canadian portrait gallery, ed. L.-H. Taché (32 ser. in 16v., Montreal, 1890–[94]), 14th, 20th, and 24th ser., respectively; Life and work of Mr. Gladstone; a great and varied career (Toronto and Brantford, Ont., 1895); Life and work of the Rt. Hon. Sir John Thompson . . . (Toronto, 1895); Queen Victoria: her life and reign . . . (Toronto and Brantford, 1896; another ed., Toronto, 1901); The sword of Islam; or, suffering Armenia . . . (Brantford and Toronto, 1896); Progress of Canada in the nineteenth century . . . (Toronto and Brantford, 1900); The story of the dominion: four hundred years in the annals of a continent . . . (Philadelphia and Toronto, 1901); The origin and history of Empire Day (Toronto, 1910); French Canada and the St. Lawrence; historic, picturesque and descriptive (Toronto, 1913; repr., 1974); {d-0}The war of 1812–15,{d-1} OH, 12 (1914): 42–57; and Canada at war, a record of heroism and achievement, 1914–1918 (Toronto, 1919).

Hopkins also edited Canada, an encyclopædia of the country: the Canadian dominion considered in its historic relations, its natural resources, its material progress, and its national development (6v., Toronto, 1898–1900), to which he contributed numerous articles, among them {d-0}The imperial federation movement in Canada,{d-1} 6: 53–57.

AO, F 102; RG 80-2-0-227, no.45365; RG 80-5-0-344, no.3324. LAC, MG 29, D35. Globe, 7 Nov. 1923. Toronto Daily Star, 6 Nov. 1923. World (Toronto), 3 Oct. 1906. Carl Berger, The sense of power; studies in the ideas of Canadian imperialism, 1867–1914 (Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1970). Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). Canadian who{apos}s who, 1910. Directory, Toronto, 1889–1900. Encyclopaedia of Canadian biography . . . , vol.3: 55. The Oxford companion to Canadian history and literature, ed. Norah Story (Toronto, 1967). Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell), vol.2. P. B. Waite, The man from Halifax: Sir John Thompson, prime minister (Toronto, 1985). Who{apos}s who in Canada, 1922.

Jack Hornby{apos}s father, whose family were cotton magnates in Blackburn, Lancashire, captained England in both cricket and rugby. Herbert Ingram, his maternal grandfather, had owned the Illustrated London News. His brother Albert Henry led Lancashire{apos}s cricket team; his other brothers would predecease him: George in Africa in 1905 and Walter of wounds at the end of World War I. Like his father and brothers, he was educated at Harrow (1894–98). Afterwards he lived in Germany to learn the language as part of an uncompleted diplomatic training.

In 1904 Hornby came to Canada to visit a cousin, Cecil Armitstead, at Onoway, near Edmonton. After three years exploring and working in the Lac Ste Anne area of Alberta, he freighted for surveyors on the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway in 1907. His first journey into the Barren Ground of the North-West Territories began the next year, with a trading and hunting party led by fellow Englishman James Cosmo Dobrée Melvill. The group spent the winter on Great Bear Lake (1908–9), visited the Coppermine River district (1909–10), and wintered again on Great Bear (1910–11). This is when, as author George Whalley describes it, Hornby{apos}s {d-0}fatal devotion{d-1} to the Barren Ground began. Hornby subsequently connected himself to the missionary expedition of Jean-Baptiste Rouvière, an Oblate priest. In 1912 he travelled with Canadian engineer George Mellis Douglas to the Coppermine, a journey described by Douglas in Lands forlorn . . . (New York, 1914).

Funded by his mother, Hornby wandered in British Columbia and the north, trapping, hunting, and at times barely surviving. From 1923 to 1925 he explored and trapped in the Artillery Lake–Thelon River area with James Charles Critchell-Bullock, a retired British officer. After attending his father{apos}s funeral in England in December 1925, he came back to Canada in 1926 accompanied by a young cousin, Edgar Vernon Christian. Hornby took him and a former Royal Air Force officer, Harold Challoner Evan Adlard, into the Barren Ground to winter in the Thelon–Dubawnt River region. Though Hornby prided himself on being able to live off the land – an ability some questioned – the migrating caribou failed to come and, lacking sufficient supplies, the party starved to death in the spring of 1927. Christian, the last of the three to succumb, left a diary describing their experience. Their bodies, left alone by prospectors who discovered the party{apos}s cabin in July 1928, were buried nearby the following summer by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.

Although Ralph Horner{apos}s earliest proclivities were musical, he was apparently destined for a business career. Yet {d-0}the natural bent of his mind was so clearly manifested,{d-1} a later biographical account states, {d-0}and his progress so rapid that at the age of eleven he officiated as pianist to the Newport Choral Society notwithstanding parental opposition.{d-1}

From 1864 to 1867 Horner studied at the Leipzig Conservatory. After returning to London in 1868 he conducted choirs and operatic productions for the Peckham Choral Society and was choirmaster at St Mary{apos}s Church, Peckham. For seven years he directed the English Opera Company and also operas at Alexandra Palace, London. He taught piano, singing, and harmony at Camberwell (London) during 1869. From 1878 to 1888 he conducted operas composed by Gilbert and Sullivan throughout the British provinces. Following these successful tours he settled in Nottingham, where he led the Nottingham Amateur Orchestral Society, the Nottingham Operatic Society, and the Nottingham Philharmonic Choir. He lectured in music at University College in Nottingham for ten years. In 1893 he took a bm and in 1898 a dm, both at the University of Durham.

In 1906 Horner landed in North America and for a brief period he lived in New York City. In 1909 he arrived in Winnipeg. He was immediately named director of the Imperial Academy of Music and Arts, a position he held until 1911. As music editor from 1909 to 1914 of Winnipeg Town Topics, high society{apos}s weekly journal of cultural, musical, and artistic matters, he helped establish standards of taste for many Winnipeggers. From 1909 to 1912 he conducted the Winnipeg Oratorio Society. He also directed an opera troupe, which in 1911 presented his comic opera The belles of Barcelona. A charter member of the Men{apos}s Musical Club of Manitoba, he served as vice-president during its inaugural year, 1915–16. The club{apos}s mandate was the promotion, elevation, and extension of the {d-0}art of music.{d-1} Members also discouraged and condemned any measures which would debase the standard of music in Manitoba. This objective befitted Horner{apos}s principles and status as well as the genteel aspirations of the amateur and professional artistic community carving a niche for itself within the rapidly growing metropolis of Winnipeg. The club would continue to perform Horner{apos}s work after he left it to serve as bandmaster in the 190th and 250th Infantry battalions during 1916–17. Following World War I he resumed teaching music in Winnipeg and he served as choirmaster of St Matthew{apos}s Church from 1921 to 1925. From about 1917 until his death he directed the Ralph Horner Opera Company in Winnipeg.

Horner{apos}s musical compositions were many and varied. They included operas (Amy Robsart, The belles of Barcelona, and A fairy overture), the Intermezzo for orchestra in B major, six operettas, two oratorios (St. Peter{apos}s and David{apos}s first victory), cantatas (including the dramatic cantata Confucius), many piano pieces, several anthems, and part-songs. Some of his approximately 100 songs were published by the firm Reeder, Weekes, and Ashdown.

A prominent member of social and musical circles for many years, Ralph Horner was described as {d-0}Winnipeg{apos}s grand old man of music, and one of her best known citizens,{d-1} a reputation he well deserved.

Man., Dept. of Finance, Consumer and Corporate Affairs, Vital statistics (Winnipeg), no.1920-03126. Manitoba Free Press, 24 Sept. 1909, 8–9 April 1926. Encyclopedia of music in Canada (Kallmann et al.). G Sharp Major [G. S. Mathieson], Crescendo; a business man{apos}s romance in music (Winnipeg, [1935?]). Pioneers and prominent people of Manitoba, ed. Walter McRaye (Winnipeg, 1925). Who{apos}s who and why, 1921.

HOWARD, LEONORA ANNETTA (King), teacher and medical missionary; b. 17 March 1851 near Farmersville (Athens), Upper Canada, daughter of Peter Gilton Howard, a farmer, and Dorothy E. Carter; granddaughter of Dr Peter Howard*; m. 21 Aug. 1884 Alexander King in Tientsin (Tianjin, People{apos}s Republic of China); d. 30 June 1925 in Peitaiho (Beidaihe, People{apos}s Republic of China).

Educated in Soperton, near the family farm in Leeds County, Leonora Howard attended teachers{s-1-unknown} college in Syracuse, N.Y., and spent some years teaching in eastern Ontario, but she really wanted to be a physician. Because the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Kingston would not accept women for training, she applied to the medical school of the University of Michigan, which admitted her in 1872. She graduated with honours and an md in 1876. The previous year she had applied to and been adopted by the Woman{apos}s Foreign Missionary Society of the American Methodist Episcopal Church. Perhaps she had been influenced by Adelaide Galliland, a member of Leonora{apos}s Methodist church in Soperton and the first Canadian woman to live in China, as the wife of an American missionary, Virgil Hart.

Leonora was subsequently invited to remain – an extraordinary recognition of a westerner – and was given a portion of the memorial temple to statesman Tseng Kuo-fan in which to practise. Because of Lady Li{apos}s influence, the doors (and presumably the wallets) of many wealthy and aristocratic Chinese were opened to her. Shortly thereafter Li Hung-chang{apos}s mother left $1,000 for her work, a contribution said to be the first bequest to missionary endeavour from a Chinese woman. Leonora{apos}s prestige was further enhanced in 1880, when missionaries and news correspondents credited her with helping secure the Sino-American treaty negotiated by James Burrill Angell, the American ambassador to China and president of the University of Michigan.

In 1881 Leonora opened, in Tientsin, the WFMS-sponsored Isabella Fisher Hospital for Women and Children, named for an American benefactor. As a result of Leonora{apos}s efforts, the medical work of the WFMS{apos}s North China mission became centred in Tientsin rather than Peking. Leonora regretted that her group{apos}s evangelistic work did not keep pace with their medical work, though in reality she put less emphasis on conversion and fundamentalism than others did. In 1884 she married a widowed Scottish minister who had come to China in 1880, Alexander King of the London Missionary Society. Female missionaries who married were obliged to join their husband{apos}s organizations, but although Leonora had to resign from the WFMS, she was never officially attached to the LMS. She now worked almost exclusively for the Chinese, who called her Dr Ke Ye-da (Chinese for King). In 1885 she opened the Government Hospital for Women and Children, again sponsored by Lady Li.

Leonora and Alex took their allotted furlough in 1891 to travel to Canada and England. When war broke out between China and Japan over the tributary country of Korea in 1894, Leonora closed her hospitals to all but Chinese soldiers and sailors. For her heroic efforts this tall, slim physician was awarded the Imperial Order of the Double Dragon the following year, thus becoming the first western woman to be made a mandarin. During the Boxer rebellion of 1900, the Kings and three others were the only missionaries to remain and work in besieged Tientsin – the rest fled to Japan or home. In 1902, a year after the death of Leonora{apos}s mentor Li Hung-chang, the Kings went on just the second furlough of their careers: Alex returned to England and Scotland while Leonora, who loathed Britain{apos}s climate, took medical courses in Vienna.

In 1908 she opened China{apos}s first Government Medical School for Women in Tientsin, to teach Chinese women to become doctors and nurses. In 1915 a new Isabella Fisher Hospital was launched by the WFMS and a room was named in honour of Leonora King. Though she and her husband officially retired in 1917, they continued their {d-0}service of healing and love.{d-1} Sometime during this period they adopted Agnes Clarke, the daughter of British missionaries who had died during a disturbance.

The Kings travelled to Canada again in 1923 to visit Leonora{apos}s family and look for a retirement property near Gananoque, in the county of her birth. Following her return to China to pack their belongings and close their houses, officials in Tientsin refused to let her practise any medicine. The reasons are unclear: perhaps she was being held to her retirement or was being sidelined by the new {d-0}China for the Chinese{d-1} attitude. Before she could leave she died of influenza at her country home in Peitaiho; her gravesite cannot be located. Alex King died in England in 1939.

Sources for Howard{apos}s life can be found in the author{apos}s full-length biography, Honour due: the story of Dr. Leonora Howard King (Ottawa, 1999).

HOYLES, NEWMAN WRIGHT, lawyer, educator, and Anglican layman; b. 14 March 1844 in St John{apos}s, son of Hugh William Hoyles* and Jean Liddell; m. 27 Nov. 1873 Georgina Martha Moffatt, daughter of Lewis Moffatt*, in Toronto, and they had two sons and two daughters; d. there 6 Nov. 1927.

A third-generation Newfoundlander, Newman Hoyles grew up in St John{apos}s, the son of a leading lawyer and future premier and chief justice. In 1858 his parents sent him for schooling, not to Britain, but to Upper Canada College in Toronto. After two years there, Hoyles attended King{apos}s College in Windsor, N.S., and Trinity College in Cambridge, England, where he took a ba in classics and won medals in rowing. Hoyles then pursued a legal career in Toronto. Articled in 1869 and called to the bar three years later, he formed a partnership with James Bethune that grew into a prominent law firm, which included Charles Moss* and William Glenholme Falconbridge*. He was named qc by the Ontario government in 1889.

In 1894 Hoyles succeeded William Albert Reeve* as head of the law school run by the Law Society of Upper Canada – Ontario{apos}s only accredited law school – at Osgoode Hall in Toronto. Hoyles, whose partner Charles Moss had chaired the hiring committee, had been widely seen as the establishment candidate. He had declined to apply until the salary was raised by 25 per cent, to $5,000.

The school{apos}s program of morning lectures, followed by service {d-0}under articles{d-1} in local offices, was mandatory for would-be lawyers in Ontario. Innovations at Harvard and at Dalhousie University in Halifax [see Richard Chapman Weldon], however, had begun to establish the full-time, academic llb as the standard credential for North American lawyers, so Osgoode Hall{apos}s training was controversial. Hoyles shared the conviction of the Law Society, which controlled the call to the bar, that no university program could adequately provide the practical training lawyers needed, and that a {d-0}learned and honourable{d-1} profession had to see to the education of its own. He believed all his life that schooling in arts or classics, followed by intense professional apprenticeship, produced the best lawyers.

In the early 20th century, when advocates of university law schools often favoured them as much for their potential to exclude socially undesirable elements from the profession as for their intellectual aspirations, Osgoode Hall accepted many students who had begun legal studies simply by finding lawyers willing to instruct them. Hoyles{apos}s opposition to academic control over legal credentials may have reflected an underlying liberalism as well as professional pride. Throughout his tenure (and until 1957), the Law Society treated university programs as worthwhile but held that they conferred no entitlement to be called to the bar. Hoyles thus rejected several overtures from the University of Toronto. Even while helping to keep Ontario universities out of professional education in law, he was a long-time member of the University of Toronto{apos}s senate, and he received an honorary lld from Queen{apos}s College in Kingston in 1902.

Few innovations marked Hoyles{apos}s 29 years as principal. Though he lectured regularly, he published no legal scholarship of substance. A popular figure, nicknamed Daddy by his students, he was reported to be kindly, courteous, and helpful. It was during his tenure that Ontario{apos}s first women lawyers, notably Clara Brett Martin, and most of its early Jewish lawyers, among them Arthur Cohen*, entered the profession. In 1923 Hoyles called the entry of women the most important change seen during his principalship, though he doubted whether they would succeed {d-0}in the highest branches of law – in pleading in court.{d-1} He retired in 1923, not quite 80 years old, and was succeeded by his deputy, the much more scholarly John Delatre Falconbridge*.

Hoyles{apos}s other lifelong commitment was Anglican evangelicalism. In Newfoundland his family had supported evangelical causes, but friends said his faith had been sparked in 1877 by the Toronto crusade of the Irish-born evangelist William Stephen Rainsford. At the time disputes between evangelicals and Anglo-Catholics were causing near-schism in the diocese of Toronto. The lay evangelicals, low church but not low society, were led by Samuel Hume Blake* and other social and professional colleagues of Hoyles who poured their organizing skills and funds into supporting {d-0}protestant{d-1} Anglicanism.

Hoyles did mission work in his parish (St Philip{apos}s), but his most visible contribution was service to evangelicals{s-1-unknown} institutional network. In 1877 he helped found the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School [see James Paterson Sheraton*], the evangelical alternative to Trinity College in Toronto, where his father-in-law was a council member. Religious-oriented organizations later supported by Hoyles included Bishop Ridley College in St Catharines and Havergal Ladies{s-1-unknown} College and the Evangelical Churchman in Toronto. He served for decades on the boards, and eventually as chairman or president, of these bodies. In 1904 he negotiated the merger of the Upper Canada Bible Society with other provincial societies to form the Canadian Bible Society, and he would serve as its national president until 1921. He was a frequent delegate to the General Synod of the Church of England in Canada, from its foundation in 1893 until 1908, and he represented the church and its missionary society at international congresses.

He and his family lived in Toronto{apos}s Annex district, on Lowther Avenue after 1892 and later on Huron Street. His elder son, Hugh Lewis, who had attended both University College and Osgoode Hall and was called to the bar in 1906, joined the Canadian army while practising law in Montreal and was killed in action in 1918. Family tradition suggests that, at the end of his life, Newman Hoyles was somewhat estranged from his widowed daughter-in-law, who had soon remarried. But his will, signed five months before his death in 1927 at age 83, was scrupulously fair in providing for his own widow, making small bequests to friends and relatives, and dividing the rest of his $45,000 estate among his three surviving children and Hugh{apos}s son and daughter. Obituaries of Hoyles stressed his absolute faith in the Bible and his {d-0}quiet,{d-1} {d-0}unobtrusive,{d-1} and {d-0}unswerving{d-1} service to Osgoode Hall and to the evangelical cause.

AO, RG 22-305, no.58183. Law Soc. of Upper Canada Arch. (Toronto), 1-5 (Convocation, rolls), common roll, Michaelmas term, 1869; Curtis Cole, {d-0}A history of Osgoode Hall Law School, 1889–1989.{d-1} Globe, 28 Nov. 1873. Mail (Toronto), 28 Nov. 1873. Toronto Daily Star, 26 Nov. 1923. Canadian Bible Soc., Annual report (Toronto), 1928. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). The jubilee volume of Wycliffe College (Toronto, 1927). Christopher Moore, The Law Society of Upper Canada and Ontario{apos}s lawyers, 1797–1997 (Toronto, 1997). W. W. Pue, {d-0}Common law legal education in Canada{apos}s age of light, soap and water,{d-1} Manitoba Law Journal (Winnipeg), 23 (1995): 654–88. The roll of pupils of Upper Canada College, Toronto, January, 1830, to June, 1916, ed. A. H. Young (Kingston, Ont., 1917).

Victor-Alphonse Huard attended the Petit Séminaire de Québec as a day student from 1863 to 1872, completing his classical studies with high standing. He began taking a particular interest in the natural sciences as a result of an event in June 1869. As he would later note in his book La vie et l{apos}œuvre de l{apos}abbé Provancher, which was published at Quebec in 1926, he was this naturalist{apos}s hiking companion on an outing in Montreal by students of the Séminaire de Québec. Léon Provancher* had just founded a journal at Quebec, Le Naturaliste canadien, to disseminate information about natural history in French Canada. A firm friendship developed between the young college student and the man who would become his mentor. Their correspondence, which commenced in 1872, was maintained without a break until Provancher{apos}s death in March 1892. In 1872 Huard began studying at the Grand Séminaire de Québec. He was granted the degree of bd in 1875 and would be ordained to the priesthood in the basilica of Notre-Dame at Quebec on 13 Aug. 1876.

Huard arrived in Chicoutimi on 6 Oct. 1875. Archbishop Elzéar-Alexandre Taschereau* of Quebec had invited him to go there and participate in the initial work of the seminary. Teachers were in short supply in the Saguenay region, which had only recently been opened to settlement [see Nicolas-Tolentin Hébert*]. Until 1893, when he would begin concentrating solely on the administration of the seminary, he would teach religion, languages, rhetoric, zoology, and geography. He took on other important offices as well, serving as the first director of the Grand Séminaire (1878–80) and as secretary (1880–89), prefect of studies (1881–87), vice-superior (1892–96, 1899–1900), and superior (1896–99) of the Séminaire. Many additional tasks made heavy demands on his time: the founding of the Académie Saint-François-de-Sales (1877) and the organization of the library (1876–78, 1880–81) as well as of the bookstore (1880–94). He was also the promoter of the house orchestra, curator of the museum, annalist, and co-founder and co-editor of L{apos}Oiseau-mouche, the student newspaper at the Petit Séminaire.

Huard made his passion for natural history an integral part of his duties. On 14 May 1876 he wrote in the seminary{apos}s annals: {d-0}Little children take part enthusiastically in the hunt for insects, which they capture by lifting up stones in the fields. Not a stone is to be found in all the surrounding grounds that has not been lifted. They have collected at least 500 beetles since the beginning of the month in this way.{d-1} But his contribution to the field of natural science really took off in 1894, when Provancher{apos}s {d-0}disciple{d-1} – as he chose to call himself – resumed publication of Le Naturaliste canadien, which had ceased to appear in June 1891. At first, Huard managed to keep the magazine alive without a grant. The governments of Sir Lomer Gouin and Louis-Alexandre Taschereau* would give him financial assistance from 1919. Huard{apos}s magazine was more modest and less technical than Provancher{apos}s had been, and it would remain so until about 1910. After that, as a result of contributors in the fields of geology, zoology, ornithology, microbiology, and entomology, Le Naturaliste canadien would become a popular magazine with varied and original content that Huard would publish without interruption until his death in 1929.

In 1901 Huard returned to live at Quebec, where he continued to popularize science by writing a number of textbooks. The first, published in 1905, was entitled Traité élémentaire de zoologie et d{apos}hygiène. From 1907 to 1925, a series of short works for the use of educational institutions would be published and reissued at Quebec. These included the Abrégé de zoologie, the Manuel des sciences usuelles (written in part by Abbé Henri Simard), the Abrégé de minéralogie, the Abrégé de botanique, and the Abrégé de géologie. Their popularity, which held up, proved that Huard{apos}s textbooks met a need in the province{apos}s schools.

Over the years Huard acquired a name in the field of the natural sciences. In 1904 he became curator of the Musée de l{apos}Instruction Publique. This office, which he would retain until 1927, let him keep an eye on the scientific collections that his mentor had sold in 1877 to the provincial Department of Public Works and Agriculture for the creation of the museum. From 1913 to 1916 Huard was the province{apos}s first titular entomologist.

Huard cherished great hopes as well. He wanted to complete the entomological work that Provancher had put aside after investigating five orders of insects, leaving the study of the lepidoptera, the diptera, and the aptera still undone. If Huard{apos}s project had materialized, it would have resulted in a ten-volume work. All his life, he wanted to undertake this task, but writing his textbooks kept him from it until the spring of 1927. In the end he had time to update only one of Provancher{apos}s manuscripts, which had been written in 1880 on {d-0}Les lépidoptères lepidoptera.{d-1} Huard published an expanded version of it at Quebec in 1929, under the general title Faune entomologique de la province de Québec. This volume on the diurnal lepidoptera was his only entomological publication on taxonomy, since his death occurred shortly afterwards. The study on moths that he was preparing at the time would never be published.

An educator valued by his students, an able popular scientific writer, and a conscientious organizer, Victor-Alphonse Huard succeeded in reconciling his duties as professor, editor, curator, and man of religion. Because he had linked the work of the 19th-century naturalists and the scientific revival in French Canada at the dawn of the 20th century, experts consider him the successor to Provancher. A model both for the naturalists of his day and for scientists in the future, Huard stands out as a {d-0}diligent intellectual worker, a perfect gentleman, [and] accomplished priest.{d-1} Such was the tribute Mgr Eugène Lapointe*, of the Séminaire de Chicoutimi, paid him shortly after his death.

[In addition to the works cited above, Victor-Alphonse Huard published several books and pamphlets, among them: Impressions d{apos}un passant: Amérique, Europe, Afrique (Québec, 1906) and Manuel théorique et pratique d{apos}entomologie (Québec, 1927). For the most part, his other works can be consulted on microfiche and are listed in the CIHM Reg. As curator of the Musée de l{apos}Instruction Publique, Huard published in Que., Parl., Sessional papers, 1908–9, a report that covers the years 1893–1909 and, as entomologist in the Department of Agriculture, he published another report in Que., Parl., Sessional papers, 1912–13.

Huard is also the author of hundreds of articles which appear in the following periodicals between 1877 and 1929: L{apos}Abeille (Québec), L{apos}Alma mater (Chicoutimi, Qué.), L{apos}Almanach de l{apos}Action sociale catholique (Québec), the BRH, Le Canada français (Québec), La Kermesse (Québec), Le Messager de Saint-Antoine (Chicoutimi), Le Naturaliste canadien (Chicoutimi; Québec), La Nouvelle-France (Québec), L{apos}Oiseau-mouche(Chicoutimi), La Semaine religieuse de Québec, and RSC, Trans.

Numerous documents concerning Huard are conserved at the Arch. du Séminaire de Chicoutimi, in the Abbé V.-A. Huard papers (C-11 and C-12) and in the general records of the Séminaire de Chicoutimi (C-20 and C-21). The first collection contains about 24,000 letters that he received, as well as various manuscripts of his works. It has not yet been processed, but researchers can consult a nominal index and a card catalogue that provides a guide to the 344 files. The second collection includes some portraits of Huard (C-20, fiche 587). Huard{apos}s scientific and religious library is held in the Salle Huard in the Arch. du Séminaire de Chicoutimi, where there are also volumes of newspaper clippings (of 500 pages each), which he classified under different categories: {d-0}Varia Saguenayensia{d-1} (15v.), {d-0}Varia Scientifica{d-1} (9v.), and {d-0}Varia de Variis{d-1} (70v.).

Huard{apos}s entomology collection, held at the Pavillon Louis-Jacques-Casault, is prominent among the Coll. de l{apos}Univ. Laval.

At ANQ-SLSJ, in the Coll. de la Soc. Hist. du Saguenay (P2), there are copies of Huard{apos}s correspondence between 1875 and 1912 (S1, D1050), articles and handwritten notes (S1, D1206), a letter, dated 1896, from Charles Arnaud* to Huard (S2, D6), reports, along with other letters and articles (S2, D174), and his correspondence on the subject of Le Naturaliste canadien between 1866 and 1922 (S2, D316). The archives also has the correspondence that Huard conducted with François-Xavier Gosselin between 1888 and 1929 (P165).

There is no detailed biography of Huard. The following items are among the most useful for studying his life: L{apos}Action catholique (Québec), 8 nov. 1929; Le Devoir, 15, 19 oct. 1929; Yvon Paré, {d-0}À la découverte de notre littérature,{d-1} Le Quotidien du Saguenay–Lac-Saint-Jean (Chicoutimi), 1er sept. 1979; La Semaine religieuse de Québec, 12 août 1926; 17, 24 oct. 1929; 6 mars 1930; Yves Thériault, {d-0}Un exquis prosateur du siècle dernier,{d-1} La Patrie du dimanche (Montréal), 20 déc. 1959; BCF, 1926; Luc Chartrand et al., Histoire des sciences au Québec (Montréal, 1987); Raymond Desgagné, {d-0}Mgr Victor-Alph. Huard,{d-1} Saguenayensia (Chicoutimi), 1 (1959): 102–4; Mélanie Desmeules, {d-0}Les années chicoutimiennes du Naturaliste canadien,{d-1} Saguenayensia, 43 (2002), no.3: 19–21; Conrad Laforte, {d-0}Essai de bio-bibliographie de monseigneur Joseph-Victor-Alphonse Huard, p.d.{d-1} (école de bibliothécaires, univ. de Montréal, 1949); Georges Maheux, {d-0}Feu le chanoine V.-A. Huard, 1853–1929,{d-1} Le Naturaliste canadien, 57 (1930): 6–10; J.-M. Perron, {d-0}La course à relais du Naturaliste canadien,{d-1} Le Naturaliste canadien, 125 (2001), no.2: 6–10; Adrien Robert, {d-0}Le chanoine V.-A. Huard, 1853–1929,{d-1} Entomological Soc. of Que., Annals (Sainte-Foy, Que.), 6 (1960): 148–49; André Simard, Les évêques et les prêtres séculiers au diocèse de Chicoutimi, 1878–1968; notices biographiques (Chicoutimi, 1969), 569–71; RSC, Trans., 3rd ser., 24 (1930), proc.: vi–vii. M.D.{d-1}]

Mabel Hubbard was born into a rich, well-connected Massachusetts family. Her life and destiny were profoundly affected by deafness caused by scarlet fever at age five. It was the prevailing opinion in the United States that children who became deaf in their early years could not retain the ability to speak; signing was thus considered the best means of communication. To prevent Mabel from becoming mute, Gertrude Hubbard found tutors who could teach her to lip-read and reinforce her speech, so that much of the time her highly intelligent daughter was educated among hearing children. Mabel{apos}s father, a distinguished lawyer, played a leading role in securing a charter for the Clarke Institution for Deaf-Mutes at Northampton, where children were instructed in speech; he served as its first president. Though Mabel did not attend the school, at nine she testified before a committee of the Massachusetts legislature to aid the cause. Its members plied her with questions in history, geography, and arithmetic, which she answered with assurance; her voice, though not perfect, was intelligible, according to biographer Lilias M. Toward. Many years later, Mabel, whose triumph over her handicap had led her to conduct her life among hearing people, wrote to her daughter Elsie May commending the school: {d-0}Having taught you all my life to forget that I was deaf, I now want you to remember it, at least to the extent of looking on the Clarke School as a sort of family affair whose welfare is a family concern.{d-1}

It was as a teacher of speech and the deaf that Alexander Graham Bell met Mabel Hubbard. One year out from Scotland, he had left Canada for Boston in 1871 to give a series of talks and he quickly became admired for his teaching techniques. He opened a school, lectured at Boston University{apos}s School of Oratory, and worked on inventions. {d-0}I both did and did not like him,{d-1} Mabel wrote in her journal after her teacher Mary True brought her to meet him in 1873 to see if he could improve her articulation. Her sentiments quickly became more positive; engaged in 1875, they married two years later, the telephone by then a reality. On the back of a family picture of Mabel are the words {d-0}The girl for whom the telephone was invented.{d-1} The couple{apos}s touching and lively letters bear witness to a lifetime of loving companionship. While away in 1879 testifying in a lawsuit over the telephone, Bell implored her to make him write: {d-0}Make me describe and publish my ideas that I may at least obtain credit for them and that people may know that I am still alive and thinking. . . . You are the mistress of my heart and sharer of my thoughts . . . so I send you a few ideas – as they come to me – to be added to the list of unwritten inventions and upon my return to be written out by US.{d-1} All their life together, Bell relied on her avowal, {d-0}I believe thoroughly in you, Alec dear.{d-1}

It was on Cape Breton Island, N.S., where much of Bell{apos}s work after the telephone was accomplished, that the slender, gentle New Englander left her own legacy. The widely travelled family were residents of Washington but Bell disliked its summers. In 1885, with their daughters, the couple made their first summer trip to Baddeck, on the Bras d{apos}Or lakes, and were delighted. {d-0}May it be long before fashionable people with their big hotels, big trunks and high charges find their way here,{d-1} wrote Mabel on 17 September. They returned the following year – they would do so for the rest of their lives, sometimes spending six months at a time – and established themselves in a farmhouse on a property on the outskirts of Baddeck they called Crescent Grove. Bell then bought, parcel by parcel, the headland across the bay that he named Beinn Bhreagh (beautiful mountain). Here they constructed Cape Breton{apos}s biggest house and, eventually, miles of roads, wharves, workshops, and a laboratory. In time much of the population of Baddeck became involved in the experiments Bell conducted there. Granddaughter Dr Mabel Hubbard Grosvenor, who witnessed some of these activities as a child, told journalist Jocelyn Bethune, {d-0}We grew up with wonders – they seemed commonplace.{d-1}

Bell{apos}s involvement in his work often set him apart. On occasion Mabel complained of {d-0}that work of yours of which I am so proud and yet so jealous,{d-1} but she was tolerant of all his eccentricities and solitary habits. With his eyesight failing, he also needed assistance. When his work with large kites led to thoughts of powered flight, Mabel encouraged him and four young collaborators to set up a formal organization in 1907. She financed the group as the Aerial Experiment Association with $35,000 of her own money, thus becoming the North American aviation industry{apos}s first backer. Independently wealthy, she had been further enriched at the time of her marriage when Bell turned over to her all but ten shares in the Bell Telephone Company. Mabel managed all the family{apos}s expenses. {d-0}Mr. Bell . . . didn{apos}t want to be bothered with petty cash and money and bills and Mrs. Bell was more than willing,{d-1} recalled Edith (Polly) MacMechan. {d-0}I was Mrs. Bell{apos}s secretary, so I paid the bills. That was fun, too – a great eye-opener for me as to what real money can do.{d-1} A daughter of Halifax professor Archibald McKellar MacMechan*, Polly met her husband, Claude Congreve Dobson, in 1920 when he arrived with a British naval team to inspect the hydrofoil built by Bell and Frederick Walker (Casey) Baldwin*.

Particularly during earlier summers in Baddeck, before marriages and grandchildren claimed her attention, Mabel had participated vigorously in the community{apos}s life. The Bells brought new ideas and legitimized them by their personal involvement. Perhaps Mabel{apos}s favourite project was the establishment in 1891 of the Young Ladies Club of Baddeck, one of the first Canadian women{apos}s clubs. Founded {d-0}to stimulate knowledge and promote sociability,{d-1} it drew inspiration from a similar type of club she had attended in Washington. A. G. Bell drew up its constitution and it continues to this day as the Bell Club. A former president, Jocelyn Bethune, maintained that, because of the strong religious and political affiliations of the times, in the area around Baddeck {d-0}there was not a lot of tolerance for a different point of view. . . . People moved in their own circles.{d-1} At the club, however, {d-0}everybody was brought together in a friendly atmosphere which I think owed a lot to Mrs. Bell{apos}s ability to make people feel comfortable.{d-1} After one meeting Mabel wrote, {d-0}There is nothing like real country life when you know how to manage it so that you have real sociability. I have more of this here than I do in Washington.{d-1} Members met in their homes and each meeting featured an address by one of them. Since there was only one public library in Nova Scotia, in Halifax, they raised money to subscribe to newspapers and magazines. With George Kennan, a Washington friend and journalist who also summered in Baddeck, Mabel rallied support for a library. It became a reality when she bought a former Methodist church, named it Gertrude Hall after her mother, and donated it to the community. The Young Ladies Club also played a role in the development of a national home and school association. On 18 Dec. 1895, after Bell{apos}s talk to the club on the parents{s-1-unknown} organizations he had encouraged at American schools for the deaf, a group of interested women met at Baddeck Academy and formed a parents{s-1-unknown} association, the first in Canada.

In the 1890s Mabel{apos}s interests also encompassed handicrafts. Picking up on ideas made popular by the English arts and crafts movement, she tried to introduce better techniques and materials so that home crafts could generate significant income for rural women. It may have been her example that led her daughter Marian Hubbard (Daisy) to back the work of American occupational therapist Lillian Burke, who about 1927 helped Acadian women in the Chéticamp area of Cape Breton turn rug hooking into a source of profit. Baddeck recognized Mabel{apos}s contributions, and tradition has it that sometime in the 1890s, though women did not have the franchise, the town gave her the right to vote in local elections. (History does not relate whether it was exercised.)

Gardens were a lifelong interest for Mabel Bell. Older people remembered that on her walks through Baddeck she would lean over fences, look, and chat about what was growing. She oversaw the development of magnificent gardens at Beinn Bhreagh. After Daisy{apos}s marriage in 1905 to David Grandison Fairchild, the plant explorer for the United States Department of Agriculture who helped develop the Florida citrus industry, Mabel often grew unusual foreign plants. One was the edible udo, of Japanese origin, which had been thought to have potential as a cash crop. It never caught on because, unless it was cultivated and harvested with great care, it could taste like turpentine. Mabel was a generous donor of flowers and plants, and for years udo roots flourished in local gardens. Her delight with the outdoors extended as well to her participation in experiments at Beinn Bhreagh, to boating, and to excursions. Even in the months before her death she loved to camp out. As Daisy related, {d-0}She couldn{apos}t read our lips very well by firelight, so in the evenings she put cushions on the ground and read by the car headlights.{d-1}

{d-0}Mother always did her own thinking,{d-1} Daisy recalled in a letter to the Bell Club some years after Mabel{apos}s death, {d-0}and it is interesting . . . to realize what a completely original individual she was. I don{apos}t think it was just because her deafness saved her from the endless objections and criticisms that so many of us hear when we have a new idea to put over. She just knew what she thought would be fun or interesting or worth while to do and then tried to do it.{d-1} Mabel Bell died of cancer at Daisy{apos}s home near Washington on 3 Jan. 1923, six months after her husband{apos}s passing, and is buried next to him on top of Beinn Bhreagh.

Alexander Graham Bell National Hist. Site of Canada, Bell Museum (Baddeck, N.S.), A. G. Bell family coll. Library of Congress, Manuscript Div. (Washington), 0030M, A. G. Bell family papers. New York Times, 4 Jan. 1923. D. H. Eber, Genius at work: images of Alexander Graham Bell (Toronto, 1982; repr., Halifax, 1991). From the records: the Bell Club treasures, comp. L. M. Toward and Sharon MacDonald (Baddeck, 1992). C. V. Madder, History, 1895–1963, the Canadian Home and School and Parent-Teacher Federation (Oshawa, Ont., 1964). L. M. Toward, Mabel Bell: Alexander{apos}s silent partner (Toronto, 1984).

The son of a breeder of {d-0}high-class stock,{d-1} William Roper Hull attended school in Dorchester and Bridport in Dorset. In 1873, along with his brother John Roper Hull, he left England for the interior of British Columbia, where their uncle William James Roper raised cattle near Kamloops. After travelling by steamer to Victoria via Panama, they boated up the Fraser River and reached Kamloops on foot. With little more than their personal effects, the brothers began ranching near Edith and Hull lakes and by 1880 were grazing cattle and horses. Three years later, when they found themselves with a surplus of horses, they drove 1,200 of them over the Crowsnest Pass to Calgary and sold them to the North-West Mounted Police and the North-West Cattle Company [see Frederick Smith Stimson*]. In 1886 the Hull brothers and a partner, Walter Pound Trounce, set up a butchering and livestock-trading business known as Hull, Trounce and Company. William Hull and Trounce moved to Calgary to run its head office while John Hull remained in Kamloops. The partners were the first to integrate cattle raising, meat packing, and retailing on a large scale in Alberta. During their initial year they brought into the Alberta district the first consignment of cattle shipped by rail from the west; delivered at Calgary, it was sold to the McDermott and Ross Ranche. Over the course of 1886 Hull and Trounce ordered in a total of 500 horses and 3,000 cattle, selling two-thirds of them and utilizing the remainder to stock their first ranch, the 25, near Nanton.

Hull{apos}s arrival in Calgary coincided with the golden age of the western Canadian ranching frontier. From the early 1880s the human and bovine populations grew dramatically. Hull was able to purchase cattle and other livestock from area ranchers and farmers and sell the meat in town and in distant markets. In May 1887 his company obtained the profitable contract for supplying beef to the Pacific division of the Canadian Pacific Railway. It established butcher shops the following year at Banff, Donald, Revelstoke, and Kamloops, and later in Anthracite, Canmore, Golden, and Field.

About 1890 Trounce left the partnership, and William and John formed Hull Brothers and Company. By 1891 they were the largest butchering establishment in Calgary. They had a slaughterhouse on the Bow River and, in Calgary, a stone packing plant with refrigerated chilling rooms, a cold-storage area, and the company{apos}s Pioneer Meat Market, which sold a variety of fresh meat, poultry, and fish. From the beginning their main product was beef. To process it they designed a modern, partially mechanized system that involved cutting by hand and movement by steam hoist and conveyor. In the 1890s much of the meat was sold locally, though a considerable amount was shipped on CPR refrigerator cars to the brothers{s-1-unknown} shops in other locations. The Hulls also supplied the railway{apos}s dining cars and wholesale distributors throughout southern Alberta and British Columbia. W. R. Hull relied on small margins and high volume - he sometimes dropped his prices below cost to beat out competition.

Hull closely integrated his Pioneer market with his company{apos}s second ranch, a 4,000-acre operation south of Calgary on Fish Creek, in the Bow River valley, where close to 1,000 steers were regularly grazed and fed. The Hulls had first leased this land from Senator Théodore Robitaille* in 1887 and bought it in 1892. The Bow Valley Ranche became known for its experiments to find the best production techniques. W. R. Hull undertook irrigated farming on a large scale. In 1893 he spent $2,000 to construct a ditch off the Bow to water 500 acres of bottom land along Fish Creek; he estimated that he recouped the cost from the extra yields of oats and hay in the first year. Some three years later he ran a second ditch to water an additional 800 acres. The ranch, often referred to as Hull{apos}s Irrigation Farm, used modern raking and stacking machines to put up roughage. As one of the major agricultural showpieces in the North-West Territories, it played a role in helping the cattle industry move from crude, open-range ranching to intensive mixed farming. The ranch was also a visual showpiece. Hull seems initially to have used the 25 as his home, but after the log dwelling on the Bow ranch burned in 1895, he decided to replace it with a magnificent house as his main residence. Designed by James Llewellyn Wilson of Calgary, the two-storey mansion built the following year - it is now a restaurant in Fish Creek Provincial Park - was an excellent example of the Queen-Anne style in a rural setting. Its doorway was flanked by whale ribs, string quartets played on the lawn during extravagant garden parties, and upper-crust English gentlemen were frequent visitors.

The erection of Hull{apos}s residence coincided with the dissolution of his partnership with his brother. William took the Alberta end of their business and John the Kamloops holdings. In 1902 W. R. Hull sold the Bow Valley Ranche and his beef businesses to cattle king Patrick Burns* so that he could concentrate on other interests. With Alfred Ernest Cross*, William Edward Cochrane, and others, he had founded the Calgary Brewing and Malting Company in 1892. He was involved too in W. Roper Hull Limited, a ranching, farming, and insurance agency. As a property broker and owner, he made a major impact. Among his holdings were the 6,000-acre Oxley Ranch near Claresholm that he bought in 1903 and the 37,500-acre Walrond Cattle Ranch in the foothills north of Pincher Creek [see Duncan McNab McEachran], which he leased for a period beginning in 1909. In Calgary he had a number of substantial buildings constructed. His five commercial blocks included the Hull Opera House (1893) and the Grain Exchange (1908-10), and he put up office blocks in Edmonton, Medicine Hat, and Lethbridge. There can be little doubt that he made a great deal of his money through real-estate ventures - he seems to have had a gift for recognizing locations that would jump in value. For example, in Calgary, he paid $7,500 for a corner lot at 8th Avenue and Centre Street in 1886, put up a small butcher shop, and sold the property for twice the original price seven years later.

Perhaps more than anyone else, Hull symbolized the business and ranching aristocracy for which the early prairie west has become famous. He consistently used his wealth to shape an Old World social and cultural environment in southern Alberta. The opera house is a case in point. With a seating capacity of 1,000, it hosted operatic and theatrical presentations by famous touring companies, school concerts, fund-raising productions, auction sales, and dances. In later years he continued the custom, started on his Bow Valley Ranche, of turning his home into a centre for refined social activities. After selling the Bow to Burns, he required living quarters for himself and his new wife, a daughter of Albert Edward Banister, a veterinarian who had emigrated from Bridport to Davisburg to farm. Hull{apos}s second mansion, on the fringe of Calgary, was even grander than his first, on Fish Creek. Designed by Hodgson and Bates, the architects of the Grain Exchange, it was named Langmore after the Hull family home in England. It took two years to build and cost $12,000 and another $3,000 to furnish. Its style was European, but the setting was distinctly western. {d-0}When I first came here to live,{d-1} Mrs Hull later remembered, {d-0}the prairie stretched away before us. There were not any fences and often we would sit and watch from our windows, riders jumping hurdles and practicing for the races.{d-1} Eventually the grounds were landscaped and the garden parties held there were renowned. Such entertainments exuded the values and the lifestyles that Hull and many of his peers had brought to the west. In 1922 the Hulls returned to their former Bow residence, which was still owned by Patrick Burns, to help entertain Arthur Neville Chamberlain, a British mp and future prime minister, then on a tour of Canada.

W. R. Hull was a very capable businessman who also had a keen sense of social responsibility. At his death in 1925 he left instructions that a major portion of his $1.6 million estate should be set aside to build an orphanage. By the time of Mrs Hull{apos}s death in 1953 the value had risen to $5 million. Expected to be constructed before 1956, the William Roper Hull Home was not officially opened until 1962. Now known as Hull Child and Family Services, this agency operates, with the Calgary Board of Education, the William Roper Hull School, to provide programs for students with behavioural and emotional difficulties. Other organizations that benefited from Hull{apos}s estate include the Anglican diocese of Calgary, the Red Cross, and various hospitals.

GA, M 8688/7; NA-14-1. GRO, Reg. of births, Netherbury, 20 Dec. 1856. Univ. of Birmingham Library, Special Coll. (Birmingham, Eng.), Chamberlain papers, [Arthur Neville Chamberlain{apos}s] travel journal, western Canadian trip, September-October, 1922. Calgary Daily Tribune, 11 Oct. 1893. Calgary Herald, 13 Feb. 1889; 3 March 1891; 13 Oct. 1923; 18 Nov. 1933; 21 Oct. 1996; 18 Jan. 1998; 5 Feb., 23 Sept. 2003. Calgary News Telegram, 11 Jan., 1 Nov. 1913. Globe, 17 Oct. 1891. Pincher Creek Echo (Pincher Creek, Alta), 23 Sept. 1997. Alberta Geneal. Soc., Edmonton branch, Alberta: index to registration of births, marriages and deaths . . . (1v. to date, Edmonton, 1995-?), 1 (1870 to 1905): 262. Mary Balf, Kamloops: a history of the district up to 1914 (Kamloops, B.C., 1969). Canadian who{apos}s who, 1910. Commercial (Winnipeg), 5 (1886-87): 667. L. V. Kelly, The range men (75th anniversary ed., High River, Alta, 1988). H. C. Klassen, Eye on the future: business people in Calgary and the Bow valley, 1870-1900 (Calgary, 2002). A. O. MacRae, History of the province of Alberta (2v., [Calgary], 1912). Newspaper reference book. {d-0}Out of our past,{d-1} comp. Kelly Untinen, Sunday: Calgary Herald Magazine, 3 March 1991: 5.

Hormisdas Magnan*, the painter{apos}s friend and first biographer, would note in 1932 that Charles Huot was said to have demonstrated talent for drawing very early on, copying landscapes from a book his father had given him. Charles entered the Collège de Sainte-Anne-de-la-Pocatière as a boarder in January 1866 at the age of ten; he would leave in July 1870, having completed his first year of commercial studies. His mother died on 26 September as he was entering the École Normale Laval in Quebec City. Few traces remain of the four years he spent in this institution, but various facts suggest that Huot was becoming increasingly interested in painting. First, the sale of a {d-0}very beautiful painting of animals done by M. Huot{d-1} at the auction of Cornelius Krieghoff*{apos}s estate - which was reported in Le Journal de Québec on 19 May 1877 - implies that the aspiring painter and the master had met. Huot may have used the occasion of Krieghoff{apos}s final stay at Quebec (between 1870 and 1872) to take lessons, but there is no way to confirm this hypothesis. As well, Magnan revealed that the presentation of the Joseph-Légaré collection at the Université Laval in 1872 so fascinated Huot that he returned several times to examine some of the paintings. Huot learned and became a skilful painter, as his works from 1873 prove. He received his first official commission from Clément Vincelette, the superintendent of the Asile de Beauport, who wanted a painting of the institution and its outbuildings. The work, dated 2 Dec. 1873, was displayed in the window of a music shop owned by Robert Morgan on Rue de la Fabrique in Quebec City. From then on, the artist received encouragement. In June 1874 La Minerve would note that Antoine Plamondon*, {d-0}who, ordinarily, is quite harsh in his assessments, warmly praised this painting and fully acknowledged the artist{apos}s talent.{d-1}

The success Huot achieved soon earned him the support of Abbé Pierre Lagacé, principal of the École Normale Laval, who set up a subscription committee chaired by architect Eugène-Étienne Taché* to send him to study in Europe. On 30 May 1874 Le Journal de Québec announced that $1,400 had been collected {d-0}to cover [the] travel costs and the expenses that a four-year stay in Paris will require.{d-1} Huot left Quebec on 6 June, at the age of 19, to enter the studio of academic painter Alexandre Cabanel; he lived with the family of Gustave Lefèvre, principal of the École de Musique Classique et Religieuse Niedermeyer. On 16 March 1875 he was finally admitted to the École des Beaux-Arts, where he would do the classical academic program. An unpleasant surprise awaited him the following year, however: the subscribers withdrew their assistance, despite Abbé Lagacé{apos}s repeated requests. Huot thus had to pursue his studies while supporting himself, though Lefèvre did cover his room and board.

In 1876, participating in the Paris Salon for the first time, Huot received an honourable mention and four of his works were accepted for the annual exhibition of the École des Beaux-Arts. He thus prepared actively for the 1877 Salon, where he presented a skilfully executed oil on canvas, Le bon Samaritain (now held at the Musée Tavet-Delacourt, in Pontoise, France), which showed both his academic training and his progress. After finishing his studies at the École des Beaux-Arts, probably in 1879, he took part in the salons of 1881, 1882, 1884, and 1885. During these years Huot worked on various projects. In La Presse on 20 Jan. 1927, he would note: {d-0}I came first in the competition in which the prize was a commission . . . to reproduce a masterly work by Paul Beaudry [Baudry], {s-0}Les Muses,{s-1-unknown} imitative of tapestry, which one can admire in the foyer of the Opéra. This project took me two years. Then I did illustrations for Charles Delagrave, Firmin Didot, Hachette.{d-1} In 1881 he lived for a few months in a former residence of the Marquise de Sévigné, where he produced paintings of a decorative type for a Paris exhibition. An ageing Huot would take pleasure in telling certain anecdotes related to this sojourn, which Maurice Hébert would evoke in a poem entitled {d-0}Le soulier de satin; conte au coin du feu,{d-1} published in Le Canada français (Québec) in May 1925.

Huot married a pastor{apos}s daughter, Louise Schlachter, in Belitz in September 1885. The following year, the chance to return home materialized when the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, who were thinking of entrusting him with the task of decorating the church of Saint-Sauveur, had him come to Quebec City. Huot arrived on 18 July, with the lustre of his studies in Paris and of 12 years spent in Europe. He hurried to exhibit a few works in Montreal, on Rue Notre-Dame, namely genre scenes - his favourite subjects - and a religious painting in the style of Eustache Le Sueur. Also on display was a drawing that had won him a silver medal in the spring at the second Blanc et Noir exhibition in Paris. While establishing new relationships, Huot tended his old ones by publicly thanking his patrons in L{apos}Étendard (Montréal). In January 1887 the Oblates officially commissioned 13 paintings. A few days later Huot left to rejoin his wife in Paris, intending to undertake his first large-scale project there. Instead, however, he moved in with his father-in-law in Neukrug (Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania), where his wife gave birth to their daughter. He had the use of a large studio for the painting of the five canvases that would decorate the vault of the church of Saint-Sauveur. The work progressed and by January 1888 Quebec{apos}s Le Courrier du Canada reported on the success enjoyed by Huot, who exhibited each work in Germany upon finishing it. The following October the paper mentioned that in the three days the painting La fin du monde was on view, {d-0}more than 3,000 people went to admire this masterpiece.{d-1} The flattering remarks in the Rostock and Schwerin newspapers, which were quoted regularly in Quebec publications, created a favourable climate for Huot, who landed at Quebec with his wife and daughter on 28 Oct. 1889, with his five finished canvases. Unquestionably, the Saint-Sauveur undertaking launched the painter{apos}s career; he could count increasingly on influential connections. His fame spread through an article by Ernest Gagnon* in the Revue canadienne (Montréal), and then pieces in L{apos}Électeur (Québec) by Louis Fréchette* (who, by 1890, suggested Huot for the job of decorating the provincial legislative building). The decor of the church of Saint-Sauveur was appreciated by Huot{apos}s contemporaries, who regarded him as a true artist. The present condition of the paintings and the loss of a portion of them make it difficult to evaluate the work, but they still give the impression of derivative academicism. Although the work has been criticized for its lack of unity, its monumental decor nonetheless constitutes an important example of the aesthetics flourishing at the turn of the 20th century.

From 10 to 21 May 1900 Huot had a solo exhibition of some one hundred pieces at the legislative building, where, at least in 1898, he had his studio. The event earned him rave reviews, such as the one in Le Courrier du Canada on 22 May, highlighting the nationalist character of the works: {d-0}The first thing that strikes the visitor . . . is . . . the national, almost patriotic character of the works. . . . The perfume of Canadianism that they give off is exquisite.{d-1} The landscapes and genre scenes inspired by the inhabitants of the Île d{apos}Orléans, where Huot had spent his last few summers, were well received by people supporting clerical-nationalism. At the time, attachment to religion and to tradition dominated the discourse of French Canadians, who recognized themselves in and projected themselves into some of the subjects treated by the painter. These works should, in fact, be compared with the paintings of Horatio Walker* and Marc-Aurèle de Foy Suzor-Coté* that celebrate the traditional way of life. When Pierre-Georges Roy* published his book L{apos}île d{apos}Orléans in 1928 in Quebec City, he would recall this aspect of Huot{apos}s career by reproducing a few of the pieces shown in the 1900 exhibition. Also, the texts of Henri Beaudé, known as Henri d{apos}Arles, would help publicize the painting Le sanctus à la maison (destroyed in the fire of February 1966 at Spencer Wood in Sillery, the official residence of the lieutenant governor of the province of Quebec); it would become extremely popular and inspire a poem by Pamphile Le May* (in Les gouttelettes: sonnets, an anthology published in Montreal in 1904). Towards the end of his life, in 1925, Huot was to recognize the importance of this work: in that year he presented it at the salon of the Royal Canadian Academy of Arts, even though he had participated in their exhibitions in 1902, 1903, and 1908.

From 1900 Huot regularly undertook contracts in the Saguenay region. He owed them largely to his cousin and friend Abbé Elzéar De Lamarre, who was then the chaplain of the Hôtel-Dieu Saint-Vallier in Chicoutimi. In the autumn he did a painting for its chapel. Then he created in wax a recumbent statue of St Anthony of Padua in the throes of death, a model sculptor Louis Jobin would render in wood. In 1901 he painted a Résurrection for the church of Saint-Patrice parish in Rivière-du-Loup, to which, in 1903, he delivered stations of the cross that he had exhibited initially with the Ursulines of Quebec. One commission followed another: they came from the cathedral of Saint-François-Xavier in Chicoutimi, St Patrick{apos}s Church at Quebec, and the parish of Saint-Jérôme (Métabetchouan) in the Lac-Saint-Jean region. In addition, in 1903 La Nouvelle-France (Québec) printed a talk he gave upon the death of painter James Tissot, and Beaudé published a work in New York entitled Propos d{apos}art that was devoted to Huot.

Huot returned to Europe with his family in November 1903 and, after a brief stay in Germany, he went to Italy; in Rome he took classes with Francesco Gai at the Accademia di San Luca. He came back to Quebec City alone in June 1904. Immediately upon his return, the parish of Saint-Ambroise in Loretteville commissioned him to do four paintings, which were hung in the church the following spring. He then went to Chicoutimi, where he finished a canvas he had begun in Rome for the seminary chapel; the chapel was enhanced by a second work of his in the autumn. After selling a portrait of Pius X to the Séminaire de Québec, Huot rejoined his family in Brussels in May 1905. A perfectionist as a painter, he took classes again for seven months, this time with Jean Delville, senior professor at the Académie Royale des Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique. Little is known about this sojourn. There is no doubt, however, that Huot lived in Saint-Malo, France, in the spring of 1907 and that his wife died on 28 June at a nearby beach resort. Huot returned to Quebec City with his daughter in August; he set up his studio on Rue Saint-Jean and quietly resumed his activities. He produced a few illustrations for the 1907 edition of Le May{apos}s Contes vrais and drew the costumes and flags for the celebrations of Quebec{apos}s tercentenary in 1908.

In his prime, Huot received the commission that painters in the province of Quebec had dreamed of for decades: to produce a historical painting for the legislative building. On 16 Aug. 1910, having been selected by a committee composed of Thomas Chapais*, Eugène-Étienne Taché, and Ernest Myrand, Huot agreed to paint an oil on canvas whose subject would be Le débat sur les langues: séance de l{apos}Assemblée législative du Bas-Canada le 21 janvier 1793. The canvas would be glued onto the wall above the speaker{apos}s chair in the chamber of the assembly. That Huot was awarded this contract was hardly surprising, for Quebec{apos}s intellectual elite had supported him from the outset of his career, and he also had useful connections in the political milieu. Chapais was a personal friend (they attended the Collège de Sainte-Anne-de-la-Pocatière at the same time) and Jules Tessier, a Quebec lawyer and politician, had already obtained a studio for him in the legislative building. In addition, his conservative aesthetic was entirely pleasing to his contemporaries. Huot worked for three years on this mural, the sketch for which was finished in February 1911. A few months later he went to France to complete his historical research and to do certain tasks deemed necessary to create the work. Back home in November, he set himself up at the Quebec Technical School until January 1913 and then began to paint directly on the canvas glued onto the wall of the chamber of the assembly. Unveiled on 11 November, the work was such a tremendous success that the government quickly gave him a new contract. This time he was to paint an allegory based on the theme of Quebec{apos}s motto, Je me souviens, to decorate the ceiling of the same room. Huot would spend years deciding on the composition of this work; he found it difficult to define its subject, which seemed neither to enthuse nor to inspire him. The painting would not be finished until December 1920.

While working on the sketches for Je me souviens, Huot accepted other commissions. In 1914 he drew an allegory of knowledge that would serve as the model for a stained-glass window in the legislative building{apos}s library. He painted stations of the cross for the Sœurs de Saint-Antoine de Padoue in Chicoutimi in 1915, did seven paintings for the church of Notre-Dame parish in Hébertville the following year, and produced a few illustrations for Ulric Barthe{apos}s work, Similia similibus ou la guerre au Canada: essai romantique sur un sujet d{apos}actualité, which was published at Quebec in 1916. One project, however, held a special place in Huot{apos}s life between 1910 and 1920: the decoration of the chapel at the Ermitage San{apos}Tonio (in Lac-Bouchette). Out of friendship for Abbé De Lamarre, who wanted to establish a pilgrimage site there, Huot did 22 paintings for the chapel during his summer holidays.

Huot was reducing his activities by 1920. In 1924, however, he drew the medal commemorating the tercentenary of the consecration of New France to St Joseph, which Alfred Laliberté* rendered in relief. At the age of 71, he enthusiastically accepted a final contract from the government: Conseil souverain, a depiction of the first meeting of that body to decorate the Legislative Council chamber. In order to gather information, he spent the spring of 1927 in Paris. Huot worked on this painting until his death on 27 Jan. 1930. It would be completed by two students from the École des Beaux-Arts in Montreal and in Quebec City under the supervision of their respective principals, Charles Maillard* and Henry Ivan Neilson*. In March 1930 the French government would posthumously name Huot an officier de l{apos}Instruction publique.

Charles Huot had many students, including Edmond Lemoine and Louise Gignac. He was a respected and admired man, whose conservative aesthetic met the expectations of his contemporaries. Posterity would be harsher on him, however; he would be criticized for his academicism and his work as a copyist. In fact, Huot{apos}s oeuvre probably deserves to be re-evaluated in the light of new research and directions in the field of art history.

Several of Charles Huot{apos}s religious paintings have been destroyed in fires, but those in the churches of Saint-Sauveur (Quebec), Saint-Joseph (Carleton, Que.), Saint-Patrice (Rivière-du-Loup, Que.), and Notre-Dame (Hébertville, Que.) and in the chapel of Lac-Bouchette have survived. Examples of Huot{apos}s work are also found in Quebec City in the legislative building, the Musée National des Beaux-Arts du Québec, the National Commission of Battlefields, and the Museum of Civilization, Dépôt du Séminaire de Québec; the Musée du Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean in Chicoutimi, Que.; the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts; and the Centre for Research on French Canadian Culture and the National Gallery of Canada in Ottawa. Huot is the author of {d-0}Causerie artistique: l{apos}œuvre de Tissot,{d-1} La Nouvelle-France (Québec), 2 (1903): 188-92. Despite extensive research, it has proven impossible to locate his marriage record.

ANQ-Q, CE301-S1, 10 avril 1855. Centre for Research on French Canadian Culture, P 24 (fonds Charles-Huot). Musée National des Beaux-Arts du Québec, dossier Charles Huot; Fonds Gérard-Morisset, dossiers Charles Huot et paroisses. L{apos}Action sociale (Québec), 22 juill. 1908, 2 févr. 1911. Le Canadien (Québec), 15 mai 1876. Le Courrier du Canada (Québec), 9 déc. 1873; 2 mars 1881; 8 janv., 8 oct. 1888; 28 oct. 1889; 8 nov. 1890; 22 mars, 11-12 juill., 16 nov. 1892; 23 mai 1893; 8 févr. 1894; 8-9, 12, 22-23 mai 1900. Le Devoir, 28 janv. 1930. L{apos}Électeur (Québec), 27 nov., 13 déc. 1890; 11 juill. 1892; 12 févr., 25 juill. 1894. L{apos}Étendard (Montréal), 30 nov. 1886, 14 juin 1901. L{apos}Événement, 27 sept. 1870, 6 déc. 1873, 6 avril 1875, 15 mai 1876, 23 mai 1900, 16 nov. 1911, 28 janv. 1930. Le Journal de Québec, 30 mai 1874; 15 mai, 16 sept. 1876; 19 mai 1877. La Minerve, 6 juin 1874; 16 juill., 6 août 1886; 4 févr. 1887. L{apos}Opinion publique (Montréal), 15 mars 1877. La Presse, 26 mai 1900, 8 avril 1913, 13 nov. 1920, 20 janv. 1927. La Semaine commerciale (Québec), 6 mai 1898. Le Soleil, 25 mai 1900, 12 févr. 1930. Sylvain Allaire, {d-0}Élèves canadiens dans les archives de l{apos}École des beaux-arts et de l{apos}École des arts décoratifs de Paris,{d-1} Journal of Canadian Art Hist. (Montreal), 6 (1982), no.1: 98-111; {d-0}The Charles Huot paintings in Saint-Sauveur church, Quebec City,{d-1} National Gallery of Canada, Annual bull., 2 (1978-79): 17-30. Henri d{apos}Arles [Henri Beaudé], Pastels (New York, 1905); Propos d{apos}art (New York, 1903). Commission des Biens Culturels du Québec, Les chemins de la mémoire (3v., Montréal, 1990-99), vol.3 (Biens mobiliers du Québec, 1999). Robert Derome, {d-0}Charles Huot et la peinture d{apos}histoire au Palais législatif de Québec (1883-1930),{d-1} National Gallery of Canada, Bull., 27 (1976); {d-0}Charles Huot, peintre traditionnel?{d-1} Vie des arts (Montréal), no.85 (hiver 1976-77): 63-65. {d-0}Description de la chapelle de S. Antoine,{d-1} Le Messager de Saint-Antoine (Chicoutimi), 7 (1901-2), no.10: 145-51. Dictionnaire critique et documentaire des peintres, sculpteurs, dessinateurs et graveurs de tous les temps et de tous les pays (nouv. éd., 10v., Paris, 1976), 5: 676. Ernest Gagnon, {d-0}M. Charles Huot et l{apos}église de Saint-Sauveur,{d-1} Rev. canadienne (Montréal), 26 (1890): 463-65. Maurice Hébert, {d-0}Le soulier de satin; conte au coin du feu,{d-1} Le Canada français (Québec), 2e sér., 12 (1924-25): 673-81. Maurice d{apos}Hesry, {d-0}Charles Huot et l{apos}abbé Delamarre,{d-1} Saguenayensia (Chicoutimi), 2 (1960): 129-33, 142-48; 3 (1961): 3-10. J.-S. Lesage, Notes et esquisses québécoises; carnet d{apos}un amateur (Québec, 1925). Hormisdas Magnan, Charles Huot, artiste-peintre, officier de l{apos}Instruction publique: sa vie, sa carrière, ses œuvres, sa mort (Québec, 1932). Raymond Montpetit, {d-0}Un exemple de peinture d{apos}histoire au Québec: Charles Huot à l{apos}Assemblée nationale,{d-1} RHAF, 31 (1977-78): 397-405. J.-R. Ostiguy, Charles Huot (Ottawa, 1979); {d-0}Charles Huot raconte les miracles de saint Antoine de Padoue,{d-1} Vie des arts, no.87 (été 1977): 16-17.

Educated at Eton College, Edward Hutton joined the 60th Regiment as an ensign in 1867. Service in the Zulu War (1879), the Anglo-Boer War (1880-81), the Egyptian campaign (1882), and the Nile expedition (1884-85) brought promotion. Marriage to a cousin of the Marquess of Winchester, and membership in Lord Wolseley*{apos}s coterie of careerist officers, provided influence. Within the Wolseley ring, Hutton made a {d-0}mounted infantry{d-1} his particular crusade. Promoted colonel and appointed aide-de-camp to Queen Victoria in 1892, the following year he became commandant of the military forces in New South Wales (Australia).

A driven officer with a fatal flair for public speaking, Hutton reformed the colony{apos}s headquarters staff, created administrative support for its fighting units, and brought the military secretary under his command. As well, he advocated preparedness for imperial defence. His tactless promotion of increased defence commitments alienated the colony{apos}s hard-pressed government, and he was recalled in 1896, a hero to himself and his friends, and ready for a larger challenge. After brief service in Ireland, the challenge came in July 1898 when he was appointed general officer commanding the militia in Canada, where he attempted to replicate his New South Wales experiment. The appointment gave him the local rank of major-general. In late August the Huttons took up residence in Ottawa.

Hutton{apos}s allies in the War Office had protested the Colonial Office{apos}s attempt to block his selection. The Colonial Office acquiesced on the condition that he would be recalled should he prove troublesome. Wolseley and Sir Redvers Henry Buller, both of whom had served in Canada, warned him to flatter the colonials rather than abuse them. Hutton, however, was recalcitrant, confident that he was {d-0}the very humble instrument of an All-wise Providence.{d-1} It helped to have his friend, the naïve and inexperienced Earl of Minto [Elliot*], appointed Canada{apos}s governor general that same year. Minto shared many of his causes.

Hutton{apos}s civilian master, the minister of militia and defence, Frederick William Borden*, supported the general{apos}s efforts to promote military service, reorganize the headquarters staff, improve training, encourage bilingualism, establish rigorous criteria for appointments and promotions, and create service units to support the fighting arms. He also backed Hutton{apos}s efforts to create a self-supporting force capable of serving as a {d-0}little Canadian Army in the field.{d-1} Borden, however, objected to Hutton{apos}s pre-emptive, arrogant methods and his attempts to bring military administration under his exclusive control. Moreover, many of Borden{apos}s ministerial colleagues resented Hutton{apos}s public advocacy of imperial obligations, especially during the divisive debate that preceded Canada{apos}s participation in the South African War.

The minister and the general first quarrelled over the appointment of Napoléon Chevalier as medical officer at the infantry school in Saint-Jean (Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu), Que. Hutton immediately sought the assistance of the newly arrived Minto, whose support fed his pretensions. A more tangled dispute in 1899 over the extension of Lieutenant-Colonel James Domville{apos}s command of the 8th (Princess Louise{apos}s New Brunswick) Regiment of Cavalry reflected poorly on all parties. Scornful of {d-0}ignorant civilians,{d-1} Hutton and Minto tended to attribute every ministerial intervention to partisan politics, and they failed to see that Borden was the {d-0}most powerful force for reform in [Sir Wilfrid Laurier*[{apos}s government.{d-1}

Many Liberals, for their part, believed that Hutton favoured Conservatives for militia appointments. His battle with Samuel Hughes, a Conservative mp and a lieutenant-colonel in the Ontario militia, demonstrated that Hutton respected no man{apos}s politics, especially when they challenged his personal ambitions. Both were competent officers, but they were also vain and intemperate men who craved rank and saw war as a means to advancement. Their most violent altercation occurred over the leadership of whatever troops Canada might decide to send in the event of a war in South Africa. Hutton had set his heart upon commanding a combined force of Canadians and Australians, and he sought this goal by insisting on an official Canadian contingent. Hughes, fearing that Hutton had omitted him from a lead role in any contingent, offered to recruit and command a volunteer unit. Hutton, however, refused to transmit this offer to the British government, and in August 1899 he asked Minto to block any Canadian endorsement. Hughes struck back like a doomed man, denouncing Hutton and Minto and reminding them of the stupidities of British regulars through the ages. His communication left Hutton with the impression that he was slightly mad. In fact, Hughes resembled no one more than Hutton. After Hughes advertised for volunteers, Hutton charged him with violating the British Army Act, which forbade unauthorized recruitment, and threatened to remove him from his militia command. When Canada decided - on 13 October, two days after the outbreak of the South African War - to send an official contingent, Borden would intervene to permit Hughes to accompany it in civilian dress and seek military employment with some other unit, an unlikely chance owing to the vindictive correspondence from Minto and Hutton to senior British officers.

The government watched this public controversy with incredulity. Those in cabinet who opposed a contingent, including Joseph-Isräel Tarte* and Richard William Scott*, were convinced that Hutton and Minto were in league with Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain to force Canada to commit troops. They were wrong, however: there was no accord, and Hutton and Minto disagreed on the necessity of war. During the summer of 1899, Hutton worked {d-0}patriotism and military enthusiasm . . . to a white heat{d-1} in the militia camps; Minto remained equivocal until the outbreak of war. In the end, the decision to send troops was a reluctant, politically motivated capitulation to the strident demands of Canada{apos}s pro-war advocates. It was not helped, however, by rumours that Hutton had boasted he might have to overturn the government as he claimed to have done in New South Wales.

The crisis over the contingent further embittered Hutton{apos}s relationships with the government, and set the stage for his dismissal for insubordination. Antagonisms surfaced during the ceremonies marking the contingent{apos}s departure. At the Quebec garrison{apos}s banquet on 28 October for the officers, Hutton, intoxicated by his own rhetoric, predicted that Canada would send 50,000 to 100,000 men to defend the empire{apos}s integrity. This declaration appeared to repudiate the government{apos}s public promise that the 1,000-man contingent constituted no precedent for future contributions. The next day Hutton quarrelled with Borden and stomped off the parade square in a huff.

Meanwhile Hutton{apos}s disagreement with Lord William Frederick Ernest Seymour, the commander of the British troops in Halifax, had come to a head. What began in June 1899 as a petty issue of protocol grew into a personal vendetta. As the senior British officer in Canada, Seymour, in the event of war, was to assume command of the combined Canadian and British forces. Hutton refused to provide him with a secret report and routine information on British regulars in the Canadian militia. Such an exchange, he felt, would be an infringement on Canadian autonomy. When Seymour addressed him through Borden, Hutton appeared even more alarmed. Finally, Seymour appealed to Borden to help curtail Hutton{apos}s growing insubordination and sent the minister a secret memorandum condemning Hutton{apos}s behaviour while in command of the militia. Minto reported Seymour to the War Office. Its assessment would precipitate Seymour{apos}s resignation in 1900; a subsequent military inquiry would uphold him.

As the war continued, Hutton became increasingly erratic. Even Minto quarrelled with him over the composition of a second contingent. Hutton was determined to recruit mounted men from the militia cavalry, confident that their success would reflect favourably on his command. Minto suggested recruits from the northwest who could ride and shoot and had experience with rough terrain. In despair, he explained to his War Office friend Lord Lansdowne [Petty-Fitzmaurice] how unreasonable Hutton had become: {d-0}He can not get it out of his head the popular effect of the organization and thinks a great deal about the hats they are to wear.{d-1} Minto even asked Prime Minister Laurier to intervene.

A minor dispute over the purchasing of horses for the second contingent hastened Hutton{apos}s break with the government in January 1900. After he had refused to supply information, Borden secured cabinet{apos}s approval to dismiss the general. Minto foolishly considered forcing his government{apos}s resignation over the issue. When Laurier remained adamant, Minto informed the Colonial Office of his plans. Its reaction was immediate. Convinced that Hutton was {d-0}unfit by temperament and manners{d-1} for his position, it recalled him, effective 12 February.

Hutton{apos}s friends in the War Office found him a place in South Africa as commanding officer of the 1st Mounted Infantry Brigade. Composed largely of Canadian, Australian, and New Zealand troops, it resembled Hutton{apos}s initial dream. Canadian troops detested him, however, and the feeling appeared mutual. Hutton described them as the worst thieves in the British army; on one occasion they had stolen his horse. The Canadians soon discovered their poor opinion of Hutton was shared by British officers, who dismissed him as {d-0}a bit of a crank and somewhat impractical.{d-1}

Created a kcmg in 1900, the following year Hutton became the first GOC land forces of the new Commonwealth of Australia. His mission and his methods were familiar as he strove to create, often in the face of political opposition, an integrated, well-equipped garrison and field force prepared for service at home and abroad. He consolidated the state militias and drafted a national defence policy. Its revision in 1904, to replace the position of GOC with an army council, precipitated his resignation, an issue brought to a head by a quarrel over payment for a secret cable. When this incident reached the War Office, its secretary of state noted his reluctance to recall Hutton since he {d-0}cannot keep his mouth shut, and would talk us into a difficulty every week.{d-1} After necessity had forced the secretary{apos}s hand, the War Office made Hutton commander of the 3rd British Division. Before his retirement in 1907 he was promoted lieutenant-general, and in 1912 he was made a kcb. Although he returned for service during the Great War, to organize and command the 21st Division, in 1915 a riding accident restored him to retirement. He died eight years later at Fox Hills, his home in Chertsey, and was buried in nearby Lyne.

A man of great energy, ambition, and organizational ability, and committed to defending the imperial estate, Hutton regarded the colonies as a laboratory for experiments in civil-military relations and a means of personal advancement. His vanity, passion for public speaking, scorn for civilians, disregard for democratic institutions, and lack of tact proved fatal liabilities, and made him appear to be, in the estimate of one former GOC, a {d-0}dangerous martinet.{d-1} His turbulent career undermined the imperial influence in Canadian defence and argued for the appointment of a Canadian to command the militia.

British Library (London), Add. mss 50078-114 (Hutton papers); Add. mss 50275-357 (Arnold-Forster papers). LAC, MG 26, G; MG 27, II, B1; MG 30, E242. NSARM, MG 2. Australian dictionary of biography, ed. Douglas Pike et al. (16v. and an index to date, Melbourne, 1966-? ), 9. Stephen Clarke, {d-0}{s-0}Manufacturing spontaneity{s-1-unknown}? The role of the commandant in the colonial offers of troops to the South African War,{d-1} in The Boer War: army, nation and empire: the 1999 Chief of Army/Australian War Memorial military history conference, ed. Peter Dennis and Jeffrey Grey (Canberra, Australia, 2000), 129-50. R. G. Haycock, Sam Hughes: the public career of a controversial Canadian, 1885-1916 (Waterloo, Ont., 1986). Carman Miller, The Canadian career of the fourth Earl of Minto: the education of a viceroy (Waterloo, 1980); Painting the map red: Canada and the South African War, 1899-1902 (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1993). Desmond Morton, Ministers and generals: politics and the Canadian militia, 1868-1904 (Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1970). R. A. Preston, Canada and {d-0}Imperial Defense{d-1}; a study of the origins of the British Commonwealth{apos}s defense organization, 1867-1919 (Toronto and Durham, N.C., 1967).

The escalation of federal anti-polygamy laws in the 1880s forced Mormon polygamists to look for a refuge. Daines was one of a group of men, headed by Charles Ora Card*, who escaped the threat of imprisonment by immigrating to Lee{apos}s Creek (Cardston), in southwestern Alberta. While Daines{apos}s other families remained behind - he hoped to bring them to Canada eventually, without controversy - he, Sarah, and their children travelled north by wagon train, accompanied by one other Mormon family. Sarah tackled the rigours of cross-country travel and handled tasks that ordinarily fell to men, such as driving and repairing the wagon. They arrived in the fall of 1887.

Despite the vehement anti-Mormon sentiment expressed by some Canadian politicians and journalists, these pioneer families thrived, in part because of their agricultural skills, most notably in irrigation. Hymas was crucial to the development of the community{apos}s fledgling social and cultural infrastructure. Her home accommodated religious services, public meetings, and musical and theatrical evenings. During the first winter, she helped deliver the first white child born at Lee{apos}s Creek, Zina Alberta Woolf. She also played important roles in the newly created Cardston Ward: in 1887-88 she was the founding president of its Primary Association, which taught children about the Mormon religion, and secretary of the Relief Society, a traditional Mormon women{apos}s organization devoted to charitable work, sewing, testimony, and scriptural study.

International Soc. Daughters of Utah Pioneers (Salt Lake City), E. P. and D. E. Haddock, {d-0}History of Sarah Hymas Bates Daines,{d-1} 17 May 1968; {d-0}History of Sarah Hymas,{d-1} 20 April 1973. Lethbridge News (Lethbridge, Alta), 18 Sept. 1895. News (Cardston, Alta), 5 Dec. 1929. J. E. W. Bates and Z. A. W. Hickman, Founding of Cardston and vicinity (n.p., 1974). M. U. Beecher, {d-0}Mormon women in southern Alberta: the pioneer years,{d-1} in The Mormon presence in Canada, ed. B. Y. Card et al. (Edmonton, 1990), 211-30. [C. O. Card], The diaries of Charles Ora Card: the Canadian years, 1886-1903, ed. D. G. Godfrey and B. Y. Card (Salt Lake City, 1993). Brian Champion, {d-0}Mormon polygamy: parliamentary comments, 1889-90,{d-1} Alberta Hist. (Calgary), 35 (1987), no.2: 10-17. Chief Mountain country: a history of Cardston and district, ed. Keith Shaw and Beryl Bectell (2v., Cardston and Calgary, 1978-87). Dan Erickson, {d-0}Alberta polygamists? The Canadian climate and response to the introduction of Mormonism{apos}s {s-0}peculiar institution,{s-1-unknown}{d-1} Pacific Northwest Quarterly (Seattle, Wash.), 86 (1995): 155-64.

William Munson Jarvis was the grandson of Munson Jarvis*, a loyalist merchant and politician in Saint John. His father was also a successful merchant. As befitted his status, William Jarvis undoubtedly provided his son with private tutors before sending him to the elite Saint John Grammar School. Here, from 1848 to 1854, William Munson faced a challenging curriculum consisting of natural philosophy and modern and classical languages; he apparently excelled in Greek, Latin, and mathematics. From the late 1850s Jarvis was a member of the Church of England Young Men{apos}s Society. By 1860 he had also joined the Chatham Club, a society of young men who routinely met for conversation and debate.

Between the years 1860 and 1864 Jarvis established the foundation of his personal and professional life. In May 1861, a month after his admission as an attorney, he married Jane Hope Beer. In a poignant recollection penned after her untimely death, he recalled fondly their two-month wedding trip to New York City, Niagara Falls, and finally Charlottetown, where they visited the children of his late uncle Edward James Jarvis*. After returning to Saint John, Jarvis and his bride settled in with his mother in his boyhood home. The extended household also included his mother{apos}s three sisters and a few of her nephews. Nevertheless, Jarvis did not begin to build a residence until 1863, the year in which he became a barrister. The young couple, now with two children, moved into their new home in Portland (Saint John) at Christmas 1864. Their marital happiness was short-lived. Soon after the birth of a third child in 1866, Mrs Jarvis died. She had asked that {d-0}her little one{d-1} be named Frank, to which Jarvis had replied that his second name should be her own, Hope.

A widower at 27, Jarvis relied on his ageing mother and his late wife{apos}s sister Eleanor (Ellen) James Beer for much of the children{apos}s care. During her last days his wife had also asked him to find another mother for her children, and in 1868 he married Mary Lucretia Scovil. Three years later he was serving on the Portland town council, having earlier that year prepared its charter of incorporation. His life had begun to return to a happy state, but once again he experienced tragedy with his wife{apos}s premature death in 1873. He did not remarry. With the assistance of servants and family he assumed the solitary responsibility of raising five children.

Jarvis{apos}s professional life mirrored the events of his day. As a young man during the Fenian raid of 1866, he had been a member of the volunteer militia, and he would attain the rank of lieutenant-colonel. By the mid 1870s he had been made the general agent for the Maritime provinces of the Liverpool and London and Globe Insurance Company. It is unclear which occupation - law or insurance - provided him with most of his living but probably his insurance business drew substantially on his legal knowledge. The great fire of June 1877 in Saint John occurred while he was still building his career, and his attention would be focused for more than 20 years on its after-effects. His work involved petitioning various agencies on behalf of clients for the reissuance of bonds to replace those which had been destroyed. He continued to handle the investment accounts of a number of aunts and uncles, some of whom had removed to England following the fire. By 1888 he was the president of the New Brunswick Board of Fire Underwriters. He would serve as president of the Board of Trade of the Maritime Provinces in 1898 and of the Saint John Board of Trade in 1902-3.

Jarvis was a fairly prolific essayist. As a young lawyer, he had written a paper entitled {d-0}The title to the soil and early history of the territory of New Brunswick.{d-1} Most of his essays centred on the Church of England in New Brunswick and included such topics as clergy appointments, church governance, financial support for church initiatives, Sunday school programs, and, perhaps most significant, the impact of the Oxford Movement, which had attempted to steer a course for the Church of England between Roman Catholicism and evangelicalism. Jarvis, apparently a deeply religious man, directed his attention to the liturgical and doctrinal differences between Anglicans and Catholics. For him, as for others, matters came to a head in 1880 and 1881 with the proposed establishment in Portland of the Mission Chapel, promoted by parishioners of St Paul{apos}s (Valley) Church, such as Isaac Allen Jack*, who wished to see a {d-0}local expression of the Anglican church revival.{d-1} Jarvis agreed with the formal protest sent in May 1881 to Bishop John Medley* and to the Reverend John Metcalf Davenport*, who had been asked to take charge of the projected church. The bishop, however, supported the chapel, which opened in January 1882.

Jarvis and others who were sceptical of the Oxford Movement may have viewed the chapel initially as more Roman Catholic than Anglican and therefore as potentially subversive doctrinally. In one of his essays Jarvis questioned the Catholic tenet in which {d-0}the intercession of the blessed virgin mary is allowed . . . practically to supercede the mediation of Him whom St. Paul terms {s-0}the one mediator between . . . God and man.{s-1-unknown}{d-1} He urged Catholics to embrace Anglicanism because they would find their {d-0}own prayers{d-1} translated into English, a language they could understand, and would thus more fully participate in church services. Eventually Jarvis and most of the city{apos}s Anglican clergy accepted the Mission Chapel, in part because of Davenport{apos}s public pronouncements on what he claimed was the utter doctrinal corruption of the Roman Catholic Church in promulgating the dogma of the Immaculate Conception.

Testimonials at Jarvis{apos}s death in 1921 reveal the esteem in which he was generally held. Perhaps in the small city that was Saint John in the late 19th and early 20th centuries these commentaries reflected an unspoken appreciation of a man admired not only for his professional achievements but also for having borne the challenges of raising his children alone and the sorrow of having to commit his son Frank Hope to the Provincial Lunatic Asylum, where he would reside until his death more than 50 years later.

N.B. Museum (Saint John), {d-0}Family tree of Stephen Jarvis of Huntington, L.I., New York{d-1} (ms); Jarvis family papers; Vert. file, circular, genealogy of the Jarvis family. PANB, RS140. Saint John Regional Library, {d-0}Biographical data relating to New Brunswick families, especially of loyalist descent,{d-1} comp. D. R. Jack (4v., typescript; copy at the N.B. Museum). Evening Times and Star (Saint John), 1921. Saint John Globe, 1921. Biographical review . . . of leading citizens of the province of New Brunswick, ed. I. A. Jack (Boston, 1900). J. M. Davenport, Messiah (God incarnate) not Messiah{apos}s mother the {d-0}bruiser of the serpent{apos}s head{d-1} . . . with a concise exposure of Mr. R. F. Quigley{apos}s errors and controversial tactics . . . (Saint John, 1891). Directory, Saint John, 1865/66-74/75. History of the Mission Church of S. John Baptist, Saint John, N.B., 1882-1932 (Saint John, 1932).

The son of a prominent businessman and Civil War veteran, Milton R. (Bob) Jennings began his career as a reporter in Rochester and Buffalo between 1890 and 1894, while he was at the University of Rochester taking his ab. He worked for the Montreal Herald in 1894-95, then operated an advertising agency, and returned to the United States in 1896 as advertising manager of the Washington Times. From May 1897 he and a partner ran the Merchants{s-1-unknown} Cut Service. In July 1898, during the Spanish-American War, he enlisted with the 202nd New York Volunteers and later he served in Cuba, where he also acted as a correspondent. He joined the Daily Mail and Empire in Toronto as circulation manager in 1899 and the advertising department of the Evening Telegram in 1903. For a time in 1905-9 he participated in contracting and mining ventures in Nevada and the Cobalt region of northern Ontario.

A former Toronto acquaintance, James Hossack Woods of the Calgary Herald, which was owned by William Southam*, secured an option on the Edmonton Evening Journal in 1909 and brought Jennings west as its editor and managing director. Acting on changes recommended by management consultant Albert Haynes, the Southams reorganized the Journal Company in 1911 and absorbed it the following year. From the time Jennings{apos}s name had first appeared in the Conservative paper{apos}s masthead, on 17 June 1909, he demonstrated a pro-business tone. In addition to joining the Rotary Club and St George{apos}s Society, he served on Edmonton{apos}s Board of Trade in various offices, including president (1918). In the municipal election of 1917, in a bid to sustain the city{apos}s finances, he helped loosen the Southams{s-1-unknown} preference for limited taxation and backed a new levy on business. Quick to understand the promotional value of aviation, in June 1919 he hired the firm of Elgin Court May and Wilfrid Reid (Wop) May* to fly bundles of the Journal to Wetaskiwin on the first commercial flight from Edmonton. Recognition came too from his keen sponsorship of the Edmonton Newsboys{s-1-unknown} Band, organized in 1913 by news-stand owner John (Mike) Michaels.

In the field of journalism, in 1913 Jennings was involved in the reorganization of the Canadian Press Association and served as president of the Alberta and Eastern British Columbia Press Association. Five years later, during World War I, he toured the western front with other Canadian Press members. In 1919-20 he was first president of the Canadian Daily Newspapers Association. When delegates to the Imperial Press Conference of 1920 crossed Canada, he helped organize their visit to Edmonton and Jasper. Other wartime activities included his recruitment for the navy of men from Alberta{apos}s rivers, participation in the Red Cross and Canadian Patriotic funds, and chairmanship of the Belgian Relief Committee of Northern Alberta and the local hospital committee for returned soldiers. Subsequently he served as president of the Navy League{apos}s Edmonton branch.

Jennings died in February 1921 in Victoria, where he was recuperating after treatment in Portland, Oreg., for an illness of several months{s-1-unknown} duration. He was buried in Edmonton Cemetery, and the Alberta legislature closed on 22 February in his honour. William Southam called him {d-0}a Canadian newspaperman of outstanding ability, vision, humanity and idealism who can ill be spared in these troublous times.{d-1} Journalists from around the world sent condolences and contributed to a fund for a memorial window in Christ Church (Anglican), which Jennings had attended.

City of Edmonton Arch., ms 324 (Edmonton Newsboys{s-1-unknown} Band fonds), Class 1, Scrapbook: 36, 43, 52. Univ. of Rochester, Rush Rhees Library, Dept. of Rare Books and Special Coll. (Rochester, N.Y.), Alumni files, M. R. Jennings. Edmonton Journal, 16-17 Feb. 1921. Charles Bruce, News and the Southams (Toronto, 1968). Canadian annual rev., 1919-21. Directory, Toronto, 1901-6. History of Wyoming County, N.Y., with illustrations, biographical sketches and portraits of some pioneers and prominent residents (New York, 1880). Dennis Person and Carin Routledge, Edmonton: portrait of a city (Edmonton, 1981). Minko Sotiron, From politics to profit: the commercialization of Canadian daily newspapers, 1890-1920 (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1997). G. M. Strathern, Alberta newspapers, 1880-1982 (Edmonton, 1988). Who{apos}s who and why, 1919/20.

Jules Jetté was born into a well-to-do Montreal family. His mother was the daughter of a rich merchant of that city. His father, who was a lawyer, became a leader of the young Liberals in the Parti National. After spending a few years in Ottawa as an mp, he was appointed to the bench and he later became lieutenant governor of Quebec. Jules attended the Petit Séminaire de Montréal from 1874 to 1880, and then studied at the Collège Sainte-Marie, where he spent two years in the Philosophy program but did not finish it. In 1882 he entered the Society of Jesus. He began his noviciate on 1 September in Sault-au-Récollet (Montreal) and finished it in September 1884, when he took his final vows. A long period of intellectual training followed, which he completed in 1898, despite the difficulties caused by migraines and other health problems. Jetté had applied himself initially to studying the natural sciences, numerous languages (Latin, Greek, Italian, Spanish, English), and French literature, in all of which he was successful. After teaching a few courses in mathematics at the Scolasticat de l{apos}Immaculée-Conception in Montreal in his spare time, and serving as science monitor at the Collège Sainte-Marie from 1885 to 1887, he left Sault-au-Récollet in the summer of 1888 and went to the Université d{apos}Angers, in France, seeking a degree in mathematics. Although he had some difficulty coping with this first separation from his native land, the experience whetted his curiosity about ethnography. He eventually abandoned mathematics for metaphysics, but failed the examination for his degree and returned to Canada in September 1890. After a brief stay at the scholasticate, he was sent to the Collège de Saint-Boniface in Manitoba, where he taught mathematics and science until 1892. In the course of these years he became firmly convinced of his missionary vocation, and he prepared for it by accompanying students when they went out on snowshoes and by taking an interest in the northern missions. On his return to the Scolasticat de l{apos}Immaculée-Conception he completed the Philosophy program and took courses in theology.

Father Jetté{apos}s stay in Alaska would stretch over nearly 30 years, from 1898 to 1927, with a brief interlude in Canada. During his first journey, which would last until 1903, he had various learning experiences. He went first to San Francisco, which he left on 13 June 1898. After two weeks at sea he stopped at St Michael Mission, north of the Yukon River estuary in Alaska, and spent three months there - long enough to build a boat. He then travelled up the Yukon as far as the village of Nulato, north of Holy Cross, where Father Charles John Seghers* had been murdered on 28 Nov. 1886, while founding a mission. By the end of September he was beginning his first pastoral rounds. On foot, by sled, or by boat, he covered enormous distances to visit the aboriginal camps scattered across the interior of the country and on the banks of the river. He continued the missionary work using his predecessors{s-1-unknown} methods, which sought to gain the confidence of the natives principally through the education of the children and through singing lessons. Jetté{apos}s regular correspondence with his mother and his articles for the Jesuit periodical Woodstock Letters (Woodstock, Md) show how well he had adapted to local traditions and to the diet of the indigenous people. He even learned their language, Koyukon. Semi-nomadic hunters belonging to the Athapaskan language group, these natives practised shamanism, which the missionary, with the ethnocentrism common to his time, considered full of superstition.

Jetté returned to Canada in July 1903. He travelled by train from Seattle, Wash., to Montreal, and even journeyed as far as Quebec to visit his family. He then went back to the Collège de Saint-Boniface for a year{apos}s rest. An indefatigable worker, he again taught mathematics there, while finishing a collection of prayers, songs, and devotions in Koyukon, which he published in Winnipeg in 1904 under the title Yoyit rokanaga: nulator roka do-daletloye.

Jetté{apos}s second trip to Alaska - one from which he would not return to Canada - was more eventful. After leaving Seattle in the summer of 1904, he stopped over at Nulato and then continued to Fairbanks the following year. He found his work there very difficult because of the severe ravages caused by alcohol among the parishioners. Father Jetté succeeded in converting many Protestants to Catholicism at Kokrines, to which he was assigned from 1907 to 1913, and in the surrounding villages, among them Mouse Point. However, the opening of a mining centre in the Ruby region around 1908 marked the beginning of a frustrating period that lasted until 1913, during which the missionary waged a bitter struggle against the whisky traders.

The submission of a paper to the 15th International Congress of Americanists, held at Quebec in 1906, marked the beginning of Jetté{apos}s career as an ethnographer. He later published a number of articles on the social organization and religious traditions of the Koyukons in such periodicals as the Journal (London) of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland in 1907, 1908, and 1909, Man (London) in the same years, and Anthropos (Vienna) in 1911 and 1913. He was also the author of a huge dictionary of some 30,000 words, which remained unpublished until 2000. Jetté made a considerable contribution to ethnography that was of excellent quality, to judge by the praise of anthropologists such as Frederica De Laguna and linguists such as Michael E. Krauss.

In May 1913, following the sudden departure of Father Crispino Rossi, Jetté was recalled to Nulato, where he acted as superior for a year. From 1914 to 1922 he lived in the Tanana region, a bit farther north on the Yukon River. In addition to his pastoral work among the aboriginals and whites, he pursued his studies in linguistics. In 1916 he did substitute work on a number of occasions in Ruby and Kokrines, but his missionary activities were suddenly interrupted in 1922 by a serious hernia. Treated at the Fairbanks hospital, he was sent to Seattle to convalesce in October 1923. Despite these difficulties, he used his time to teach French in a college and to begin writing a history of Christian missionary work in Alaska from 1741 to 1877. In the summer of 1925 he obtained permission to return there, and he served as chaplain to the Fairbanks hospital. In July 1926 he took up residence at the mission in Holy Cross, where he was asked to preach at the nuns{s-1-unknown} annual retreat. Having a talent for ethnology and for learning languages, the missionary set out on a journey through the region. In mid July he was in Akulurak, another Jesuit mission looking out over the Bering Sea. He spent several weeks there, along with Father Martin Lonneux, cooking and maintaining the mission, which was attended mainly by Yupiks (Alaskan Inuit). Their language became a new passion for Father Jetté, but on 4 Feb. 1927 he died of exhaustion.

Jules Jetté{apos}s dictionary was completed by Eliza Jones and published as Koyukon Athabaskan dictionary (Fairbanks, Alaska, 2000). ANQ-M, CE601-S51, 1er oct. 1864. Arch. de la Compagnie de Jésus, Prov. du Canada Français (Saint-Jérôme, Qué.), BO-27 (Théophile Hudon); BO-44 (Jules Jetté). Le Devoir, 3 mars 1927. R. C. Carriker et al., Guide to the microfilm edition of the Oregon Province archives of the Society of Jesus Indian language collection: the Alaska native languages (Spokane, Wash., 1976). Antonio Dragon, Enseveli dans les neiges: le père Jules Jetté (Montréal, [1951]). L. L. Renner, {d-0}Julius Jetté: distinguished scholar in Alaska,{d-1} Alaska Journal (Anchorage, Alaska), 5 (1975): 239-47. L. L. Renner and D. J. Ray, Pioneer missionary to the Bering Strait Eskimos: Bellarmine Lafortune, S.J. (Portland, Oreg., 1979). Angel Santos, Jesuitas en el Polo Norte: la mision de Alaska (Madrid, 1943). George St. Hilaire, {d-0}Julius Jetté, S.J.: language and ethnology scholar of the Yukon,{d-1} Nouvelle Rev. de science missionnaire (Beckenried, Switzerland), 14 (1958): 241-52.

Born in Yorkville while his father was a divinity student, Jukes Johnson spent most of his childhood years moving between Cobourg, Yorkville, and eventually Weston (Toronto), where W. A. Johnson was named rector of St Philip{apos}s Church in 1856. His grandfathers had known each other in India, and both his parents had been born there. Lieutenant-Colonel John Johnson was an officer in the East India Company who held the position of aide-de-camp to the Duke of Wellington before emigrating to the Niagara District of Upper Canada in the 1830s; Dr Arthur Jukes served as an inspector of hospitals in India.

Johnson received his early education at Toronto{apos}s Model Grammar School and then at Trinity College School in Weston, which had been founded by his father. After attending Trinity College, Toronto, in 1866-67, probably enrolled in the arts program, Johnson turned to the study of medicine. He was most likely influenced by the example of his grandfather Jukes and by his own father{apos}s novice practice in the field. W. A. Johnson had studied some medicine at Guy{apos}s Hospital in London, England, and was medical adviser to his Weston church community.

Johnson graduated from the University of Toronto with an mb in 1870. He would receive a second mb, ad eundem, from Trinity in 1892. Following graduation, he spent about two years in Britain, where his mother{apos}s brothers were physicians. He took up postgraduate work and in 1871 was awarded membership in the Royal College of Surgeons of England. He worked as a surgeon at St Thomas{apos}s Hospital in London. Johnson would become a member of the Pathological Society of London and a fellow of the Obstetrical Society of London and the Royal Microscopical Society.

After returning to Toronto in 1873, Johnson registered with the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Ontario and established a practice at 1 William Street (Yorkville Avenue). Two years later he became a coroner for York County. He was soon associated with the leading medical men of Toronto, including James Bovell*, Edward Mulberry Hodder*, and Cornelius James Philbrick, with whom, an obituary would state, he was {d-0}practically, if not actually, in partnership.{d-1} By 1885 he had built a combined house and office at 52 Bloor Street West in Toronto, where he would live until his death.

Johnson had taken a keen interest in pathology when he returned to Canada and worked for some time as a pathologist at Toronto General Hospital. His expert knowledge in medical jurisprudence, coroner{apos}s experience, and reputation as being an independent in politics would lead to his appointment by the province as the first chief coroner of Toronto in June 1903. In this position Johnson{apos}s duties were to supervise 30 associate coroners and to decide when there was to be an investigation into a death in the city. He headed inquests into fatalities resulting from train, car, and streetcar accidents or mishaps in the workplace, as well as deaths involving criminal action, and he had the power to issue arrest warrants.

As a coroner, Johnson provided evidence for the crown in many criminal trials in the Toronto area and throughout the province. He was involved in 1890 in the Reginald Birchall* case, prosecuted by Britton Bath Osler*, brother of Johnson{apos}s former schoolmate and fellow doctor William Osler*. In the famed Hyams brothers case of 1895-96 he contributed again as part of Osler{apos}s prosecution team. The case revolved around the body of young William Chinook (Willie) Wells, who had died, apparently from an industrial accident, in 1893. Wells{apos}s body was exhumed under orders from a Toronto coroner in 1895 when his sister revealed that a large insurance policy on her brother had been made out to her by her husband, Harry Place Hyams. Re-examination of the skull by Johnson and others brought Harry and his brother Dallas Theodore to trial on murder charges. Johnson was a witness for the prosecution, but the Hyamses were discharged in the end. In another case prosecuted by Osler, Olive Adele Sternaman was accused in 1897 of administering arsenic to her second husband, George H. Sternaman. Johnson, an expert in poisons, was the chief medical witness, heading the prosecution{apos}s team of five doctors. Sternaman was convicted of murder, but acquitted the following year on appeal.

Johnson had a strong ideal of community service and was for many years an active member of the College of Physicians and Surgeons, sitting on its council in 1890-95 and 1903-21 and acting on the printing, education, registration, complaints, and property committees. He was also a consulting surgeon to Toronto General, St John{apos}s, and St Michael{apos}s hospitals. His academic contributions included service as a lecturer and examiner at Trinity College and Toronto General, membership on the board of governors of Trinity College School (1902-21), and a book, Inquests and investigations: a practical guide for the use of coroners holding inquests in Ontario . . . (Toronto, 1911). Jukes Johnson died of pancreatic cancer in June 1921 at his home in Toronto. A member of St Thomas{apos}s Anglican Church, he was buried in St James{s-1-unknown} Cemetery. In his will he left $5,000 to establish a hospital at Trinity College School as a memorial to his father.

In 1888 Johnson obtained a teacher{apos}s certificate and started work in a school in the Argyle district. For him, as for many young men of his time, teaching was only a temporary pursuit. In 1890 he enrolled at Gustavus Adolphus College, a Lutheran institution in St Peter, Minn. He financed his studies by teaching school in the summers and received a ba in 1895. That year he began to study law with the Winnipeg firm of Richards and Bradshaw. In 1900 he was called to the bar, the first lawyer in Canada of Icelandic descent. He soon became a partner in Rothwell, Johnson and Bergman (after 1924 Johnson and Bergman) and was successful in the profession. Eventually, he became the chief legal counsel in Winnipeg for the Hudson{apos}s Bay Company and he would be appointed kc in 1919.

Johnson was philosophically and emotionally committed to his government{apos}s program, which he and the other members thought was supported by the vast majority of Manitobans. Yet in the provincial election of 1920 the Liberals took only 21 of the 55 seats and their popular vote dropped to 36 per cent from the 54 per cent of 1915. Opposition to the Liberals had developed because of the government{apos}s increased expenditures and disappointment over its indecisive approach to the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 [see Mike Sokolowiski*]. In addition, most ethnic and religious minorities protested against its educational reforms and Prohibition. The two most important reasons for the decline of the Liberals were, however, the divisions within the party itself caused in 1917, when Johnson and other government members supported conscription and the Union government of Sir Robert Laird Borden*, and the demand on the part of farmers for independent candidates.

During his years in politics Johnson had been an important and highly visible member of Manitoba{apos}s Icelandic community. He and his wife were strong supporters of, and sang in the choir of, Winnipeg{apos}s First Lutheran Church, which had an essentially Icelandic congregation. In 1925 Christian X, King of Denmark and Iceland, awarded him the prestigious Grand Cross of the Knights of the Order of the Falcon, given to natives of Iceland who serve their country with distinction. That year, at the Norse-American Centennial Celebration held in St Paul, Minn., Johnson was made a knight of the Order of St Olaf by Haakon VII, King of Norway. When he died in 1927 a local newspaper referred to him as {d-0}the most distinguished member of his race in Western Canada.{d-1}

AM, MG 14, B44, box 5, file 9. Man., Legislative Library (Winnipeg), Biog. scrapbooks, Manitoba hist. scrapbooks, political scrapbooks. Univ. of Man. Libraries, Dept. of Arch. and Special Coll. (Winnipeg), J. W. Dafoe fonds. Lögberg [Mount of Laws] (Winnipeg), 26 May 1927. Marilyn Baker, Symbol in stone: the art and politics of a public building: Manitoba{apos}s third legislative building (Winnipeg, 1986). Flora Benson, {d-0}Aurora Frederickson Johnson,{d-1} Lutheran Women{apos}s League of Manitoba, Árdís (Winnipeg), 22 (1954): 72. Canadian annual rev., 1907-22. CPG, 1914-23. L. J. Fisk, {d-0}Controversy on the prairies: issues in the general provincial elections of Manitoba, 1870-1969{d-1} (PHD thesis, Univ. of Alta, Edmonton, 1975). A. I. Inglis, {d-0}Some political factors in the demise of the Roblin government: 1915{inch} (MA thesis, Univ. of Man., 1968). W[ilhelm] Kristjanson, The Icelandic people in Manitoba: a Manitoba saga (Winnipeg, 1965). D. H. Laycock, Populism and democratic thought in the Canadian prairies, 1910 to 1945 (Toronto, 1990). W. L. Morton, Manitoba: a history (Toronto, 1957); The Progressive party in Canada (Toronto, 1950). Lionel Orlikow, {d-0}The reform movement in Manitoba, 1910-1915,{d-1} in Historical essays on the prairie provinces, ed. Donald Swainson (Toronto and Montreal, 1970), 215-29. P. F. Sharp, The agrarian revolt in western Canada: a survey showing American parallels (Minneapolis, Minn., 1948). Vestur-Íslenzkar æviskrár [Icelandic-American genealogies], ed. Benjamin Kristjánsson (4v., Akureyri, Iceland, 1961-72).

Isabel Johnstone{apos}s parents were born in Scotland. After her father had died of tuberculosis early in 1878 at age 30, her mother raised Isabel and her younger siblings, Margaret A., John, and Jessie, in Guelph, where she had ties with relatives and the Presbyterian Church. The family does not appear in the census records, however, until 1891: Isabel as a milliner, John as an apprentice tailor, and their mother as a seamstress in a woollen mill. Margaret drowned in 1900, and the only members listed in 1901 are Isabel{apos}s mother and Jessie, a stenographer. In 1905 Jessie married William John Dollery, a machinist for the Canadian Pacific Railway in Fort William.

In 1907 Isabel moved there to train as a nurse at the John McKellar Memorial Hospital, built in 1903 in memory of John McKellar*. Before its erection nursing services had been provided by the Victorian Order of Nurses, one of whose members, Christina Banks, became the hospital{apos}s first superintendent. After its School of Nursing opened in 1904, most of the hospital{apos}s employees were students. The hospital{apos}s board and Ladies{s-1-unknown} Aid arranged for donations of furnishings, equipment, and capital, and a new wing was added to the hospital in 1909, at which time it was renamed McKellar General Hospital. The students worked 12-hour shifts with a half day off each week and lived in the hospital until a residence was built in 1911.

By the time Isabel had graduated, in 1910, McKellar{apos}s capacity had more than tripled, from 35 beds to 120. She joined a staff of 5 graduate nurses, 14 students, and 2 interns. In April 1913, after working as head nurse of the surgical ward and then as operating-room supervisor, she was appointed superintendent. Because her quarters were in the hospital, she was able to devote all her energy to its operation and her beloved students. She interviewed all applicants personally and arranged for their practical and formal education. (It is on a student{apos}s acceptance form that her only known signature, Isabel Johnstone, appears.) According to graduates, she was a motherly, well-built woman with a pleasant face, but she could be firm when necessary. Despite many challenges, under her supervision the number of graduate nurses doubled, the enrolment at the School of Nursing quadrupled, and another wing was built. The crowning achievement was the hospital{apos}s accreditation by the province in 1922.

Unfortunately, in June of that year Isabel Johnstone underwent surgery for breast cancer in Rochester, N.Y. She died at the age of 50, just before the class of 1923 graduated. It was a sad troop of uniformed nurses and students that paraded to St Andrew{apos}s Presbyterian Church for the funeral of their role model. The chairman of the hospital board praised her efficiency and devotion to duty, and flags on public buildings flew at half mast. A second service was held in Guelph at 126 Palmer Street, Isabel{apos}s childhood home, before her burial in the family plot at Woodlawn Cemetery.

She was not forgotten. Jane Hogarth, a McKellar graduate who had been appointed assistant during Isabel{apos}s illness, founded the McKellar Alumnae Association in her honour and raised funds to furnish a ward in her name. Although the ward has not survived, the alumnae continue to hold annual banquets.

Isabel Johnstone was representative of the many women whose contributions influenced Canada{apos}s social development at the local level. During her 16 years at McKellar General, the hospital not only achieved accreditation but also reflected the high standards she helped set for its School of Nursing. McKellar graduated 1,100 nurses between 1907 and 1971, when the responsibility for training nurses was transferred to Ontario{apos}s Department of Education.

[Isabel Johnstone{apos}s paper trail consists of little more than her signature on a student{apos}s acceptance form. Her family does not appear in the census records for Guelph, Ont., until 1891. Death notices and obituaries yielded some information, but hospital records are virtually non-existent. The main sources for her life, including the student nurses{s-1-unknown} yearbook Iridos (Fort William [Thunder Bay], Ont.), are found among the archival holdings of the Thunder Bay Hist. Museum Soc. Certain aspects of Isabel{apos}s character were confirmed by two 1923 McKellar graduates, the late Jessie McLaren Hamilton of Thunder Bay, and the late Mary Sideen Berglund of Ignace, Ont. e.b.]

AO, RG 80-2-0-42, no.24122. LAC, RG 31, C1, Guelph, 1891, 1901. Thunder Bay Hist. Museum Soc., Jane Hogarth, Address given at the 60th anniversary banquet of McKellar Nursing School, 2 June 1964 (typescript, [1964]), and {d-0}A history of McKellar General Hospital{d-1} (typescript, n.d.); Jane Hogarth biog. file (includes acceptance form bearing Isabel Johnstone{apos}s signature); Olga Jagodnik, interview with Jane Hogarth, 6 April 1977 (transcript); McKellar Nursing School Alumnae coll., minute-books and class photographs. Daily Times-Journal (Fort William), 4-5 June 1923. Guelph Mercury, 6, 8 June 1923. Canadian Nurse and Hospital Rev. (Toronto), 19 (1923): 425. Directory, Fort William and Port Arthur [Thunder Bay], 1910-14/15. Iridos, 1926, 1951.

Kanaka was born on the brink of one great transformation in southern Baffin and he played a part in two more. For centuries the economy of the region revolved around the seasonal hunting by the Inuit of caribou, seals, walrus, and other game. Until the 1840s encounters with Europeans were limited to occasional trade with passing ships, chiefly those of the Hudson{apos}s Bay Company. The bowhead whale, which was also hunted though with great difficulty, drew British and American whalers [see Eenoolooapik*; William Penny*]. In 1851-52 the crew of an American vessel first wintered in Cumberland Sound; the venture was profitable and wintering became common. The Oqomiut, as the Inuit people there are known, began hunting for the incomers but the opportunity came at the cost of a heavy loss of population due to epidemics. These changes were followed by a seasonal reorientation around three whaling stations, one at Cape Haven on Hudson Strait and two in Cumberland Sound at Blacklead and Kekerten islands.

Kanaka was probably born within five years of the whalers{s-1-unknown} first wintering. Incomers later perpetuated a rumour that his father was a {d-0}Portugee,{d-1} a black Azorean aboard a Massachusetts whaler. This claim helps confirm his reported date of birth. Such circumstances did not affect an individual{apos}s place in society. One can be sure that he was named for a cherished kinsman and lived in a skin tent in summer and fall and in an igloo, sometimes on the sea ice, in winter. Kanaka, who excelled in hunting and leadership, was apparently respected by the people at the whaling stations; it was at Blacklead that he would enter the written record.

On 22 July 1903 Kanaka and Ohitok left to work at a new station at Igarjuak on Pond Inlet in northern Baffin. They were part of the two crews of whaleboatmen who had come to terms with a Scottish company to move with their families to a region where whales were still relatively abundant but where the local Inuit, the Tununirmiut, were not engaged to hunt them. (A zealous young Christian girl in the same party would lay the foundations of Christianity there.) Economically the venture came too late: only three bowheads were caught in seven years, though the returns did include polar bears, Arctic foxes, ringed seals, and walrus hides and tusks. None of this trade demanded the special skills of the incomers, and for six months in 1906-7 Kanaka was one of the Inuit who also hunted and guided for the government expedition of Joseph-Elzéar Bernier*. By 1910 the station was closed and Kanaka returned south, settling at the whalers{s-1-unknown} rock-nosing (inshore-whaling) harbour of Kivitoo.

Here Kanaka continued his long connection with Scottish whaler James S. Mutch, who had spent much of his life in Cumberland Sound, established the Igarjuak station, and commanded or piloted vessels for the London-based Sabellum Trading Company [see Niaqutiaq]. It is possible in the logbooks to follow their connection from 1903 to Mutch{apos}s retirement in the 1920s, as the two old whalers met almost every year. Kanaka was being given trade goods and provisions by 1911, and in 1913 he moved to Cape Mercy on Cumberland Sound, where he assembled two prefabricated houses as trading stations. These also provided a base for an innovative venture to pack Arctic char - many over a metre long, from coastal rivers and fjords - for export to Britain. In 1916 Kanaka accompanied the Erme to Kivitoo, where he helped set up another station and worked at carpentry and blacksmithing to refit the vessel for its return voyage, which would include a detour to take him back to Cape Mercy, his trading base for another nine years. Goods were picked up or dropped off annually by one schooner or another from Scotland. For a few years his harbour appeared on government maps as Kanacker or Kanacker Inlet, though the name was never officially adopted.

Kanaka took part at Cape Mercy in the third transformation of his lifetime: the movement from the whaler-Inuit relationship to the stricter, debt-and-barter arrangement with the monopolistic HBC. From its post at Cape Dorset it thrust hard in 1921 into the easterly territory served by the whaling concerns. The first HBC trader at Pangnirtung resolved to {d-0}break . . . like dogs{d-1} any Inuit who remained loyal to the whalers. Two of the three independent firms sold out, leaving Sabellum to wither and abandon its posts in 1927. For a time Kanaka remained an active trader and traveller who made an annual circuit of all the rival posts between Kivitoo and the mouth of Cumberland Sound.

Kanaka lived to an unusual degree on the borders of two cultures, so it needs to be emphasized that his story is told from only one side, the written records of Euro-Canadians. He almost certainly could speak the pidgin English common in Cumberland Sound in the 1880s but which died out with his generation. A reputed shaman turned Anglican, he bridged the two forms of belief without, one may suppose, discarding core ethical values. He was true to the customs of the new whaling economy, in which Inuit traders carried on the traditions of whaleboat leaders of former eras and acted as brokers between the British suppliers and their own people. Maintaining this blend into the 1920s was Kanaka{apos}s special contribution to Baffin Island and Canadian history.

Dartmouth College, Rauner Special Coll. Library (Hanover, N.H.), MSS-122, logbooks of the ship Rosie, 1924-25, 21 Sept. 1925. LAC, RG 85, 64, file 164-1 (1); 1044, file 540-3 (3A). William Barr, {d-0}The McLellan: an eyewitness account,{d-1} Beaver (Winnipeg), 66 (1986-87), no.3: 60-61. Church Missionary Gleaner (London), 1 Jan. 1914. Philip Goldring, {d-0}Goldring{apos}s post[s]cript,{d-1} Beaver, 66, no.3: 61; {d-0}Inuit economic responses to Euro-American contacts: southeast Baffin Island, 1824-1940,{d-1} in Interpreting Canada{apos}s north: selected readings, ed. K. S. Coates and W. R. Morrison (Toronto, 1989), 252-77; {d-0}The last voyage of the McLellan,{d-1} Beaver, 66, no.1: 39-44. J. S. Mutch, {d-0}Whaling in Ponds Bay,{d-1} in Boas anniversary volume: anthropological papers written in honor of Franz Boas . . . presented to him on the twenty-fifth anniversary of his doctorate, ninth of August, nineteen hundred and six, ed. Berthold Laufer (New York, 1906), 485-500.

Frank Keefer received his early education at Strathroy Grammar School and Upper Canada College before attending the University of Toronto (ba 1881; ma, llb 1882). In 1883 he moved to Prince Arthur{apos}s Landing (Port Arthur, now Thunder Bay), where the Weekly Herald and Lake Superior Mining Journal described him as a metallurgist. After his call to the bar in 1884 he joined the law practice there of his brother Thomas Alexander Keefer and Edward Robert Cameron, who soon left. The brothers combined their legal work with an interest in mining. In 1889 Frank also assumed the responsibilities of solicitor for Port Arthur, a position he would hold until 1910. Named a federal qc in 1897 and a provincial kc in 1907, he was socially active as a member of the Foresters, the Oddfellows, and the Port Arthur Club, and was a delegate to the General Synod of the Church of England in Canada.

While in Ottawa, Keefer acted as counsel and adviser to the federal Food Board and, from 1918 to 1920, he was parliamentary under-secretary of state for external affairs. During the House of Commons{s-1-unknown} consideration of margarine as a wartime substitute for butter, Keefer, reflecting perhaps an understanding acquired at the Food Board, advanced the strongest pro-margarine position against the protests of the dairy industry. The representative of a riding that accommodated three transcontinental railways and nine railway divisional points, he also championed the adoption by the government railways of workers{s-1-unknown} compensation provisions equivalent to those in effect on private lines. As well, he promoted voting mechanisms to ensure that railwaymen would not be disenfranchised if work took them away before polls opened.

Keefer{apos}s most extended interventions were made on behalf of international trade with the West Indies and the improvement of the Great Lakes-St Lawrence waterways. He viewed deeper shipping channels as an important means to lower the costs of transporting wheat and minerals, and to reduce Canadian dependency on American coal. In a circumstance that he described in 1921 as {d-0}most unenviable,{d-1} he found himself at odds with his government in connection with the statutory creation of the Lake of the Woods Control Board, a water and power regulatory body that seemed to favour the needs of Winnipeg. He considered the measure ill-advised and asserted northwestern Ontario{apos}s interests accordingly. {d-0}Winnipeg is a very big city,{d-1} he acknowledged, {d-0}but I do not think it should have the right, by way of legislation or otherwise, to take away the rights of the little town of Kenora without either consultation, negotiation or compensation.{d-1}

As early as November 1920 Keefer was openly advocating the formation of a new northwestern province, Superior. It may have been his willingness to defend northern interests against his own government{apos}s policy that attracted the attention of Ontario Conservative leader George Howard Ferguson*, who recruited the former mp for the provincial election of June 1923, which the Tories swept. Returned in Port Arthur, Keefer would represent the riding until his defeat in 1926. A month after the contest he was made legislative secretary for northern Ontario, and he eventually succeeded in having Port Arthur made the northwest headquarters of the Department of Lands and Forests. These achievements no doubt provided some satisfaction to a man who had once remarked that {d-0}we in the North country are fighting against the difficulties of nature, and I feel that in this matter we should receive the most sympathetic consideration.{d-1}

Keefer acted as a watchdog for Ontario on matters connected with the St Lawrence. This responsibility, though consistent with his commitment to a deep waterway system, produced some friction with Premier Ferguson, who did not wish to see Ontario{apos}s hydroelectric plans encumbered by a canal proposal. Attention to the St Lawrence also saw Keefer continue his efforts against {d-0}the Chicago steal{d-1} - the unauthorized diversion of Lake Michigan waters to the Gulf of Mexico. He monitored Chicago{apos}s machinations with particular reference to the interests of the Great Lakes Harbours Association of Canada and the United States, and repeatedly advised senior political figures in Ottawa that the development of the St Lawrence was the key to creating Canadian-American alliances capable of resolving the Chicago situation. In 1927 Keefer recognized the opportunity to tie the waterways issue to the historical canal interest of his family and that of Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King*: {d-0}Exactly one hundred years ago your grandfather, [William Lyon Mackenzie*], and mine were directors of the Welland Canal Company and opened that Canal for traffic. . . . It has just struck me how befitting it would be, if his grandson, and as Prime Minister of Canada, could bring to pass . . . the understanding with the government of the United States to do the same thing with the St. Lawrence.{d-1}

Appointed public trustee for the province of Ontario in May 1928, Keefer had just begun to make his influence felt in this position when he died of a heart attack at his Toronto home in December. He was buried in Lakeview Cemetery in Thorold, where a son lived and where he had long held an interest in local history and St John{apos}s Anglican Church.

AO, RG 80-5-0-917, no.4133. LAC, MG 26, I. Thorold Post, 6, 13, 27 Dec. 1928. Toronto Daily Star, 5 Dec. 1928. Weekly Herald and Lake Superior Mining Journal (Port Arthur [Thunder Bay], Ont.), 3 April 1884, 24 Jan. 1885. Christopher Armstrong, The politics of federalism: Ontario{apos}s relations with the federal government, 1867-1942 (Toronto, 1981). Can., House of Commons, Debates, 2 April 1919: 1083-85; 31 May 1921: 4184-98. Canada Law Journal (Toronto), 20 (1884): 356, 391. Canadian annual rev., 1917-27/28. Canadian directory of parl. (Johnson). Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). E. M. Chadwick, Ontarian families: genealogies of United-Empire-Loyalist and other pioneer families of Upper Canada (2v., Toronto, 1894-98; repr., 2v. in 1, Lambertville, N.J., [1970]), 2. Alexander Fraser, A history of Ontario: its resources and development (2v., Toronto, 1907), 2: 796-98. W. H. Heick, A propensity to protect: butter, margarine and the rise of urban culture in Canada (Waterloo, Ont., 1991). John Hilliker and Donald Barry, Canada{apos}s Department of External Affairs (2v., Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1990-95), 1. Peter Oliver, G. Howard Ferguson: Ontario Tory (Toronto, 1977). Who{apos}s who in Canada, 1925/26.

The son of an Irish tailor, Robert Kelly was educated in the public schools of Russell Township. At age 16 he became an errand boy in William Petrie{apos}s general store in Russell. A few years later he was promoted to clerk and also worked as a telegraph operator. In 1884, after seven years{s-1-unknown} service, he became manager of a branch store and telegraph office in Finch Township.

In 1886 Kelly travelled to Vancouver, but did not find an opening to his liking. He went on to California and took up a position as manager of a general store and telegraph office in McPherson, just south of Los Angeles. After returning to Vancouver in 1887, he established a wholesale fruit and provision business with William James McMillan on Water Street in the heart of the city{apos}s new wholesale and warehouse district. He left the partnership in 1889 and became a travelling salesman for Oppenheimer Brothers, the wholesale grocery firm of Isaac and David* Oppenheimer. While working for the firm, he made many contacts and became familiar with business opportunities throughout the Pacific northwest. In 1895 he left Oppenheimer Brothers and joined William Goldsworth Braid to form Braid, Kelly and Company, wholesale grocers specializing in tea and coffee. The partnership flourished, but lasted less than a year, since the brash, aggressive nature of the short, stocky Kelly did not agree with the staid, conservative Braid.

In early 1896 Frank Ross Douglas, a native of Lachute, Que., arrived in Vancouver seeking investment opportunities. An easygoing, cheerful, and tactful man, Douglas would be described a few months later by the Vancouver Daily World as {d-0}an able and progressive business man.{d-1} He soon met Kelly and in March, despite their differing personalities, they formed Kelly, Douglas and Company, wholesale grocers and tea importers. With $14,500 in capital and an $8,000 line of credit, they rented a warehouse and office on Water Street. Kelly acted as managing director of the company while Douglas travelled throughout the province securing customers. Though British Columbia was in the midst of an economic depression, Kelly{apos}s intimate knowledge of the wholesale grocery business and the firm{apos}s strategic location at the hub of the province{apos}s new marine and railway transportation systems ensured the company{apos}s success.

Kelly{apos}s strong support of the Liberal party enhanced the firm{apos}s fortunes. When in 1896 the Reverend George Ritchie Maxwell* became a candidate for the federal riding of Burrard, but could not meet his campaign expenses, Kelly agreed to help. He provided Maxwell with funds on the understanding that, if he won, he would direct government patronage to Kelly, Douglas. Maxwell was successful and when the Klondike gold rush began in 1897, the company received many large orders for supplies from the new Liberal government of Sir Wilfrid Laurier*.

British Columbia{apos}s population doubled in the years between 1901 and 1911. This growth, coupled with the continued patronage of the Laurier government and the firm{apos}s advantageous position in Vancouver, brought increased business and profits to Kelly, Douglas. The company supplied many small grocers across the province, as well as major department stores, mining and logging camps, and various work gangs. The company{apos}s Nabob brand was registered in 1905 and soon became synonymous with high-quality pre-packaged teas and coffees. In 1906 the firm was reorganized as a limited liability company with a capital of $500,000. An extensive nine-storey warehouse was built on Water Street. The Kelly Confection Company Limited was established that year to market confectioneries. In 1909 Kelly, Douglas had 30 employees in its warehouse and 10 travelling salesmen. The following year the authorized capital was raised to $1,000,000 and branches had been established in all the major urban centres of the province. In 1911 the firm registered sales of over $4,500,000. It was one of the largest of its kind west of Winnipeg.

Kelly exerted much back-room political influence in British Columbia. In 1905 Vancouver Liberals had put his name forward as a candidate for the Senate. This gesture provoked the Conservative Victoria Daily Colonist into publishing a lengthy editorial that labelled Kelly {d-0}the Tammany leader,{d-1} a man {d-0}who gets what he wants every time,{d-1} and one who aimed to be {d-0}the political dictator of his party in this province.{d-1} When asked by the Vancouver Daily Province to comment on the Colonist{apos}s remarks, Kelly stated that it was merely {d-0}good advertising.{d-1}

In addition to his wholesale grocery business, Kelly invested in a number of other firms and had substantial interests in the lumber and salmon-canning industries. Despite the severe business depression that prevailed in British Columbia from 1912 to the end of World War I, Kelly, Douglas and Company remained profitable. At the end of the war Kelly{apos}s health began to fail and he took a year{apos}s leave of absence from the management of the firm. His health did not improve and he died at his home in Point Grey on 22 June 1922 from cirrhosis of the liver.

Robert Kelly{apos}s many mercantile skills and political ties in the booming economy of British Columbia before World War I had quickly made him both a political power-broker and a business leader in the province.

BCA, GR-2951, nos.1922-09-300764, 1952-09-003965. City of Vancouver Arch., Add. mss 54 (J. S. Matthews coll.), topical files, Kelly, Douglas and Co. Ltd. (02437). LAC, RG 31, C1, 1861, 1871, 1881, Russell Township, Ont.; 1901, Burrard, B.C., dist.D8. Daily Colonist (Victoria), 29 Dec. 1905, 23 June 1922. Vancouver Daily News-Advertiser, 3 Oct. 1897. Vancouver Daily Province, 29 Dec. 1905, 13 March 1906, 11 Dec. 1948. Vancouver Daily World, 20 June 1896 (souvenir ed.). Vancouver News-Herald, 11 Dec. 1948. Vancouver Sun, 23 June 1921, 17 Aug. 1953. Victoria Daily Times, 22 June 1922. Canadian who{apos}s who, 1910. Bill Davies, From sourdough to superstore: the Kelly, Douglas story (Vancouver, 1990). Directories, Carleton County, Ont., 1884; B.C., 1889-95; Ont., 1884-89; Ottawa, 1866-67, 1870-73; Vancouver, 1888, 1896. R. E. Gosnell, A history o[f] British Columbia (n.p., 1906). Newspaper reference book. E. O. S. Scholefield and F. W. Howay, British Columbia from the earliest times to the present (4v., Vancouver, 1914), 3. Who{apos}s who in western Canada . . . (Vancouver), 1913.

Edward Kemp{apos}s father was an immigrant from Yorkshire, England; his mother was Canadian-born. Raised near the Eastern Townships village of Clarenceville, where he attended school, Edward later studied at the academy in Lacolle, excelling in mathematics, but he did not finish. His real interest was business; at 16 he sought a share of his father{apos}s mercantile and farming ventures. Rebuffed, he left home, according to a later account, {d-0}somewhat surreptitiously one morning while the family was preparing for prayers.{d-1} He headed to Montreal and took various jobs until he found employment as a {d-0}general servant{d-1} in a hardware store. Recognized for his arithmetical aptitude, he eagerly accepted an offer to be its bookkeeper and he spent four years learning the business methods that would serve him well in later life.

At 20 Kemp had two ambitions: to start his own business and to marry his Montreal sweetheart. But Celia Wilson{apos}s father was cool to the match because Kemp was young and unproven in the world of enterprise. Celia persuaded him to write to her suitor, explaining his concerns. Kemp replied immediately, hoping to allay the misgivings. The approach worked, and on 31 Jan. 1879 Kemp presented Celia with an engagement ring. A month later, he and a partner opened a manufacturing and retailing shop on St Catherine Street (Rue Sainte-Catherine), offering stoves and ranges and tin, japanned, and galvanized-iron wares.

Celia and Edward were married in August at Wesley Congregational Church. The support of her family and in-laws was critical to the success of her marriage to a man driven by entrepreneurial ambition. The toll was heavy. Once, not finding Edward in his shop on a visit, Celia scribbled: {d-0}Couldn{apos}t you let me see you for a few moments before Sunday. You have no idea how lonesome I seem.{d-1} The shop was successful but Kemp wanted more. In 1885 he and Celia moved to Toronto, where he entered into partnership with Thomas McDonald, owner of the struggling Dominion Tin and Stamping Works at Gerrard and River streets. His business skill and bookkeeper{apos}s eye for efficiencies turned the operation around. Also productive were his efforts to cultivate a network of friends and contacts through the Board of Trade, the Canadian Manufacturers{s-1-unknown} Association, clubs, and the British Empire League, where he found like-minded young men who were connected to some of the city{apos}s largest banks, law firms, manufacturers, and merchants.

Despite their success, Kemp{apos}s relationship with his partner broke down. He confessed to an uncle that McDonald was known to {d-0}get men in this business who were capable of getting it into shape for him and then regardless of obligation make it so hot for them that they would willingly sacrifice their interests and get out.{d-1} McDonald underestimated Kemp, who rallied their employees and warned McDonald that attempts to force him out would produce a rival operation headed by himself and staffed by their workers. In 1888 he bought out McDonald and formed the Kemp Manufacturing Company with his younger brother, William Arthur, who had left the lumber trade in Quebec to apply his inventive and marketing talents in Toronto. William{apos}s one-piece furnace pipe would bring fortune to the brothers. Their expanded operations and growing national reputation, through William{apos}s sales efforts, led to plants in Montreal and Winnipeg. In 1911 they reorganized their business as the Sheet Metal Products Company of Canada Limited, whose {d-0}goods found ready market in all parts of the Dominion, driving the United States{s-1-unknown} products from the market and competing with them for supremacy in the export trade.{d-1}

Kemp{apos}s acumen and partnership with William had been primary factors in the prosperity of Kemp Manufacturing. A healthy dose of tariff protection had also contributed. Kemp eagerly endorsed the Conservative government{apos}s National Policy but believed it could be refined. With an introduction from the CMA{apos}s secretary, in 1889 he tried to get customs minister Mackenzie Bowell* to reduce the tariff on iron, his firm{apos}s raw material. He failed but did not give up. After the death of Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald*, he vigorously supported the Tories through their troubled times in the 1890s, all the while promoting stronger protection.

By 1900 Kemp was a recognized figure among the {d-0}better elements{d-1} of Toronto society. A member of Sherbourne Street Methodist Church, along with other prominent businessmen, he was president of the CMA in 1895 and 1896, and of the Board of Trade in 1899 and 1900. He continued to nurture friendships with top bankers and was doing important work for the Victorian Order of Nurses. As well, his wealth and influence were prized assets for the tattered Conservative party during the early years of Liberal government under Wilfrid Laurier*. Amid demands to rebuild the Tory machine, lamentations over Laurier{apos}s response to the South African War, Liberal disposition to free trade, and pressure from Conservative leader Sir Charles Tupper*, he left Kemp Manufacturing in William{apos}s care and launched his own political career, his sights set on the federal election of November 1900. Toronto lawyer Edmund James Bristol, an executive member of the Ontario Conservative Association, secured his nomination in Toronto East.

Kemp won. Years later the Globe said of him that in the House of Commons he was {d-0}never inclined to overwork Hansard.{d-1} But he did speak on major issues, such as the budget, the prospects of an imperial preferential tariff, the settlement of the war, and transcontinental railways. Robert Laird Borden, the Halifax lawyer who had succeeded Tupper in 1901, liked Kemp{apos}s steady disposition, his wealth and status in Toronto{apos}s Tory circles, and his support for Borden{apos}s own efforts to reform the Conservative party. Borden also admired the broad, national perspective displayed by Kemp - and by other progressive business figures whom he wanted to bring into federal Conservatism. Kemp extolled Canada{apos}s business opportunities and argued that economic prosperity would promote harmony between classes and cultures. Mindful perhaps of the absence of strong Conservative lieutenants in Quebec, he emphasized the mutual interests of the French and the English in public life, encouraged English Canadians to take a sanguine view of Quebec, and reproached {d-0}mischievous{d-1} politicians who inflamed tension for their own ends. {d-0}The best way . . . to draw the English and French speaking elements nearer each other,{d-1} he would argue in a letter to Olivar Asselin* in 1905, {d-0}is to cease . . . discussing the question.{d-1}

On the pragmatic level in Kemp{apos}s riding, constituents sought work from the wealthy mp and party members solicited favours. In the election of 1904 Kemp improved his margin of victory. Still, his relationship with ordinary voters was distant, and he had again depended on his party{apos}s elite to secure his nomination. A serious man of prideful bearing, he had no gift for the common touch; meeting constituents was not an opportunity for Kemp but a necessary chore. He never liked glad-handing, though only a few penetrative minds discerned the truth behind his handshake.

In the run-up to the election of 1908, Kemp paid little heed to the nomination process and a dispute arose over the Conservative candidacy. Some members grumbled that Kemp{apos}s nomination was again being engineered by outsiders, behind the walls of Toronto{apos}s Albany Club. As a result, an independent Conservative, Joseph Russell, was nominated in addition to Kemp, who suddenly found his commercial prominence a liability with some working-class Tories. They charged that he employed Macedonians at the expense of Canadians and paid his workers pitiful wages while Russell, a brick maker, offered pay that allowed workers to {d-0}live in houses of their own, and not herd a dozen into a room.{d-1} Kemp lost to Russell; nationally the Conservatives fell victim to Laurier{apos}s Liberals for a fourth time. The defeat struck the Ontario wing hard. Its chief organizer, John Stewart Carstairs, would later tell Borden that {d-0}it was only through the generous assistance of Mr. A. E. Kemp that we were rescued from the debts that had accumulated.{d-1}

Kemp threw himself into reorganizing the Ontario machine. He used his influence and business connections to rally opposition to Laurier{apos}s naval policy and to reciprocity with the United States. While making the usual allegations that the Liberals were running a corrupt regime, he and a supportive Premier Sir James Pliny Whitney* recruited wealthy Ontario Liberals opposed to reciprocity and helped drive Laurier from power in September 1911. Borden, acutely aware of Kemp{apos}s role in the campaign, made him a minister without portfolio in his first cabinet. Kemp{apos}s mandate was to investigate government purchasing. He discovered that there was no common system and that expenditures were being made in uncontrolled and sometimes unexplained ways. At the riding level in Toronto, Kemp developed a business-like process to distribute the spoils of electoral success. Constituents{s-1-unknown} requests were screened by a committee which then forwarded a list of potential benefactors to Kemp and other local mps who had jobs to dispense in the Post Office and other departments. By the outbreak of World War I, Kemp had added a thorough knowledge of patronage and government expenditure to his managerial skills.

The war created huge demands for material to support, by the end, over 400,000 Canadian soldiers at the front. War appropriations during the conflict totalled more than $1 billion. In the early months of the conflict most of the money was spent by Colonel Samuel Hughes, the flamboyant minister of militia and defence. By April 1915 his department was in chaos, its Militia Council unconsulted and Hughes often absent and making commitments with overweening confidence and contempt for orderly procedure. Rumours of mismanaged contracts for munitions and other material spread like wildfire; two Tory mps were dismissed for {d-0}gross profiteering{d-1} and investigatory commissions were set up. In May, Borden removed Hughes from his responsibilities for spending war allocations, placed them in the hands of deputy minister Eugène Fiset*, and, to clean up the mess, appointed Kemp chair of the newly formed War Purchasing Commission. It was a bad time for Kemp - he and Celia had just lost a grandchild in the sinking of the Lusitania - but it was a challenge he could not refuse. His talents and nature were the exact opposite of Hughes{apos}s and he disliked the brash politics of favouritism that Hughes had practised with such flourish. Under Kemp{apos}s leadership the commission shifted expenditure away from what was good for the party to what was good for the war effort. A systematic tendering process was established, contracts were issued to proven suppliers, and patronage was restricted to contractors who could deliver quality material. Behind the scenes William Kemp offered technical expertise and kept his eye on affairs in Toronto East. As more and more soldiers went overseas, and as war appropriations grew and grew again, from $166 million in the fiscal year 1915-16 to $306 million in 1916-17, much of the work had to be delegated to Kemp{apos}s co-commissioners, George Frederick Galt and Hormisdas Laporte*, and their staff. Still, for Kemp the burden was heavy: it left him seriously ill by May 1916 and forced him into a period of recovery.

In November, Hughes was in deeper trouble still over the confused military administration of the Canadian Expeditionary Force in London and his defiance of Borden{apos}s instructions. The prime minister demanded his resignation and called on Kemp to put the Department of Militia and Defence back in order; he became minister on 23 November. In a private note on 5 Jan. 1917 to Sir George Halsey Perley*, another trusted lieutenant, who had gone to London as high commissioner and was now minister of overseas military forces, Kemp confessed that he found the department in a {d-0}remarkable condition of affairs{d-1} and that the {d-0}adjustment of nearly every difficult decision had been postponed and the stream was blocked.{d-1}

Kemp turned to solving the problems, counselling patience, delegating duties to the ablest men he could find, and ending the one-man show that had been Hughes{apos}s downfall at home and then overseas. Dismayed as he was, he had some sympathy for Sir Sam and no time for recriminations. He reported that he had admonished a senior officer and bitter critic of Hughes to {d-0}have a little more regard for those whose honesty of purpose, although they may have made some mistakes, was no less sincere than his own.{d-1} At the same time Kemp was creating a professional, efficient operation to implement the day-to-day administrative routine he had designed. For his service he was made a kcmg; announced in the king{apos}s New Year{apos}s honours of 1917, it was conferred on 13 Feb. 1917. The following month he announced a {d-0}Canadian Defence Force,{d-1} to increase the militia ranks for home defence in order to free up troops for overseas service. The plan was largely a failure; {d-0}voluntary enlistment has about reached its limit,{d-1} he confessed to Borden in April. Like many of his cabinet colleagues, he came to realize that conscription was inevitable.

His tenure in Militia and Defence was short-lived. In October he became minister of overseas military forces in Borden{apos}s new Union government. He replaced Perley, who had started to build a sound administration but wanted to resume his post as high commissioner. In the general election in December, Kemp won handily and the Unionists returned to power on a conscription platform, which deeply divided the nation.

Kemp{apos}s work in England, where he arrived in January 1918, was the second part of his reform mission. Close to field operations and British headquarters, he was besieged by Tories and others wanting assistance for friends and family in the war. Despite such distractions, he concentrated on rebuilding relations with the British that Hughes had nearly destroyed. Prime Minister David Lloyd George knew that the British armies needed more soldiers from the dominion. Unlike his predecessor, Herbert Henry Asquith, he recognized that in return the Canadians, in Ottawa and in London, would have to have a greater share in wartime decision making. That spring Kemp joined Borden at the meetings of the imperial war cabinet. As well, he carried on the managerial reform of the overseas forces. He formed, in April, and chaired the Overseas Military Council, which was similar to the Militia Council in Ottawa, and imposed his authority over the administrative control of the CEF. As part of this change, the position of general officer commanding in England was abolished and Lieutenant-General Sir Richard Ernest William Turner* assumed the new post of chief of general staff. In addition, Kemp persuaded the War Office to establish, in July, a Canadian section at General Headquarters in France that would oversee the troops and serve as the link between the Canadian Corps and the overseas ministry. This section was headed by Brigadier-General John Fletcher Leopold Embury*.

In May, persuaded by the advice of Turner and other senior officers and reversing his earlier opposition, Kemp had lent his support to the formation of the Canadian Air Force. It was just being organized when fighting stopped in November 1918 and it would be disbanded the following year. With the war{apos}s end, demobilizing Canada{apos}s troops and getting them home became Kemp{apos}s top priority. Because the armistice had come unexpectedly, most of the planning to move close to half a million soldiers, in the midst of a huge shortage of shipping, posed an enormous challenge. It kept Kemp in England until 1920, when the overseas ministry was terminated. His long service as the government{apos}s {d-0}repairman{d-1} of wartime administration was over. Kemp was then in his sixties, exhausted by a series of demanding assignments. He nonetheless served out his term, including time, from July 1920, as a minister without portfolio in the short-lived government of Arthur Meighen*. In August 1920, in a final gesture of personal wartime abstention, he returned to the government cheques totalling more than $25,000, his ministerial salary during the war. Appointed to the Senate in November 1921, he did not run in December{apos}s general election.

The contest signalled a new era in politics: William Lyon Mackenzie King*, the Liberal leader since 1919, won the election. Kemp was now the grand old man of Ontario Conservative politics. He acted as one of Meighen{apos}s advisers and returned to work at Sheet Metal Products. It too was a different place, his trusted brother having passed away in 1919. At Castle Frank, his palatial home overlooking the Don River valley, Kemp found comfort in his wife{apos}s companionship, but Celia died on 20 Jan. 1924 following surgery. A year later Kemp quietly married Virginia Copping, a young widow with two daughters. He kept up his interest in Tory politics, made the occasional speech, retained some directorships, and continued his support of charitable causes, including church work and the Young Men{apos}s Christian Association. In October 1927 Sheet Metal Products merged with McClary Manufacturing [see John McClary] and Thomas Davidson Manufacturing Company Limited of Montreal to form General Steel Wares Limited, a combination that reputedly netted Kemp more than $3 million. On 11 Aug. 1929 he celebrated his birthday with a round of golf, a favourite pastime, on the private course of Missisquoi, his summer home on Pigeon Lake near Bobcaygeon. Early the next morning he died, according to the press, of an attack of acute indigestion. Buried in Mount Pleasant Cemetery in Toronto, he left an estate worth more than $7,700,000.

Kemp had begun his career as an ambitious businessman whose accounting and managerial expertise turned his partnership in Montreal to success. Repetition of this pattern in Toronto opened doors to the homes and friendships of the cloistered, often smug business and political elites of late colonial Toronto. At the dawn of the new century Kemp won a seat in parliament and soon found himself a leader in the Conservative party in Ontario. His service and pocketbook, many acknowledged, kept the Ontario wing healthy in the lean years of the Laurier era. In 1911 Kemp joined George Perley as Borden{apos}s choices for cabinet. Both were wealthy businessmen, skilled administrators with more talent for the management of affairs than for rough-and-tumble constituency politics. Both carried out personal assignments for the prime minister before and during the Great War. One account said of Kemp that he was {d-0}seldom on parade, but seldom inactive and never inefficient.{d-1} Kemp himself once attributed his success to energy and application. In effect, he was the ex officio minister of efficiency in Borden{apos}s governments.

The son of a Scottish millwright who came to Upper Canada in 1832, John Kennedy was educated at the grammar school in Bytown (Ottawa), by private tuition, and at McGill College in Montreal. He began his professional career in 1853 under Thomas Coltrin Keefer*, working on channel and harbour improvements, on waterworks in Montreal, Ottawa, and Hamilton, and on other projects. In 1863 he was appointed assistant city surveyor in Montreal and a few years later he was promoted deputy city surveyor. He resigned in 1867 to become manager of the Hull Iron Mining and Manufacturing Company{apos}s iron mines and new smelting works at Ironside, Que. Having taught himself chemistry, he ran the company successfully, but concluded that there was no future in smelting iron with wood charcoal. He then joined his family{apos}s thriving iron foundry and machine shop, Wm. Kennedy and Sons, in Owen Sound, Ont.

In 1871 Kennedy returned to civil engineering as divisional engineer on the Wellington, Grey and Bruce branch of Canada{apos}s largest railway system, the Great Western. Within three years he was promoted chief engineer of the entire railway, then the highest paid engineering position in Canada. He completed a rail link between Fort Erie and Glencoe, Ont. (the Canada Air line), built some minor branches, and laid the first double track in Canada, between Glencoe and Windsor.

In 1875 Kennedy accepted the newly created post of chief engineer of the Montreal Harbour Commission. He would hold this office for nearly 33 years and would make his professional reputation by developing the modern port of Montreal and by deepening the St Lawrence ship channel between Montreal and Quebec. When Kennedy took up the post, the port was small and in poor condition. It had narrow wooden wharves, shallow basins, temporary wooden sheds, and no grain elevators. A plan to improve it was put aside in 1877; approval to enlarge the port was not granted until 1891. A year later Kennedy began construction on a guard pier, or breakwater, which enclosed a mile-and-a-half-wide harbour basin at the mouth of the Lachine Canal. This pier protected the harbour and the city from floods caused by ice jams. Kennedy then deepened the harbour basins to 30 feet and, against strong opposition, built three massive 1,000-foot-long, 300-foot-wide piers - the Jacques Cartier (1898-99), the Alexandra (1899-1901), and the King Edward (1901-2). An elevator, designed to deliver grain directly to ships by an elaborate conveyor system, was erected in the centre of the harbour between 1903 and 1904. Wharves on shore were raised and protected, and 14 steel-and-concrete two-storey freight sheds were built (1904-8). Piers, wharves, and harbour approaches were paved and a modern electric light and telephone system was installed. The Grand Trunk{apos}s track on the docks was replaced with the commission{apos}s extensive electric railway (1907). Other improvements followed. Kennedy was far-sighted enough to have made allowances for future growth.

For 18 of the 33 years that Kennedy was chief engineer of the harbour commission, he was also chief engineer of the St Lawrence ship channel between Montreal and Quebec. By 1887 he had deepened it from 20 to 27½ feet, employing dredges of his own design, some of which would be used the world over. The deeper channel allowed larger ocean ships to reach Montreal, helping to make the port the biggest and most important in Canada. The improved harbour facilities fostered Montreal{apos}s industrialization and made the city Canada{apos}s principal transportation centre, as well as the world{apos}s largest grain port by the mid 1920s.

In 1899 Kennedy{apos}s eyesight began to fail, as his father{apos}s had before him. Consultations with specialists in the United States and Great Britain were not encouraging and in 1906 he had an operation to preserve what sight he had; it was not a success and he suffered neuralgic pain for the rest of his life. Totally blind in 1907, he resigned as chief engineer and was appointed consulting engineer to the commission, a post he held until his death. Although blind, he continued to ride his horses and practise engineering, designing, for example, the world{apos}s largest dipper dredge for the St Lawrence and Pier No.2 in Halifax harbour for the federal government.

Kennedy had been appointed to a number of federal commissions: on the leasing of water-power on the Lachine Canal (1886); on the causes of the flooding of Montreal the same year; on the advisability of extending the Trent Canal (1887); and on enlarging the Cornwall Canal (1891). A staunch advocate of private enterprise, in 1916 he and other leading engineers from Montreal persuaded the city to abandon plans for an aqueduct and a hydroelectric power scheme. Similarly, a year later, he was among the prominent engineers who advised the government of Ontario not to proceed with an electric railway between Port Credit and St Catharines, Ont. Their report, together with other factors, eventually killed Sir Adam Beck{apos}s scheme for a government-owned high-speed radial railway system centred on Toronto. Kennedy also acted as an arbitrator, or consulting engineer, on a variety of engineering projects and gave advice on mining and industrial works.

Kennedy was a member of the leading British and American engineering societies: the Institution of Civil Engineers of Great Britain and, from 1875, the American Society of Civil Engineers. The first Canadian to become a councillor of the ICE, he served for many years as a director of the ASCE. In 1887 he was one of 19 founding members of the Canadian Society of Civil Engineers (renamed the Engineering Institute of Canada in 1918), Canada{apos}s first national professional engineering society. He sat for several years on the CSCE{apos}s council, was elected president in 1892, and was made an honorary member in 1907.

Together with other older, prominent engineers, Kennedy controlled the CSCE{apos}s executive until the end of World War I. A tireless promoter of the welfare of engineers, he had nevertheless opposed Alan Macdougall*{apos}s attempt in 1887 to have the CSCE incorporated as a self-governing licensing and regulatory body. Kennedy believed that the status of engineers could be improved only by raising the standard of engineering practice through the exchange of professional knowledge. Although Macdougall{apos}s plan would eventually succeed with the creation of provincial licensing associations, beginning in Manitoba in 1896, Kennedy and his colleagues greatly influenced the style of engineering professionalism in Canada.

In recognition of his service to Canada, Kennedy was made a knight bachelor in 1916. McGill conferred a lld on him the following year and in 1921 McMaster University in Toronto honoured him with a dcl. Kennedy was a member of the University Club in Montreal, a director of the Young Men{apos}s Christian Association, and a director of the Montreal Association for the Blind, in which capacity he was a founder of the School for the Blind. He was active in religious and social reform work through the Olivet Baptist Church in Montreal.

A major figure in the professionalization of Canadian engineers, Kennedy had a full and varied career few of his colleagues equalled. With other engineers, he helped transform Canada into a modern, urban-industrial nation by building the country{apos}s most important civil and mechanical infrastructures. When he died, the Engineering Institute of Canada referred to him as the {d-0}dean of the engineering profession in Canada.{d-1}

[Sir John Kennedy{apos}s publications concern his activities as a professional engineer. These include his reports to the Montreal Harbour Commission, published on an irregular basis between 1875 and 1910 in Can., Parl., Sessional papers. See especially 1900, no.11b; 1903, no.23; 1905, no.23; 1906-7, no.23; and 1910, no.2. Three reports written or co-written by Kennedy on proposed engineering works are available in the CIHM, Reg., and a major article by Kennedy on {d-0}The Montreal waterworks{d-1} was published in Canadian Engineer (Toronto), 3 (1895-96): 268-72. His presidential address to the Canadian Society of Civil Engineers appears in its Trans. (Montreal), 7 (1895): 12-15.

Although Kennedy was a major figure in Canadian engineering history, there is little source material on him. For instance, his application for membership in the Canadian Society of Civil Engineers is not among the papers of the Engineering Institute of Canada. Articles or obituaries appear in the following engineering journals: Canadian Engineer, 14 (1907): 19-20; 41 (July-December 1921): 6; 45 (July-December 1923): 423-26, 435; Canadian Railway and Marine World (Toronto), November 1921: 582; Contract Record and Engineering Rev. (Toronto), 35 (1921): 962; Engineering Institute of Canada, Journal (Montreal), 4 (1921): 581-82; Engineering Journal (Montreal), 20 (1937): 284; Engineering News-Record (New York), 87 (July-December 1921): 749; L. E. Jones, {d-0}Delineations of destiny - John Kennedy,{d-1} Professional Engineer & Engineering Digest (Toronto), 29 (1968), no.5: 30; Railway and Shipping World (Toronto), December 1899: 363-65; February 1900: 52-53; September 1903: 322-24; November 1903: 395; April 1904: 137.

Sometime before 1871 William C. Kennedy moved with his family to Toronto, where his father, a bookkeeper, became a messenger at the Legislative Assembly. He attended separate schools and De La Salle Institute and was a page in the legislature. In 1887 he joined the London and Canadian Loan and Agency Company as a clerk. A natural athlete and a member of the Toronto Rowing Club, he developed into one of the city{apos}s best-known oarsmen as well as a skilled lacrosse player.

In 1897 Kennedy accepted an offer of employment in the oil and gas industry of southwest Ontario, which, though new to him, proved to be a fertile field for his instincts for making money. Shrewd and disciplined, he was secretary-treasurer of the United Gas and Oil Company of Ontario Limited (incorporated in 1900) and, from 1908 to 1917, president of the Windsor Gas Company Limited. Kennedy invested in various commercial interests on both sides of the Detroit River - for some years before 1910 he lived in Detroit - and he was possibly involved in the development of the Oklahoma oil industry. He gained recognition from his participation in public life as well as from business. Twice elected to the presidency of the Windsor Board of Trade (1909 and 1910), he was a trustee of the Board of Education (1913-18) and sat on the council of the neighbouring municipality of Ojibway (1913-23). In addition, he was a founder and treasurer of the Children{apos}s Aid Society in Windsor, and a prominent member of St Alphonsus{s-1-unknown} Roman Catholic Church.

Kennedy{apos}s first foray into federal politics occurred in 1911, when he ran for the Liberal nomination in Essex North. A deadlock at the convention ended only when Kennedy persuaded his main rival that they should both step down in favour of a compromise candidate (who in the end lost to his Conservative opponent). Talk of an election in 1915 prompted the Liberals unanimously to choose Kennedy, but no contest was held because of World War I, and he had to wait until the writ was dropped in late 1917. His opponent was Ernest Solomon Wigle, a Conservative Unionist and former commander of the 99th Infantry Battalion. Although he was a popular threat to Kennedy as a military man who had served overseas, the biggest concern facing any Liberal candidate in English-speaking Canada was conscription, which had been introduced that August by Sir Robert Laird Borden*{apos}s Union government over the opposition of Sir Wilfrid Laurier*. Ever the Liberal loyalist, Kennedy supported Laurier as his leader, but he left himself room to manoeuvre. Although he was consistently critical of the government{apos}s application of the Military Service Act, especially to farmers, he did not attack the act itself since he believed that conscription was the best way to end the war.

During the campaign, Kennedy endured taunts of disloyalty and the likelihood of a large military vote for Wigle. His own candidacy, however, had behind it the high-powered, severely patriotic Victory Loan drive led by Gordon Morton McGregor, head of the local Ford plant and a strong Laurier Liberal. Kennedy won by 446 votes. Laurier made him the opposition{apos}s finance critic, a natural fit for a businessman of his calibre. Though he had little taste for combative behaviour in the House of Commons, the assignment allowed him to flourish as a novice parliamentarian and to hone his skills as a presenter of fact. In his first speech in the commons, which was devoted to the budget of 1918, Kennedy displayed his brilliant mind for figures. He exposed the exorbitant expense of raising Victory Loans, defended the working man by criticizing recent bank mergers and the proposed tax on tea, and, with devastating wit, castigated the special interests that were courting cabinet and scorned finance minister Sir William Thomas White* for living in the United States. While serving as finance critic, he attended as well to his constituency. It was through his effort, for instance, that Windsor-area residents working in Detroit were exempted from American income taxes imposed on them in 1919.

Following Laurier{apos}s death in February 1919, Kennedy supported William Lyon Mackenzie King{apos}s winning bid for the party leadership. The two soon formed {d-0}a close and confidential friendship.{d-1} Kennedy remained finance critic and helped to organize King{apos}s tour of western Canada in 1920. In the election of December 1921 the Liberals gained power. In Essex North, a campaign dominated by Gordon McGregor{apos}s vehement defence of Liberal tariff policy helped sweep Kennedy to a remarkable 7,195-vote majority. King was so determined to give him a portfolio - he initially lined him up for public works - that he took the unusual step of placing two Ontario Catholics in cabinet, Kennedy as minister of railways and canals and Charles Murphy* as postmaster general. Despite his limited experience in the commons, Kennedy had the advantage of having no ties to the railway interests.

In a ministry overflowing with political landmines, he had to find his way through a range of nagging issues, including demands for lower freight rates, the renewal of the Crowsnest Pass agreement, and the threat of a nation-wide rail strike. These questions, however, paled in comparison with his primary task: implementing the Canadian National Railways Act of 1919. He undertook a three-week tour of Canada{apos}s lines in January 1922 and submitted his report in March. The following month he made his statement on railway conditions and policy; aided by an acquiescent commons, he performed flawlessly. His chief triumph as minister was to initiate the processes that led to the proper functioning of the Canadian National. This goal necessitated the careful amalgamation of more than 22,000 miles of track, previously run by the Canadian Northern, the Canadian Government Railways, the Grand Trunk, and the Grand Trunk Pacific, and the establishment of a single board of directors. Kennedy{apos}s choice for the CN{apos}s first president, in October 1922, was Sir Henry Worth Thornton*.

On 25 August Kennedy had undergone surgery for an undisclosed problem at the Royal Victoria Hospital in Montreal. A second operation a month later largely forced him out of political circulation. One of his last acts was a letter to King on 30 December stressing the opposition of western Ontario Liberals to any material change in the tariff. To recuperate Kennedy went to Stratford, Ont., where two sisters lived, and then to Florida. His unexpected death there on 17 Jan. 1923 shocked the political establishment. The prime minister and his entire cabinet, as well as opposition leader Arthur Meighen*, attended Kennedy{apos}s requiem at St Alphonsus{s-1-unknown} Church in Windsor, where Father Charles Edward Coughlin, later known as the radio priest, delivered the eulogy.

According to the Toronto Globe, Kennedy had been {d-0}the administrative hope of the Liberal party. He had the persistence, the clear thinking, the business experience, the sound judgment necessary to the solution of the country{apos}s biggest problems.{d-1} Only 54 at his death, he might have become a great minister.

AO, RG 22-311, no.1923/117. City of Windsor Municipal Arch. (Windsor, Ont.), RG 5, BI-1/1/2: 184 (Ojibway, special council meeting, 22 Jan. 1923). LAC, RG 31, C1, 1871, Toronto, St Patrick{apos}s Ward, div.1: 106. Border Cities Star (Windsor), 11 Sept. 1918; 1-22 March 1919; 27 April 1920; 23 Nov.-7 Dec. 1921; 19 Jan. 1923. Evening Record (Windsor), 8 May 1907; 10 May 1915; 16, 23, 26 Nov. 1917. Globe, 10 May 1915, 18 Jan. 1923. [Glencora Bolton Kennedy], In memory of the late Hon. William Costello Kennedy, p.c., m.p. (n.p., [1923?]; copy in Univ. of Windsor Arch.). Can., House of Commons, Debates, 2 May 1918, 16 June 1919, 21 May 1920, 14 May 1921. Canadian annual rev., 1920: 431; 1922: 306, 468-97. CPG, 1922. Cyclopædia of Canadian biog. (Rose and Charlesworth), vol.3. R. MacG. Dawson and H. B. Neatby, William Lyon Mackenzie King: a political biography (3v., Toronto, 1958-76), 1. Directory, Windsor, 1903-16.

KING, GEORGE GERALD, businessman and politician; b. 11 Dec. 1836 in White{apos}s Corner (Springfield, Kings County), N.B., son of Malcolm King and Elizabeth Hickson; m. 28 Oct. 1860 Esther Briggs (d. 29 Jan. 1907), and they had five daughters, two of whom died in infancy, and four sons; d. 28 April 1928 in Edmonton.

After leaving school at 13, George Gerald King was employed by White Brothers of Sussex, where his duties were {d-0}to count the eggs and sweep the store.{d-1} Six years later he decided to seek his fortune in Upper Canada but turned down a job in a grocery store when he learned that he would be required to sell liquor; instead he returned to Sussex. The Whites recommended him to Daniel Briggs of nearby Salmon River, who needed a clerk, and four years after starting work with Briggs, King married his employer{apos}s sister. Eventually he took over the business. Realizing that Salmon River was a backwater, he built a general store and a sawmill 12 miles south, at what is now the centre of Chipman. He operated the business as G. G. and W. C. King, in partnership with his brother. After William C. King died, it was reorganized as the King Lumber Company. With coalmines and lumbering operations nearby, in which George King had substantial interests, the settlement of Chipman flourished.

King first entered federal politics in the election of 1878, when he won the Queens seat for the Liberals; he was re-elected four years later. But in the two following elections he became embroiled in the savage parish-pump politicking that characterized New Brunswick in these years. In 1887 he ran against Conservative George Frederick Baird, a Saint John lawyer, and received 61 votes more than Baird. To the amazement of many, however, the returning officer, John R. Dunn, ruled King{apos}s election invalid on the grounds that his deposit had not been paid by his official agent, and declared Baird elected by acclamation. King sought a recount in court, but Baird argued that there were no ballots to count since there had been no election. Judge William Henry Tuck* of the Supreme Court decided in Baird{apos}s favour. John Valentine Ellis*, the Liberal mp for Saint John, in an editorial in the Saint John Globe that earned him a contempt of court charge, accused Tuck of partisanship and called his conduct {d-0}a scandal and an outrage of the most abominable character.{d-1}

The {d-0}dirty election{d-1} in Queens caused a national furore and lengthy debate in the House of Commons. The issue was referred to the standing committee on privileges and elections, and Dunn was summoned to appear before the bar of the house to explain his decision. The committee concluded that the matter more properly belonged under the Dominion Controverted Elections Act. Baird announced that, regardless of the committee{apos}s finding, he would resign. A by-election was held in January 1888, generously supplied with both money and liquor. Baird won by a 111-vote margin, but stories of stuffed ballot boxes and voter irregularities were rampant. King challenged the outcome in court under the controverted elections act. He lost, and Baird again took his seat in the commons.

The King-Baird enmity continued into the 1891 federal election. King initially won the contest by 29 votes, but his joy was short-lived. Baird claimed that King{apos}s agents had bribed 30 voters, and King counter-attacked with a similar charge. The case went before Supreme Court judge Acalus Lockwood Palmer. Baird and King agreed to abide by the court{apos}s decision, and both admitted bribery by their agents. But while Baird complied with the law and submitted the names of those bribed, King did not, and the judge reduced his votes, giving Baird the majority.

Redistribution in the 1890s resulted in the new riding of Sunbury and Queens. King was returned in the federal election of 1896, in which Wilfrid Laurier*{apos}s Liberals triumphed. When Laurier offered a cabinet post to New Brunswick premier Andrew George Blair*, King resigned to allow Blair to enter the commons in a by-election. On 18 December he was rewarded with a summons to the Senate, where he would remain for 31 years.

As a member of parliament, King had focused on New Brunswick issues. He supported government dredging of waterways in his constituency and was critical of Sir John A. Macdonald*{apos}s National Policy as detrimental to the province{apos}s industries. He contended that the Maritime provinces were not getting their fair share of immigration, which was being directed to western Canada. When the federal government considered extending the franchise to the native peoples, King expressed his outrage.

Klotz joined the federal Department of the Interior as a contract surveyor in 1879. His early work was on the prairies, although he led an expedition in 1884 to search for possible ports on Hudson Bay for a railway terminus [see Andrew Robertson Gordon*]. Beginning in 1885, he surveyed sections of the Canadian Pacific Railway belt through British Columbia. In order to tie these surveys to the prairie grid, astronomical observations for latitude and longitude were required. Since no trans-Canada telegraph line existed, he chose Seattle as his astronomical base, and, by employing western telegraphs to convey stellar readings from other points, he moved inland from Victoria to Revelstoke. In 1889 the federal government dispatched him to the Alaska panhandle to look into American infringement on reputed British territory. Klotz supported the American position on the inland boundary of the panhandle, so, when the international boundary commission was nominated in 1892, it was William Frederick King*, not Klotz, who obtained the British government{apos}s post.

During the next decade, Klotz{apos}s work centred on geophysics, an area in which he had no training but great interest. He had already made magnetic observations during his Hudson Bay trek and had undertaken gravity measurements in Canada in 1902 and in the South Pacific. From 1907 he directed a Canada-wide magnetic survey (a field survey to measure local values of magnetic declination, dip, and strength, which were then compared to observatory standards). He was drawn particularly to the new science of seismology, where he developed the sub-field of microseisms. Following the San Francisco earthquake of 1906, the American Association for the Advancement of Science formed a seismology committee, which included Klotz, who persuaded the Canadian government to join the International Seismological Association in 1907 and who would represent Canada at several international seismological conferences. Thanks to Klotz, who was made assistant chief astronomer on 1 April 1911, the Dominion Observatory became one of the most important seismological stations in the world; it issued bulletins on earthquakes and set up seismographs throughout Canada.

When King died in 1916, Klotz was his likely successor, but strong anti-German feeling in the midst of war precluded his immediate appointment. Both the observatory and the Geodetic Survey of Canada were directed by King{apos}s former, non-scientist secretary, Wilbert Simpson, for nearly a year and a half. Internal division was rife, and morale plummeted. In the summer of 1917 the entire scientific staff signed a memorandum to interior minister William James Roche* in support of Klotz, whose appointment as chief astronomer came in September. During the interregnum, the sprawling astronomical branch, including the observatory, the Geodetic Survey, the boundary surveys, and the new Dominion Astrophysical Observatory in Victoria, had broken into separate organizations. Klotz{apos}s early administration was bedevilled by friction with Noel John Ogilvie of the Geodetic Survey and John Stanley Plaskett* of the Victoria observatory. The loss of staff under both Simpson and Klotz required some reorganization, particularly in the geophysical sections. When Canada joined the new International Geodetic and Geophysical Union and the International Astronomical Union, the national committees that were set up had Klotz as an ex officio member. At the first meetings of both organizations, in Rome in 1922, he went as one of Canada{apos}s official representatives. During his last year in office, heart trouble curtailed his ability to work. He died in December 1923, and was survived by his wife and two sons, one of whom, Oskar*, was a renowned pathologist.

Professionally Klotz had been a lifelong organizer. He was the first president of the Association of Dominion Land Surveyors (1882-86) and was prominent in the formation of the surveyors{s-1-unknown} associations of Manitoba and Ontario. A dls examiner in British Columbia from 1885, he served on the examining board for dominion surveyors between 1887 and his death. In addition, he was president of the Association of Mechanics{s-1-unknown} Institutes of Ontario in 1884-85. In Ottawa, he was considered the founder of the Carnegie Library, and he served as president of both the Canadian Club and the Ottawa Literary and Scientific Society. A fellow of the Royal Society of Canada, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and the Royal Astronomical Society in England, he was president of the Royal Astronomical Society of Canada (1908), vice-president of the American Astronomical Society (1920), and president of the Seismological Society of America (1920). He was awarded honorary llds by the University of Toronto (1904) and the University of Pittsburgh (1916) and a d.sc. by the University of Michigan (1913). Besides his official reports, which were often loaded with detailed calculations, he authored nearly 100 papers, many of a popular nature, and he was a gifted speaker on scientific matters. According to his obituary in the Ottawa Citizen, {d-0}His public lectures had a breeziness and charm that put him in instant touch with his audiences.{d-1}

Klotz headed the Dominion Observatory for too short a period to make any lasting organizational changes, but his development of geophysics - a field one might not have expected in an astronomical institution - laid the groundwork for the later eminence of the Canadian government{apos}s geophysical research.

Papers relating to Otto Julius Klotz{apos}s career are in LAC, MG 30, B13. The most important part of this collection is his diaries, which run unbroken from 1866 to his death. Photographs of Klotz in the LAC include PA-12295, PA-27800, PA-43037, and C-131090. His official reports as a surveyor are found in the annual reports (available in Can., Parl., Sessional papers) of the Dept. of the Interior, which also include those he wrote as chief astronomer, and in the Pubs. of the Dominion Observatory. Between 1905 and 1921 he contributed some 50 articles to the Royal Astronomical Soc. of Canada, Journal (Toronto), most of a popular nature on geophysical matters.

AO, RG 22-354, no.11510; RG 80-8-0-161, no.17966; RG 80-8-0-915, no.11278. LAC, RG 2, 4, vol.49, no.2756. Galt Reporter (Galt, Ont.), 8 July 1892. Ottawa Citizen, 29 Dec. 1923. Can., Parl., Sessional papers, 1898, no.16b: 20; 1914, no.25, pt.iii: 49; 1918, no.30; 1919, no.30: 182. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). J. H. Hodgson, The heavens above and the earth beneath: a history of the dominion observatories (2v., Ottawa, 1989-94), 1. R. A. Jarrell, The cold light of dawn: a history of Canadian astronomy (Toronto, 1988). J. E. Middleton and Fred Landon, The province of Ontario: a history, 1615-1927 (5v., Toronto, 1927-[28]), 3: 171-74. R. M. Stewart, {d-0}Dr Otto Klotz,{d-1} Royal Astronomical Soc. of Canada, Journal (Toronto), 18 (1924): 1-8. D. W. Thomson, Men and meridians: the history of surveying and mapping in Canada (3v., Ottawa, 1966-69), 2-3. Who{apos}s who in Canada, 1922.

KNOTT, CAROLINE SARAH (Tate), Methodist lay missionary and teacher; b. 1842 in London, England, eldest daughter of John Knott, a piano maker, and Caroline Sarah ---; m. 24 Oct. 1879 the Reverend Charles Montgomery Tate in Fort Simpson (Lax Kw{apos}alaams), B.C.; d. 7 May 1930 in Victoria.

Caroline Knott came to Upper Canada with her family from England in 1856 or early in 1857. Shortly after their arrival in Hamilton, Caroline{apos}s mother died, leaving her in charge of seven brothers and sisters. When they grew up, she applied to the general committee of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society for mission work. She was posted as a schoolteacher to aboriginal children, first at Rice Lake and then at Sault Ste Marie. When the call came for teachers to go to the Methodist mission at Fort Simpson in 1875, Caroline responded and was chosen, despite the fact that she was already 33 and was somewhat older than most applicants. At Fort Simpson she established herself as a good worker, winning the esteem of prominent Methodist missionary Thomas Crosby*. Four years after her arrival, she met and married Charles Tate. Together they embarked on over 31 years of missionary service, the longest of any couple in British Columbia, including postings at Bella Bella, Rivers Inlet, Burrard Inlet, Clayoquot, and Chilliwack.

Despite her many varied experiences in the field, Caroline Tate shared the negative attitudes towards aboriginal peoples then common among missionaries. Like them, she disdained aboriginal culture, particularly the feasting rituals associated with marriage and death. She approached indigenous healers with fear and loathing. Her attitudes towards women were mixed. She frequently blamed the deaths of children on what she saw as the poor housekeeping skills of their mothers. Yet she also viewed herself as saving indigenous women from a misogynist culture. On a speaking tour of Ontario in 1897 she reported to audiences of the Woman{apos}s Missionary Society and the Woman{apos}s Christian Temperance Union that only the work of missionaries saved the lives and honour of aboriginal women and children. Though Indian agents and others rightly disputed her claims, she reported that infanticide was widespread, that children were sold into marriage, and that widows were often killed or maimed. She supported the ban on the potlatch on the grounds that the traditional feasting abused women by forcing them to generate wealth by prostitution. Her diary is replete with references to her efforts to disrupt aboriginal funerary practices with prayer and singing. She reports few aboriginal women friends, although her husband{apos}s diary frequently refers to indigenous men he respected and relied on. Her fear of aboriginal culture never abated and fuelled her work to replace it with Christianity.

Like many other missionaries, Tate believed that cultural change could best be accomplished by removing children from their families. At Chilliwack she started to take into her home aboriginal girls who were orphaned or who were estranged from their community. Out of this endeavour emerged the Coqualeetza Home (later the Coqualeetza Institute), a Methodist boarding school which opened in 1889 on Stó:lo land at Sardis. Like that of many residential schools, Coqualeetza{apos}s legacy is mixed. It was not immune from the cultural, emotional, and physical abuse that plagued other institutes. A report issued in 1905, after the Tates had moved on to another post, stated that over 20 per cent of Coqualeetza graduates died shortly after they left the school and pointed to poor institutional conditions as the cause. Yet the institute also helped produce a generation of aboriginal leaders in the province, of whom Haida chief Peter Kelly* is the most prominent example.

The Tates retired to Victoria in 1910. Caroline Tate remained active in church work until 1925, becoming the first member of the Woman{apos}s Missionary Society of the Methodist Church of British Columbia. She died in 1930. Charles Tate died three years later.

AO, RG 22-205, no.2073. BCA, MS-0303. British Columbia Vital Statistics Agency (Victoria), Marriage registration records, 1872-1925 (mfm. at Victoria Geneal. Soc.). LAC, RG 10, 6422, file 869-1, pt.1; RG 31, C1, 1861, Hamilton, [Ont.], St Lawrence Ward: 368; 1871, Hamilton, St Andrew{apos}s Ward, div.1: 65. New Outlook (Toronto), 4 June 1930. Victoria Daily Times, 7 May 1930. Directory, Hamilton, 1858, 1862-63. R. R. Gagan, A sensitive independence: Canadian Methodist women missionaries in Canada and the Orient, 1881-1925 (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1992). Jan Gould, Women of British Columbia (Saanichton, B.C., 1975). C. M. Tate, {d-0}A story of missionary adventure,{d-1} Western Recorder (Victoria), December 1929: 20-22. Western Recorder, May 1930. Margaret Whitehead, {d-0}Women were made for such things: women missionaries in British Columbia, 1850s-1940s,{d-1} Atlantis (Wolfville, N.S.), 14 (1988-89): 141-50.

KNOWLING, FANNIE (Fanny) (McNeil), suffragist and artist; b. 14 March 1869 in St John{apos}s, one of the ten children of George Knowling and Elizabeth Upham; m. there 5 July 1899 Hector McNeil, and they had one son, who died in infancy, and two daughters; d. there 23 Feb. 1928.

Fannie Knowling grew up in an affluent and enlightened family. Her father, a native of Devon, was a prosperous St John{apos}s merchant and a member of the Legislative Council from 1897 to 1923. Both he and his wife, also from Devon, were early supporters of women{apos}s suffrage. Some of Fannie{apos}s school years were spent in England, where she may have received formal art instruction. Her {d-0}gifted brush{d-1} and interest in art were constants. In 1925 she and fellow artist Albert Edward Harris would begin organizing exhibitions of local and foreign art, ventures that grew into the formation of the Newfoundland Society of Art, of which she was the first president.

Following her marriage in 1899 to Hector McNeil, a native of Scotland and paymaster of the Newfoundland Railway, she steadily became an activist in social causes such as child welfare and health services, and in intellectual interests such as the Ladies{s-1-unknown} Reading Room and Current Events Club. This association (later renamed the Old Colony Club) was founded in 1909 by a group of middle-class St John{apos}s women, among them Harriette Armine Gosling [Nutting*] (wife of William Gilbert Gosling), and was devoted {d-0}solely to the mental refreshment of women, in the shape of a reading-room, containing a well-selected assortment of leading magazines and papers.{d-1} On Saturday afternoons the reading-room became the Current Events Club, to which {d-0}Prominent Citizens{d-1} were invited to lecture. From the outset women{apos}s suffrage was a topic of debate. A member later recalled: {d-0}One day Mrs. McNeil was arranging the magazines and asked what we were discussing. We told her and from that time onwards she became our leader and the greatest worker for the cause.{d-1} In 1920 suffragists of the club, energized by victories won elsewhere, formed the Women{apos}s Franchise League (sometimes known as the Women{apos}s Suffrage League and the Committee for the Enfranchisement of Women) and launched a campaign to secure the vote for women, a revival of an earlier attempt in the 1890s.

As secretary of the League, Fannie was supported by her husband, Hector. When threatened with dismissal by the anti-suffrage government of Sir Richard Anderson Squires*, this quiet man was reported as saying, {d-0}I told him he could jolly well go to the devil.{d-1} By this time the McNeil home had become the headquarters of a vigorous campaign which saw systematic lobbying of politicians, a blitz of letters to publicize the cause, debates and rallies, and the collection of 20,000 signatures on an island-wide petition. Recalled a contemporary: {d-0}Mrs. McNeil was a great favourite. She never lost her head. Was utterly natural and sincere. The crowd loved her.{d-1}

The League{apos}s chief antagonist was Squires. All through 1920 and 1921 he equivocated, his government defeating the necessary legislation for the vote in 1920 but promising to reconsider it in six months{s-1-unknown} time, when it was allowed to die in committee. The League{apos}s leadership pressed on, however, and achieved victory on 9 March 1925 when a new prime minister, Walter Stanley Monroe*, piloted through the House of Assembly legislation giving Newfoundland women of 25 years or older the right to vote for, and stand as, candidates in general elections (the voting age for men was 21, an inequality that remained until 1946). The Women{apos}s Franchise League held a victory banquet and disbanded in triumph. The first opportunity for women to stand for election came in the St John{apos}s municipal contest of December 1925. Three women put themselves forward - Fannie McNeil and May Kennedy, who ran for the newly formed Women{apos}s Party, and Julia Salter* Earle, a labour candidate - but all three were defeated. The first general election in which women could vote would take place in 1928.

Fannie McNeil died of cancer on 23 Feb. 1928 and was buried in the General Protestant Cemetery in St John{apos}s. An obituary tribute said, {d-0}To her in supreme measure was due the placing of the Woman Franchise Act on the Statute Book, resulting from a campaign conducted in a manner unexcelled in any land.{d-1}

Centre for Newfoundland Studies, Memorial Univ. of Nfld (St John{apos}s), Arch., mf-157 (Sir Richard Squires papers). Daily News (St John{apos}s), 24-25 Feb. 1928. [Agnes Ayre], {d-0}Current Events Club - woman suffrage - Newfoundland Society of Art,{d-1} in The book of Newfoundland, ed. J. R. Smallwood et al. (6v., St John{apos}s, 1937-75; vols.1-2 repr. [1968] and 1979), 1: 199-201. T. [L.] Bishop, {d-0}Newfoundland{apos}s struggle for the women{apos}s franchise{d-1} (course paper, Memorial Univ. of Nfld, 1982). Distaff (St John{apos}s), 1916: 18. DNLB (Cuff et al.). M. I. Duley, {d-0}{s-0}The radius of her influence for good{s-1-unknown}: the rise and triumph of the women{apos}s suffrage movement in Newfoundland, 1909-1925,{d-1} in Pursuing equality: historical perspectives on women in Newfoundland and Labrador, ed. Linda Kealey (St John{apos}s, 1993), 14-65; Where once our mothers stood we stand: women{apos}s suffrage in Newfoundland, 1890-1925 (Charlottetown, 1993). Nfld, Acts, 1925: c.7. Janice O{apos}Brien, {d-0}Woman{apos}s suffrage in Newfoundland: a determined goal{d-1} (course paper, Memorial Univ. of Nfld, 1982). Gaynor Rowe, {d-0}The woman suffrage movement in Newfoundland{d-1} (course paper, Memorial Univ. of Nfld, 1973).

In 1881 Béatrice La Palme{apos}s family moved to Montreal, where her father worked as a real estate agent and building contractor. Béatrice received her elementary schooling in Hochelaga (Montreal) at the boarding-school run by the Sisters of the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary, and continued her studies at their academy on Rue Cherrier. Introduced to music by her mother and by the nuns, she took lessons from Alexis Contant* and then studied the violin with Charles Lejeune and Frantz Jehin-Prume*. She gave her first recital, with Joseph Saucier* as accompanist, on 5 March 1894. In 1895 she was the first person to receive the Strathcona Scholarship (established that year by Donald Alexander Smith*, who became Baron Strathcona and Mount Royal) and it enabled her to attend the Royal College of Music in England for five years. There she studied the violin with the Spanish violinist Enrique Fernández Arbós and began voice lessons with Gustave García. In 1900 she became the first French Canadian woman to be made a corresponding member of the Royal College of Music. After returning to Montreal that year, on 11 October she gave a concert with both violin and vocal numbers. She went back to England and, on the advice of Emma Albani [Lajeunesse], thereafter devoted herself exclusively to singing, which she continued to study with Nelly Rowe, a student of Mme Mathilde Marchesi.

Béatrice La Palme presented a vocal recital in Montreal on 17 Oct. 1902, accompanied by Bernadette Dufresne. On 18 July 1903 she began her international career as a soprano at the Royal Opera House in London, performing the role of Musetta in Puccini{apos}s La Bohème. She sang in Lyons, France, during the 1903-4 season and in Royan in the summer of 1904. From September 1905 her career also took her to the Opéra-Comique in Paris, where one of her partners was the French tenor Salvator Issaurel, with whom she had sung in Royan. They were married in 1908 in the church of Notre-Dame-de-Lorette in Paris. Béatrice played many roles in France and in England, where she sang under the baton of Thomas Beecham.

The Issaurels moved to Montreal in July 1911. Béatrice gave a recital at the Monument National on 2 Oct. 1911 (and another the following day at Quebec). Her program included pieces by Gounod, Massenet, Debussy, and Fauré, and several works of the Canadian composer Alfred Laliberté. On this occasion Mayor James John Edmund Guerin presented her with a silver cup to recognize {d-0}the Canadian artist who has had such success abroad.{d-1} That year, she joined the troupe of the Montreal Opera Company, which had been founded in 1910 by Frank Stephen Meighen and Albert Clerk-Jeannotte. The company went bankrupt in 1913, and in November she moved to the Century Opera House in New York, but the uncertain climate created by the war in Europe led her to return to Montreal at the end of 1914. Teaching in the studio that she and her husband had opened in 1911 now became her focus. She gave a final recital with Salvator at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel in Montreal on 14 Nov. 1919. The program included works by Fauré, Saint-Saëns, Mozart, Grétry, and Debussy, as well as the famous love-duet {d-0}Duo de la rencontre{d-1} from Massenet{apos}s Manon. She died prematurely on 8 Jan. 1921 at the age of 42. The funeral was held four days later in the church of Saint-Léon in Westmount.

ANQ-M, CE601-S49, 28 juill. 1878. Le Devoir, 10, 12, 15 janv. 1921. La Presse, 10 janv. 1921. Encyclopedia of music in Canada (Kallmann et al.). Romain Gour, La Palme-Issaurel; biographie critique (Montréal, 1948). Hélène Paul, {d-0}Béatrice La Palme (1878-1921); une superbe voix au service de l{apos}enseignement du chant lyrique,{d-1} in Ces femmes qui ont bâti Montréal, sous la dir. de Maryse Darsigny et al. (Montréal, [1994]), 168-70.

Paul La Rocque came from a family that included several prominent members of the Catholic clergy. Two of his father{apos}s cousins were bishops of Saint-Hyacinthe, Joseph* from 1860 to 1866 and Charles* from 1866 to 1875. Paul{apos}s younger brother Charles was the first curé of Saint-Louis-de-France in Montreal (1888-1904), and a sister became a nun with the Sisters Adorers of the Precious Blood. Paul himself was made the second bishop of Sherbrooke. Yet his father had been unable to sign his name at Paul{apos}s baptism.

Paul La Rocque first attended the Petit Séminaire de Sainte-Thérèse in 1858-59. Following a period at the Séminaire de Saint-Hyacinthe from 1859 to 1862, he returned to it to complete his classical studies and he donned the soutane there in 1865. With his delicate constitution (he suffered from poor health all his life), he was {d-0}ordained to die,{d-1} as the saying went, by Bishop Charles La Rocque at the Hôtel-Dieu in Montreal on 9 May 1869. He was then sent as a missionary to Key West, Fla, to build up his strength. La Rocque spent more than ten years there working with the Cubans and blacks who inhabited the island. This period in Florida enabled him to acquire a command of English that would prove extremely useful to him in his future diocese. Back in Saint-Hyacinthe in 1880, he was immediately sent by his bishop, Louis-Zéphirin Moreau*, to study in Rome, where he earned doctorates in theology and canon law. La Rocque returned to Saint-Hyacinthe in 1884 and a year later was appointed curé of the cathedral, succeeding Elphège Gravel*, who had been chosen as the first bishop of Nicolet. Saint-Hyacinthe was at that time (and would remain) a veritable seedbed of future bishops.

It was in 1893 that La Rocque became the second bishop of Sherbrooke, succeeding Antoine Racine*. Consecrated there on 30 November, he would remain at the head of the diocese until his death 32 years later. The period in which he held episcopal office coincided with a time of expansion for the Catholic Church in the Eastern Townships. The decennial reports La Rocque sent to Rome noted the growth of the Catholic population. It rose from 60,000 to 105,000 between 1896 and 1924, years which saw the non-Catholic population decline from 43,000 to 32,000; the ranks of secular priests increased from 90 to 177, and 37 new parishes were established, bringing their total number to 91 by 1924. La Rocque toured these parishes every three years. During his pastoral visits, which lasted more than a month, he confirmed the children, who would never forget his long white beard, doubtless a holdover from his missionary days. From 1910 La Rocque frequently spoke about the {d-0}petits chevaliers de la tempérance,{d-1} the newly confirmed boys to whom he awarded the Cross of Temperance once they had promised {d-0}to abstain from every kind of intoxicating drink until the age of 21,{d-1} as he put it to the curés of his diocese. At the pastoral level the bishop, who in all other respects maintained excellent relations with those whom he referred to as {d-0}our separated brothers,{d-1} vigorously opposed both mixed marriages and the practice of Catholic children attending Protestant schools.

The growth of the Catholic Church led to the establishment of various new charities and institutions and the consolidation of existing ones, such as the Séminaire Saint-Charles-Borromée, which was adjacent to the bishop{apos}s residence. Destroyed by fire on 30 Dec. 1897, the seminary was rebuilt and inaugurated in June 1900 by the apostolic delegate, Mgr Diomede Falconio. Among the religious bodies he welcomed, La Rocque was particularly supportive of the contemplative orders: the Sisters Adorers of the Precious Blood (1895) and the Servants of the Blessed Sacrament (1925) in Sherbrooke, and the Benedictines (1912) in Saint-Benoît-du-Lac [see Pierre-Paul Vannier*]. He was on the verge of losing the last order at the end of World War I, but managed to keep them in 1919. Two other female orders established their mother houses within his diocese. The Little Sisters of the Holy Family, founded by Élodie Paradis*, named Mother Marie-Léonie, arrived in Sherbrooke in 1895 and spread rapidly; they devoted themselves to {d-0}the manual tasks required for the material care of the interior of seminaries, colleges, [and] episcopal houses.{d-1} In his pastoral letter of 28 Jan. 1896, which gave this community canonical recognition, La Rocque specified that the sisters should {d-0}confine themselves to this work and never deviate from it.{d-1} In 1919, in Lennoxville, Florina Gervais, named Marie du Sacré-Cœur, founded the community of the Missionary Sisters of Notre Dame des Anges, which was devoted to fostering among young Chinese girls the vocations of catechist and nun. In 1920 the Franciscans also set up their noviciate in Lennoxville, following the lead of the Redemptorists; the bishop had put the Redemptorists in charge of a Sherbrooke parish which in 1913 had become known as Notre-Dame-du-Perpétuel-Secours.

La Rocque was also interested in education. There already were several teaching communities in his diocese, among which the most important numerically were the Congregation of Notre-Dame, the Sisters of the Presentation of Mary, and the Brothers of the Sacred Heart. In 1907 he managed to attract the Filles de la Charité du Sacré-Cœur de Jésus. To develop hospitals and other charitable institutions he had to negotiate with the Sœurs de la Charité de Saint-Hyacinthe (Grey Nuns), who had been responsible for the Hospice du Sacré-Cœur in Sherbrooke since 1875. These discussions drew him into a lengthy conflict with the sisters lasting from 1895 to 1905, because he wanted to establish a mother house in Sherbrooke. The sisters refused and took their case right up to the Holy See in Rome, which ruled in their favour. Good relations were re-established when the bishop{apos}s second cousin Mother Mathilde Davignon became the superior general at Saint-Hyacinthe in 1905.

La Rocque spent almost a year in Rome, from November 1904 to October 1905, to settle this affair. It was his second ad limina visit, and he was accompanied by his vicar general, Hubert-Olivier Chalifoux, who hailed from Saint-Hyacinthe. On the occasion of his third and final ad limina visit in 1914, La Rocque, who was ill at the time, managed to persuade Benedict XV to appoint Chalifoux auxiliary bishop of Sherbrooke, despite the opposition of the apostolic delegate, Mgr Pellegrino Francesco Stagni. Chalifoux in May 1919 organized the celebrations to honour La Rocque{apos}s 25 years of service as bishop and 50 years as a priest, marking the high point of his episcopate. On this occasion the clergy and the faithful presented him with an offering that amounted to $34,305.64 when the subscription ended on 30 June 1920. It was also in 1919 that the bishop inaugurated his cathedral, the Pauline chapel (actually the basement of the future cathedral), and, most significantly, his new bishop{apos}s house, a veritable episcopal palace that was the work of architect Louis-Napoléon Audet. The chapel, which was dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, would be decorated by Ozias Leduc*.

La Rocque had taken little part in the great national debates, although he strongly endorsed the bishops{s-1-unknown} stand on the Manitoba schools question [see Thomas Greenway*]. He was an ardent and steadfast supporter of Franco-Ontarians; in 1916 a subscription {d-0}for our brothers, the wounded of Ontario{d-1} [see Charles Hugh Gauthier], raised $2,055, the highest sum collected in the diocese up to that point. Characteristically for the period, his spirituality was based on devotion to the Sacred Heart as well as to the Virgin Mary, love of the Eucharist, and veneration of the papacy, as witnessed his heartfelt greeting to Mgr Stagni, the pope{apos}s representative, when he travelled around the diocese in 1913.

Because of his poor health, La Rocque did not take the usual path of Quebec bishops. His ten years in Key West had given him a tolerant approach that proved valuable to him throughout his episcopate. He successfully ensured the growth of the Catholic diocese of Sherbrooke. An embodiment of the good bishop, loved by all, {d-0}the magnificent and splendid Mgr Paul LaRocque{d-1} - as one of his successors, Bishop Philippe Desranleau*, would describe him - fully lived up to his motto, Omnibus omnia factus sum ({d-0}I made myself all things to all people{d-1}).

[The main documents concerning Paul La Rocque are found in the Arch. de l{apos}Archevêché de Sherbrooke, Qué. Its archival collections are in two separate locations: the Service des Archives (Historiques) holds the La Rocque fonds (P4), which contains important correspondence, while the Chancellerie houses the administrative files and the register of letters. Both the collections are so voluminous that the author was able to consult only a small part of each. The bishop{apos}s pastoral thought is condensed in his Mandements, lettres pastorales, circulaires et autres documents publiés dans le diocèse de Sherbrooke (24v., Sherbrooke, 1874-1967), 4-9.

A selection of the numerous works on La Rocque includes the following items: É.-J.[-A.] Auclair, Mgr Paul LaRocque, deuxième évêque de Sherbrooke ([Saint-Gérard, Qué.], 1930); {d-0}Les trois évêques Larocque,{d-1} SCHEC, Rapport, 13 (1945-46): 11-17; P.-J.-A. Lefebvre, Monseigneur Paul LaRocque, deuxième évêque de Sherbrooke: souvenir de 1893-94 (Montréal, 1894); {d-0}Mgr Paul-Stanislas LaRocque,{d-1} Séminaire Saint-Charles-Borromée, Annuaire (Sherbrooke), 1926-27: 341-65; Dolor Biron, Jubilé d{apos}argent et d{apos}or de Monseigneur Paul LaRocque, évêque de Sherbrooke, mai 1919: 1869-1919, 1893-1918 ([Sherbrooke?, 1919?]); C.-J. Roy, Visite de S.E. Monseigneur Stagni, délégué apostolique au Canada et à Terreneuve, dans les Cantons de l{apos}Est: compte rendu des fêtes . . . (Québec, 1914); Obituaire du clergé, 1874-1993: archidiocèse de Sherbrooke (Sherbrooke, 1993?), 38; Laurier Lacroix, {d-0}La décoration religieuse d{apos}Ozias Leduc à l{apos}évêché de Sherbrooke{d-1} (mémoire de ma, univ. de Montréal, 1973); [Philippe Desranleau], La chaire de Mgr Desranleau: extraits de sermons, conférences, causeries, allocutions du premier archevêque de Sherbrooke, L.-C. O{apos}Neil, compil. (Sherbrooke, [1953]), 33. g.l.]

LACASSE, ZACHARIE (baptized Pierre-Zacharie Cassé), Roman Catholic priest, Oblate of Mary Immaculate, missionary, colonizer, preacher, and author; b. 9 March 1845 in Saint-Jacques-de-l{apos}Achigan (Saint-Jacques), Lower Canada, son of Joseph Cassé, a farmer, and Marguerite Mirault; d. 28 Feb. 1921 in Gravelbourg, Sask., and was buried in Lebret, Sask.

Zacharie Lacasse was born into a poor and devout family. A difficult child, he was known as an unruly, mischievous, and not overly talented pupil. From 1857 to 1865 he did his classical studies at the Collège de L{apos}Assomption, in Quebec, where Wilfrid Laurier* was also a student. He entered the noviciate of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate in Lachine on 28 Aug. 1869 and made his perpetual vows on 29 Aug. 1871. After completing his theological studies at the University of Ottawa, he was ordained to the priesthood on 27 April 1873 by Bishop Joseph-Bruno Guigues*. Within a few weeks Lacasse left Ottawa to minister among the Montagnais and French Canadians in the region of Betsiamites in the province of Quebec. From there he travelled to the interior of Labrador. He spent the winter of 1875-76 at Baie des Esquimaux (Hamilton Inlet); there he came in contact with Naskapi and Inuit and began learning Inuktitut. He reportedly compiled a dictionary for this language that was lost when the whaling ship transporting his luggage sank. In 1880 he went as far as Fort Chimo (Kuujjuaq), Que., on Ungava Bay.

That year, at the request of Archbishop Elzéar-Alexandre Taschereau* of Quebec, Lacasse agreed to turn his energies to colonization. He continued doing this work until 1883, especially in the area that would become the township of Normandin in the Lac-Saint-Jean region, and in the Beauce, within the parishes of Saint-Prosper and Saint-Zacharie (named in his honour). He is thought to have associated at that time with Arthur Dansereau*, Joseph-Israël Tarte*, and Jules-Paul Tardivel*, and to have persuaded Tardivel to found in 1881 the ultramontane Quebec newspaper La Vérité, to which he contributed. His evangelical activities were not confined to his preaching; he also took pen in hand to disseminate clerical-nationalist ideas among a larger number of believers. The apostolic writings he began to publish at that time would meet with extraordinary popular success. His first {d-0}mine,{d-1} to use his own expression, came out at Quebec in 1880 under the title Une mine produisant l{apos}or et l{apos}argent, découverte et mise en réserve pour les cultivateurs seuls. Written from a moralistic stance, this work sought to check emigration to the United States. Lacasse proposed a system in which missionaries acting as colonization agents would recruit patrons, who would provide the financial aid new settlers needed. Settlers, in turn, would have to work a certain number of hours for their benefactor. Lacasse also set out a scheme for dividing the land that would keep the inhabitants close together rather than isolated on widely separated parcels of land; as well, he presented a plan for constructing roads and railways and offered practical advice about cultivating the soil. This volume went through seven editions in one year, and it was soon followed by Une mine de pierres détachées à l{apos}usage des cultivateurs, which was brought out at Quebec in 1881. This somewhat autobiographical essay linked working on the land and being a good Catholic, and it emphasized the importance, in farming, of taking care not to exhaust the soil. In the volume Lacasse spoke out against, among other things, intemperance, luxury, freemasonry, and unsavoury reading material. He tried to encourage farmers to show their faith by paying the tithe, and to convince them that the Roman Catholic religion was superior to all others. {d-0}Remember this, my good country folk: on the day you no longer want to be the friends of the clergy, you will be the slaves of libertines. The choice is yours.{d-1}

In 1883 Lacasse received a new assignment. He was attached to the Montreal house and preached at retreats in Canada and the United States. He would remain in this new field of evangelism until 1896. According to his contemporaries, he had the gift of eloquence, a sense of irony and earthy humour, and quick repartee, and he larded his talks with amusing stories and puns that appealed to the general public. His written pieces, set out as conversations, were highly representative of his preaching. During these years, his publications once again enhanced his fame. Lacasse{apos}s Une nouvelle mine; le prêtre et ses détracteurs, published in Montreal in 1892, was an apologia for the Roman Catholic clergy in Canada; 32,000 copies reportedly were quickly sold. The following year, Une quatrième mine; dans le camp ennemi came out in Montreal. It denounced the {d-0}enemies of religion{d-1} and especially a few {d-0}irreligious journalists.{d-1} Lacasse took aim at the French anticlericals, whom he referred to as francissons, and he also attacked, among others, the Alliance Française. This essay, which Louis Fréchette* lost no opportunity to revile, aroused the ire of liberals and touched off a major debate in the media. Lacasse attacked Laurent-Olivier David, president of the Association Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Montréal, and Charles-Horace Saint-Louis, a lawyer for the Montreal Canada-Revue, who had brought suit against Archbishop Édouard-Charles Fabre* for having placed the newspaper under an interdict. His polemics described Saint-Louis as a renegade, an enemy of the church, a bad Catholic, and a citizen unworthy of being numbered among his compatriots. Saint-Louis sued Lacasse for libel, claiming damages of 25,000 {d-0}francs,{d-1} but the case was stillborn, for the plaintiff apparently withdrew his complaint in the face of the defendant{apos}s pugnacious attitude. In 1895 Lacasse returned to the fray with Une cinquième mine; autour du drapeau, a defence of Christianity published in Montreal. The fourth {d-0}mine{d-1} had met with some disapproval from Archbishop Fabre, however, and he followed the new one with keen interest. It seems that in the wake of the stir Lacasse occasioned by his writings, his superiors decided to send him to western Canada.

Thus in 1896 Lacasse left Quebec for St Boniface (Winnipeg). In 1897-98 he was in charge of the parish of Sainte-Marie in Winnipeg. He took to the road again in 1900 to preach at retreats in North Dakota. From November 1902 to March 1903 he was interim curé in the parish of Saint-Jean-Baptiste in Duluth, Minn. In 1905 he was recalled to St Boniface, where he helped set up the Juniorat de la Sainte-Famille, a minor seminary for young people wishing to enter the religious life, and he served as its director in 1905-6. He also wrote articles for L{apos}Ami du foyer, a periodical published by the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, notably {d-0}Les légendes du peuple canadien à l{apos}ombre de la croix,{d-1} a series of some 40 articles which came out between 1905 and 1918. After taking part as a theologian in the first Plenary Council at Quebec in 1909, he returned to Duluth and resumed his preaching tours, travelling as far as Wisconsin. In both western Canada and Minnesota, Lacasse became involved in intrigues and local polemics. In 1918, for example, Bishop Timothy Corbett of Crookston, Minn., accused him of slander in connection with a controversy concerning the enlargement of a hospital in Duluth.

In addition to the works already mentioned, Zacharie Lacasse{apos}s publications include Trois contes sauvages (Québec, 1882); Difficulté scolaire de Manitoba par questions et réponses à la portée de tous (Québec, 1897); and, under the pseudonym of Jean Des Prairies, Une visite dans les écoles du Manitoba (Montréal, 1897).

Researchers can find a voluminous file on Father Lacasse at the Arch. Deschâtelets, Oblats de Marie-Immaculée, Ottawa (HEC 2130.Z16C), including letters, an {d-0}Essai de bio-bibliographie: le révérend père Zacharie Lacasse, o.m.i.{d-1} by Huguette Renaud (typescript, 1953) (Z16C26ex.1), and {d-0}Le R.P. Zacharie Lacasse, o.m.i.{d-1} by Normand Lafleur (typescript) (Z16C4). Father Lacasse{apos}s baptismal record is at ANQ-M, CE605-S31, 10 mars 1845. The journal Missions de la Congrégation des missionnaires oblats de Marie Immaculée (Marseille, etc.) contains, among other items, letters and reports prepared by Lacasse during his years of service as a missionary; this material can be located by consulting its general index.

Les Cloches de Saint-Boniface (Saint-Boniface [Winnipeg]), 18 (1919): 19-20, 274; 20 (1921): 44-47. Le Devoir, 1er mars 1921. La Liberté (Saint-Boniface), 12 oct. 1932. Le Monde (Montréal), 27 oct., 15 déc. 1893. L{apos}Oiseau-mouche (Chicoutimi, Qué.), 11 nov. 1893. La Patrie, 18 nov. 1893; 19 févr., 21 juill. 1894. Le Patriote de l{apos}Ouest (Prince Albert, Sask.), 2 mars 1921. J.-B.-A. Allaire, Dictionnaire biographique du clergé canadien-français (6v., Montréal et Saint-Hyacinthe, Qué., 1908-34). Marcel Bernad, Bibliographie des missionnaires oblats de Marie Immaculée (Liège, Belgique, 1922). Gaston Carrière, Dictionnaire biographique des oblats de Marie-Immaculée au Canada (4v., Ottawa, 1976-89), 2: 217-18; 3: 47-48; Histoire documentaire de la Congrégation des missionnaires oblats de Marie-Immaculée dans l{apos}est du Canada (12v., Ottawa, 1957-75), 8. Ernest Cyr, Le révérend père Zacharie Lacasse, o.m.i.: conférence donnée sous les auspices de l{apos}Union canadienne à Saint-Boniface, le 6 novembre 1924 (Lyon, France, et Saint-Boniface, 1925). Lionel Dorge, Introduction à l{apos}étude des Franco-Manitobains; essai historique et bibliographique (Saint-Boniface, 1973). Esquisses: la ville de Duluth; l{apos}Église catholique et la colonie franco-américaine à Duluth (Duluth, Minn., 1910). Arthur Joyal, {d-0}Un missionnaire patriote: le R.P. Zacharie Lacasse, o.m.i.,{d-1} Almanach de la langue française (Montréal), 7 (1922): 76-80. Le Jeune, Dictionnaire. Josaphat Magnan, {d-0}Il faisait rire, pour faire du bien,{d-1} L{apos}Ami du foyer (Saint-Boniface), 52 (1956), no.3: 12; no.4: 13. A.-C. Morin, Dans la maison du père; nécrologie sacerdotale du diocèse de Rimouski, 1867-1967 (Rimouski, Qué., 1967). J.-P. Tardivel, Mélanges ou recueil d{apos}études religieuses, sociales, politiques et littéraires (3v., Québec, 1887-1903), 2: v-vii.

Alexandre Lacoste did his classical studies at the Séminaire de Saint-Hyacinthe, where he enrolled in 1851. His father{apos}s reputation as one of the most highly regarded legal practitioners of his time no doubt drew him to a career in law. After studying at the law faculty of the Université Laval at Quebec in 1858-59, he attended the law school of the Collège Sainte-Marie in Montreal, which was directed by François-Maximilien Bibaud*; there he obtained an llb. He entered the law office of Pierre Moreau, Gédéon Ouimet*, and Joseph-Adolphe Chapleau* as a clerk. In February 1863 he passed the bar entrance examination brilliantly.

Lacoste was one of the first professors in the law faculty of the Montreal branch of the Université Laval. As was customary, he was granted an honorary lld when he took up his duties in December 1879. He held the chair of commercial law and maritime law for the rest of his life. At the time he received his appointments, the expansion of the Université Laval to Montreal [see Édouard-Charles Fabre*] was meeting with opposition. There were those who questioned its right to open a branch there on the basis of the prerogatives granted in its royal charter. The university undertook to put an end to the controversy by asking the Legislative Assembly to intervene. In 1881 the rector, Thomas-Étienne Hamel, and Lacoste appeared before the committee on private members{s-1-unknown} bills and successfully defended a measure confirming the university{apos}s powers [see Chapleau].

Although Lacoste, who was a moderate conservative, was interested in politics, he never sought to become an elected representative. He preferred to carry on his well-established law practice, while exerting influence within the Conservative party, where he helped to resolve thorny matters. Following the Tanneries scandal in 1874, for example, he was among those who concluded that Premier Gédéon Ouimet would have to resign. In 1880 he and a group that included Joseph Tassé*, Louis-Aimé Gélinas, and Jean-Baptiste Renaud* purchased the Conservative newspaper La Minerve. He was appointed to the Legislative Council to represent the division of Mille-Isles in 1882. Chapleau, to whom he was apparently an adviser, was premier at the time. Lacoste remained a legislative councillor until December 1883, and in January 1884 he entered the Senate to represent the division of Lorimier. Parliamentary life held little attraction for him. He rarely took the floor in the Senate and his speeches there were far from noteworthy. He concentrated his energy mainly on the work of the committee studying private members{s-1-unknown} bills.

In 1891, after serving for several months as speaker of the upper house, Lacoste became chief justice of the Court of Queen{apos}s Bench for the province of Quebec, replacing Sir Antoine-Aimé Dorion*. On accepting this prestigious appointment, however, he found that his income was reduced, especially since he stopped practising law at the same time. It was probably for this reason that he would continue to hold company directorships until the federal government forbade the judiciary to do so. According to the law reports, Lacoste frequently wrote the reasons behind the rulings on cases appealed to the Court of Queen{apos}s Bench. His judgements were rigorous and concise, but offered scant scholarly elaboration. Unlike some of his colleagues, he confined himself to the arguments raised by the parties to a case.

At the end of the 19th century the administration of justice, in particular its high cost and the unequal division of work among the judges, was widely criticized. Around 1892 Lacoste drew up a plan for judicial reform. He proposed that the judges of the Superior Court be grouped together in large urban centres in order to share the burden more equally, work in a more collegial way, and thus develop a more coherent jurisprudence. Thomas Chase-Casgrain* introduced a bill incorporating Lacoste{apos}s suggestions in February 1893, but it did not pass.

Over the years, Lacoste received many honours. He was named a qc by the provincial government in 1876 and by the federal government in 1880. In 1892 he was made a kcmg. Bishop{apos}s College gave him an honorary doctorate in 1895.

Alexandre Lacoste remained firmly attached to a rational approach to the law, as Laurent-Olivier David recalled in Au soir de la vie: {d-0}Nothing brilliant, little polish in his arguments in court or his judicial decisions, but plenty of logic, force, and clarity.{d-1} In this respect, he was the model of the kind of lawyer who would increasingly be seen at the beginning of the 20th century. His character traits, his passion for the law, and his success no doubt explain why he was unwilling to sacrifice his professional career in order to hold prominent offices in the world of politics. Despite this reluctance, he agreed to sit in the upper houses of the province and the country. Close to the seat of power, he played a role as an influential, but discreet, adviser to the Conservative party.

ANQ-M, CE601-S22, 13 janv. 1842; CE601-S51, 8 mai 1866; P76. Le Canada (Montréal), 18 août 1923. Le Devoir, 21 janv. 1919, 17 août 1923. Gazette (Montreal), 24 Oct. 1908; 18, 23 Aug. 1923. Montreal Daily Star, 17 Aug. 1923. La Patrie, 17-18, 21 août 1923. La Presse, 17 août 1923. F.-J. Audet, Les juges en chef de la province de Québec, 1764-1924 (Québec, 1927). L.-P. Audet, Histoire de l{apos}enseignement au Québec (2v., Montréal et Toronto, 1971), 2. BCF, 1920: 23. [F.-M.] Bibaud, Supplément à la {d-0}Notice historique sur l{apos}enseignement du droit{d-1} ([Montréal?, 1862?]). Can., Senate, Debates, 1884-91; Journals, 1884-91. Canada Gazette, 16 Oct. 1880: 419; 22 Oct. 1892: 767; 25 March 1893: 1767; 10 April 1897: 2015. Canadian directory of parl. (Johnson). CPG, 1887, 1897. L.-O. David, Au soir de la vie (Montréal, [1924]). Directory, Montreal, 1863-91. DPQ. A[lfred] D[uclos] De Celles, {d-0}Sir Alexandre Lacoste,{d-1} trans. Mrs Carroll Ryan [M. A. McIver], in Men of the day: a Canadian portrait gallery, ed. L.-H. Taché (32 ser. in 16v., Montreal, 1890-[94]), 18th ser.: 273-82. [Édouard Fabre] Surveyer, {d-0}Sir Alexandre Lacoste,{d-1} Canadian Bar Rev. (Toronto), 1 (1923): 757-62. T.-É. Hamel et Alexandre Lacoste, Plaidoyers de MM. Hamel et Lacoste devant le comité des bills privés en faveur de l{apos}université Laval les 20, 21, 27 et 28 mai 1881 (Québec, 1881). Jean Hétu, Album souvenir, 1878-1978; centenaire de la faculté de droit de l{apos}université de Montréal (Montréal, 1978). Nicholas Kasirer, {d-0}Apostolat juridique: teaching everyday law in the life of Marie Lacoste Gérin-Lajoie (1867-1945),{d-1} Osgoode Hall Law Journal (Toronto), 30 (1992): 427-70. J.-J. Lefebvre, {d-0}Tableau alphabétique des avocats de la province de Québec, 1850-1868,{d-1} La Rev. du Barreau de la prov. de Québec (Montréal), 21 (1961): 314-32. Prominent men of Canada: a collection of persons distinguished in professional and political life, and in the commerce and industry of Canada, ed. G. M. Adam (Toronto, 1892). Qué., Parl., Doc. de la session, réponses aux adresses, no.13, 1888. Quebec Official Gazette, 1876: 488. Quebec Official Reports: King{apos}s Bench (Quebec), 1892-1907. G.-É. Rinfret, Histoire du barreau de Montréal (Cowansville, Qué., 1989). P.-G. Roy, Les juges de la prov. de Québec. Rumilly, Hist. de la prov. de Québec, vols.2-26. [F.-]X.-A. Trudel et al., Réplique aux plaidoyers de MM. Hamel et Lacoste: Rome 25 septembre 1881 ([Rome?, 1882?]). Gustave Turcotte, Le Conseil législatif de Québec, 1774-1933 (Beauceville, Qué., 1933). Univ. Laval, Annuaire, 1859-60, 1880-81.

Eugene Lafleur was of Swiss lineage on his mother{apos}s side of the family. His father{apos}s ancestors, of Swiss or French origin, had settled in New France before 1700. Lafleur was raised a Baptist, but in adulthood he joined the Church of England. His father, an influential member of the Grande-Ligne mission [see Henriette Odin*], ministered in Longueuil and then in the Eastern Townships before moving his family to Montreal when Eugene was 14. Although raised in an English-speaking household, Lafleur was markedly proficient in French. He enrolled in the classical program of the High School of Montreal in 1870 and became an outstanding student. After graduation he entered McGill College, took his ba in 1877 at age 21, and was graduated bcl in 1880, winning the gold medal for the highest standing in mental and moral philosophy. He was called to the bar of the province of Quebec the following year. Thus began an illustrious career that would last nearly 50 years. He served as a bencher of the Quebec bar between 1894 and 1897, was created qc in 1899, became bâtonnier of the Montreal bar and of the province in 1905-6, and was the acknowledged leader of the legal profession in Canada during the last 20 years of his life.

Lafleur was, however, first and foremost an advocate, pleading clients{s-1-unknown} causes in court. In 1885 he had taken a partner and founded the firm that still continues as the Montreal office of McCarthy Tétrault. One of his articled students was Aimé Geoffrion*, another luminary of the bar. Lafleur did mainly trial work in his earlier years, but with age and experience he preferred the appellate courts, where one could dispassionately analyse legal issues. He firmly believed that the role of the advocate was not subservient to that of judges and that bench and bar together should respectfully seek solutions to legal problems. As his reputation widened, he began to confine himself to appeals in the Supreme Court of Canada and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. Probably no other Canadian lawyer to this day appeared in the Supreme Court as often as he did; the published reports show him there on just under 300 cases, but there were many unrecorded appearances during the preliminary stages of appeals. He argued before the Privy Council in London on at least 30 recorded cases and an unknown number of unrecorded occasions.

Although he took cases covering the whole spectrum of law, he achieved a national reputation, primarily as a constitutional lawyer and, secondly, as a lawyer engaged in freight rate litigation. In his time, a constitutional lawyer was concerned with the distribution of legislative powers between the federal and provincial governments set forth in the British North America Act. Although the broad lines of interpretation of the act tended to favour provincial rights when a competing interest with Ottawa was involved, wide areas of jurisdiction were still to be settled as Canada became more and more industrialized. This change in the economy, combined with increasing governmental intrusion into trade and commerce, was reflected in disputes between the provinces and Ottawa about regulatory jurisdiction over such matters as business enterprises and commercial corporations and over the development of water resources for commercial use, a provincial field, as opposed to their use for navigation, a field of federal jurisdiction. The development of water resources was of particular concern to Quebec, to whose governments Lafleur gave advice over many years. The regulation by the Board of Railway Commissioners of rates set by railways moving goods across provincial boundaries and the application of the Crowsnest Pass agreement to grain shipments formed, in Lafleur{apos}s lifetime, the most important commercial litigation in the country. During his last 20 years there was hardly a case of consequence concerning constitutional law or freight rate litigation that did not involve him.

Two prime ministers offered Lafleur judicial appointment. In 1907 Sir Wilfrid Laurier* urged him to accept a seat on the Court of King{apos}s Bench in Quebec, but he declined. In 1924, after the death of Sir Louis Henry Davies, chief justice of Canada, Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King* did his utmost to persuade Lafleur to accept the chief justiceship. Again, no inducements could sway Lafleur, whose stated ground of refusal was his age. In reality, Lafleur preferred the life of an advocate; as he told a colleague, he loved {d-0}the smell of powder.{d-1}

Lafleur{apos}s decision was also prompted in part by financial reasons - he enjoyed a handsome income, far greater than that which he would have earned as chief justice - and by his reluctance to leave Montreal for Ottawa. He lived comfortably in a large house on Rue Peel, where he maintained a horse and stable. Weather permitting, he rode on the slopes of Mount Royal before breakfast. He enjoyed his membership in the University Club in Montreal, of which he was president for 1922-23, and, with friends of like minds, he cultivated literary and theatrical pursuits.

Lafleur possessed all the talents which make for a highly competent advocate: a retentive memory, a capacity for sustained concentration, an extensive knowledge of many areas of the law, and the ability to divine the thinking of judges so as to turn them in his clients{s-1-unknown} favour. These, and others, are obvious, but he possessed less easily defined skills which lifted him above the level of a superior advocate to that of a great one. He spoke spontaneously in both languages with elegant turns of phrase. When in court he used the briefest of notes, which belied the extent of his underlying preparation. He was invariably courteous to the judiciary and legal opponents alike. He was even-tempered, patient, and thoughtful, free of theatrics and pyrotechnics. There was, over and above even those attributes, a further distinction rooted in his character, an absolute integrity. The Privy Council adverted to this in paying tribute to him in its proceedings on 1 May.

During Lafleur{apos}s time the gap between Roman Catholics and Protestants was far wider and of far greater significance than it is today. Lafleur was an anomaly, a Protestant of foreign background, yet a member of both the French Canadian and the English Canadian establishments. In fact, he was truly bilingual, bilegal, and bicultural, but single-mindedly Canadian.

BCA, GR-1323, nos.244/10, 2599/10, 4263/10, 4264/10 (mfm.). McCarthy Tétrault (Montreal), {d-0}Clarkson Tétrault Avocats, barristers, and solicitors{d-1} (typescript, 1985); Daybook, 1919-29 (fees and drawings); W. J. Henderson, {d-0}Recollections{d-1} (typescript, 1948); A. K. Hugessen, {d-0}Reminiscences{d-1} (typescript, 1963); Indenture of clerkship, 16 Jan. 1878; Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, proc., 1 May 1930; W. L. M. King to Eugene Lafleur, 8-9 Sept. 1924 (mfm. at LAC); Opinion books, 1 (1885)-19 (1934); Thomas Shaughnessy, {d-0}Clarkson Tétrault{d-1} (typescript, 1981); Testimonial, 8 Jan. 1881. LAC, MG 26, J1, 102: 86522 (mfm.); J13, 4-5, 11 mai, 12 sept. 1924. Private arch., R. E. Parsons (Montreal), High School of Montreal, reports of the attendance, progress and conduct of Eugene Lafleur, 31 Jan., 15 April 1871; 31 Jan. 1872; letters from the État Civil de la Ville de Genève to Marie-Alice Voruz, 2 mars 1896, and to Eugene Lafleur, 7 mars 1896. Gazette (Montreal), 30 April 1930. Montreal Daily Star, 30 April, 1-3 May 1930. Times (London), 30 April, 1-2 May 1930. Canada Supreme Court Reports (Ottawa), 1890-1930. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Canadian Railway Cases (Toronto), 17 (1913-15): 123-231. Eugène Lafleur: l{apos}homme et l{apos}avocat (Montréal, [1934]). E. A. Forsey, A life on the fringe: the memoirs of Eugene Forsey (Toronto, 1990). Law Reports, Appeal Cases (London), 1900-30. J. E. Mueller, Restless river: international law and the behavior of the Rio Grande (El Paso, Tex., 1975). D. R. Williams, Just lawyers: seven portraits (Toronto, 1995).

Marie-Jeanne Lajoie (as she was called until about 1922) did not start attending school until she was eight because of poor health. Illness would later prevent her from writing her high-school entrance examinations. Nonetheless, at 13 she began taking piano lessons and at 15 she obtained a diploma in stenography from an academy in Montreal. In 1919 she became housekeeper for her brother Élias, the parish priest at Vars, Ont. Her objective was to be a teacher and in 1921 she was hired to take over, from February to June, a class with four students in a separate school in the Sudbury district near Warren. She went next to a public school near Azilda, where she had some 60 students, before moving to a school at Naughton in September 1922. She left, however, at the end of October, fatigued and complaining of depression. In March 1923, having recovered from what she called a {d-0}breakdown,{d-1} she took on a class at Blezard Valley. At the English-French summer model school in Ottawa in 1922, she had obtained an English-French district certificate, which qualified her to teach for a year in a dual-language school. In the summer of 1923 she attended a month-long academic course at the English-French model school in Vankleek Hill. That September, shortly before her certificate was renewed, she accepted a position to teach French at St John School, one of two separate schools (neither of them officially designated as bilingual) in Pembroke, an Ottawa valley town with a large francophone population.

St John School, where the majority of students were French-speaking, had been opened in early 1923 as a result of a campaign by the Cercle Lorrain. (Formed in 1916 and named for Narcisse-Zéphirin Lorrain, the first Roman Catholic bishop of Pembroke, this society promoted the interests of local francophones.) Under the provisions of and amendments to the province{apos}s Regulation 17 [see Sir James Pliny Whitney*], French could not be used in the school as a language of communication and instruction beyond form 1 except by permission from inspectors. French reading, grammar, and composition could be subjects of study in forms 1 to 4 but for no more than one hour per day. Jeanne was hired to teach a regular class of some 30 French-speaking students and to provide one hour of instruction in French to a rotating group of students, also French-speaking, from other classes. Her arrival was not entirely welcome: the principal of the school, which was supervised by the Sisters of St Joseph, immediately told her it was {d-0}foolish{d-1} to teach children two languages. A few weeks later the inspector recommended to Pembroke{apos}s school board that Jeanne{apos}s classes be turned over to another teacher, a more highly qualified anglophone sister who also held an English-French certificate and who, despite lacking a mastery of French, had taught it the previous year. Bowing to pressure, in October 1923 the board decided to dismiss Jeanne. There is little doubt she had fuelled the controversy by seeking to teach in French for periods longer than allowed by Regulation 17.

The decision was not well received among the parents and other francophones in Pembroke. Jeanne{apos}s cause was also taken up by the Association Canadienne-Française d{apos}Éducation d{apos}Ontario [see Napoléon-Antoine Belcourt*]; a spokesman commented privately on 10 October to Alfred Longpré, the president of the Cercle Lorrain, that {d-0}this provocation cannot be allowed to pass without the French Canadians of Pembroke protesting very strongly.{d-1} Jeanne had written to the ACFEO on 6 October setting out her version of events and her letter was printed anonymously in the Ottawa newspaper Le Droit. When a petition and other protests did not result in the reversal of the school board{apos}s decision, several hundred people decided, at a meeting sponsored by the Cercle Lorrain, to follow the example of Franco-Ontarians in Green Valley (in Glengarry County) in 1916 and establish a {d-0}free{d-1} school outside government control, with Jeanne as its teacher. On 6 November, after speeches by representatives from the Cercle and the ACFEO, by Montreal editor Omer Héroux*, and by Jeanne herself, the École Jeanne-d{apos}Arc opened with more than 50 students in the dining room of a private home. Jeanne, who according to Héroux {d-0}had lifted the courage{d-1} of the francophones in Pembroke, had become a symbol of the resistance offered to what was perceived as the persecution of Franco-Ontarians.

The school survived by means of donations received from organizations such as the Association Catholique de la Jeunesse Canadienne-Française and the Union Saint-Joseph du Canada and from individuals, many of them responding to appeals made especially in Le Droit and Heroux{apos}s Le Devoir. Later in November a new home was purchased for the school and in February 1924 another teacher was hired. In addition to giving speeches in support of the school, Jeanne raised money while on summer holidays in Montreal. Her reputation as a teacher was recognized when she was offered the principalship of a school in Windsor, Ont., in May 1925. She refused, saying her work was in Pembroke.

Her health had taken a turn for the worse. In September 1926 she entered the Hôpital du Sacré-Cœur in Cartierville (Montreal), diagnosed with tuberculosis. She never recovered and died on 2 March 1930. The {d-0}heroine of Pembroke{d-1} was not forgotten. Originally interred in a pauper{apos}s grave in the Notre-Dame-des-Neiges cemetery in Montreal, she was reburied and given a new headstone. Abbé Lionel Groulx* said in 1940 that she was of the {d-0}spiritual family of Joan of Arc{d-1} and that with her name, Jeanne, she {d-0}could be called the Maid of Pembroke.{d-1} Pilgrimages were made to her tomb in the 1940s and she was the subject of allegorical floats in Saint-Jean-Baptiste day parades. In the last half of the 20th century, some French-language schools in Ontario were named in her honour, the story of her struggle was the subject of at least three plays, and her actions were cited as exemplary for those anxious about the survival of the French language in Ontario.

There are photographs of Jeanne Lajoie in Dictionnaire de l{apos}Amérique française; francophonie nord-américaine hors Québec, Charles Dufresne et al., édit. (Ottawa, 1988), and in La Patrie, 7 nov. 1923.

AO, RG 2-102-0-3; RG 80-2-0-499, no.32793. Centre for Research on French Canadian Culture (Ottawa), C2 (Fonds Association canadienne-française de l{apos}Ontario), /21/5: corr., rapports, 1922; /21/8: rapports, résolutions, 1926; /101/9: corr., résolution, loi, 1923-24; /183/22: Lajoie, Jeanne; /186/9: Longpré, Alfred; /211/4: corr., juillet-octobre 1923; /212/1-2: corr., février-décembre 1924; /212/4-5: corr., 1925-26; /212/6: corr. et coupures de presse, 1927; Edmond Clouthier, {d-0}Quinze années de lutte! 1910-1925: catéchisme de la question scolaire ontarienne{d-1} (texte dactylographié, [1925]). LAC, RG 31, C1, 1901, Alfred Township, Ont., div.4: 2 (mfm. at AO). Le Droit (Ottawa), septembre 1923-decembre 1924, 6 mars 1930. P.-F. Sylvestre, {d-0}Naissance de Jeanne Lajoie, la {s-0}pucelle de Pembroke,{s-1-unknown}{d-1} L{apos}Express (Toronto), 3-9 févr. 2004: 3. Robert Choquette, Language and religion: a history of English-French conflict in Ontario (Ottawa, 1975). Alfred Longpré, L{apos}éveil de la race: un épisode de la résistance franco-ontarienne, Pembroke, 1923-27 ([Pembroke, Ont., 1930]). Peter Oliver, Public & private persons: the Ontario political culture, 1914-1934 (Toronto and Vancouver, 1975), 92-124. Frère Urbain-Marie [J. A. Delisle], Jeanne Lajoie: l{apos}héroïne de Pembroke (Laprairie, Qué., [1942?]). F. A. Walker, Catholic education and politics in Ontario . . . (3v., Toronto, 1955-87; vols.1-2 repr. 1976), 2.

A municipal councillor for the parish of Wellington in 1900-1, Landry was elected as a Conservative for Kent in the provincial general election of 3 March 1908. He was named commissioner for agriculture in John Douglas Hazen*{apos}s government on 24 March and he won the subsequent by-election by acclamation on 7 April. His appointment was not surprising; although Acadian influence in provincial politics was waning at the time, he was a prominent local figure and he owned a productive farm in Buctouche. In later years he would successfully raise black foxes.

As head of the department, Landry chaired a commission established in 1908 to investigate the state of agriculture in the province, attending hearings in many small rural communities. He actively promoted education through the development of agricultural societies and the appointment of a provincial horticultural expert. He also sought to improve rural life, proposing more telephones, fewer automobiles, increased immigration to New Brunswick, and the release of more government lands for colonization. His stand on immigration left him vulnerable to criticism from Acadians, who feared the introduction of anglophone settlers into their regions. In addition, he faced questions in the assembly about patronage and the expenses his department had incurred in importing Kentucky horses. He was, nonetheless, reappointed to his cabinet post by Hazen{apos}s successor, Premier James Kidd Flemming, on 16 Oct. 1911.

Despite the efforts of Liberal Peter John Veniot*, the rising star of Acadian politics, to hold him accountable for his government{apos}s actions, particularly on the issue of patronage, Landry successfully contested the general election of June 1912. That year the title of his portfolio was changed to minister of agriculture. On 22 Jan. 1914 he resigned the post on his nomination as provincial secretary-treasurer. He does not appear to have been personally involved in the major scandal that led to Flemming{apos}s resignation as premier in early December. He continued as secretary-treasurer under Conservative premier George Johnson Clarke, but maintained an interest in promoting agriculture, especially among Acadians. In 1915 he urged Monsignor Marcel-François Richard* to start an agricultural college in Rogersville. Although he was the senior member of the Clarke government, it was clear that he could not deliver the Acadian vote. The Liberal opposition consisted of only two members and both were Acadian; the traditional Conservative hold over francophones in New Brunswick was gradually eroding. This situation may have prevented his appointment as interim premier in February 1917, when an election was pending and Clarke became too ill to continue. Landry retained his post as secretary-treasurer under the new premier, Conservative James Alexander Murray.

An enthusiastic supporter of the formation of an Acadian battalion in World War I, Landry seems to have been silent on the question of military conscription. His discretion, his reported disgust at the scandals that plagued successive Conservative governments, and a well-fought campaign did not, however, prevent his going down to defeat, along with his party, in the general election of 24 Feb. 1917. He resigned with Murray{apos}s administration on 29 March. The anglophone hostility directed at Acadians because of their supposed failure to support the war effort and the unpopularity of the Conservatives, involved in scandals, meant that he had had little chance of re-election. He ran again in Kent in October 1920, as a candidate of the United Farmers of New Brunswick, but was defeated.

Landry identified with his fellow francophones, wrote some patriotic poems for the Acadian press, and supported the traditional view of his people{apos}s history as a struggle for survival. In Saint-Louis de Kent in 1911, at the first Acadian teachers{s-1-unknown} institute, he had announced government sponsorship of the first French-language Canadian history textbook for the province{apos}s public schools, written by Philéas-Frédéric Bourgeois*. Pressure from Landry and from the two Acadian school inspectors, Jean-Flavien Doucet and Charles D. Hébert, had probably influenced Conservative policy on this issue. Acadians subsequently criticized the government for having delayed the book{apos}s introduction until 1914.

A member of the Société l{apos}Assomption [see Rémi Benoît*], almost from its beginning, in 1904 Landry had founded the first branch in Canada of this mutual benefit society. He actively promoted its scholarship program and served on its executive in various capacities from 1904 until 1927, including from 1913 to 1919 as president. In 1917 he was president of a committee it formed to purchase the land in Grand Pré, N.S., that had been the site of Saint-Charles-des-Mines church, from which Lieutenant-Colonel John Winslow* had announced the deportation of the Acadians of the region in 1755. The committee planned to create a park and erect a commemorative church. Landry had also been active in the Société Nationale de l{apos}Assomption [see Pascal Poirier*], notably as a councillor and vice-president in 1907. In 1921 he presided over a congress of the national society in Church Point, N.S., which gave momentum to a massive fund-raising campaign for the commemorative church.

In 1925 there were rumours that the Conservatives might use Landry to muster Acadian support against Veniot, who had become premier two years earlier. Landry{apos}s efforts to identify himself as the real defender of Acadian nationalism, since he supported the Société l{apos}Assomption while Veniot was not even a member, appear to have embarrassed other members of the society. He was defeated in the provincial general election of August 1925. Two years later he was rewarded with a patronage post as health officer for the northern counties.

Landry died suddenly in Bathurst in 1929, just before he was to preside at a meeting of the board of health. In spite of his Conservative politics, he had served for several years as a conscientious director of the more Liberal L{apos}Évangéline without attempting to impose his views. He had also been a member of the League of Nations Society in Canada and a supporter of the temperance movement.

PANB, MC 1156, 9; RS657P3, F4761 (mfm.). Centre d{apos}Études Acadiennes, Univ. de Moncton, N.-B., Fonds R.-A. Arsenault, 506.1-1; Fonds M.-F. Richard, 8.2-18. L{apos}Évangéline (Weymouth Bridge, N.-É.), 1er oct. 1896; (Moncton), 1er, 22 mai, 12, 19 juin 1912; 30 mars 1916; 28 févr. 1917; 22 août 1921; 24 juill., 4, 18 déc. 1924; 5 févr., 7, 14 mai 1925; 26 déc. 1929. Moncton Transcript, 1 March 1916. Le Moniteur acadien (Shédiac, N.-B.), 3 sept. 1908; 15 avril, 13 mai, 12 août 1909. CPG, 1908-25. Cyclopædia of Canadian biog. (Rose and Charlesworth), vol.3. A. T. Doyle, Front benches & back rooms: a story of corruption, muckraking, raw partisanship and intrigue in New Brunswick (Toronto, 1976). A.-J. Léger, Les grandes lignes de l{apos}histoire de la Société l{apos}Assomption (Québec, 1933). A.-J. Savoie, {d-0}Education in Acadia: 1604-1970,{d-1} in The Acadians of the Maritimes: thematic studies, ed. Jean Daigle (Moncton, 1982), 383-427; Un siècle de revendications scolaires au Nouveau-Brunswick, 1871-1971 (2v., [Edmundston, N.-B.], 1978-80). Univ. Laval, Annuaire, 1893-94. [J.] R. [H.] Wilbur, The rise of French New Brunswick (Halifax, 1989).

Godfroy Langlois{apos}s father was a merchant and politician of considerable importance in Sainte-Scholastique. After elementary school, Godfroy was enrolled at the Petit Séminaire de Sainte-Thérèse in the fall of 1881. For reasons that are unclear, he left in June 1884 and entered the Collège de Saint-Laurent, near Montreal. He graduated gold medallist in June 1887. That September he entered the law school of the Université Laval in Montreal. Bored by the academic approach to law, he chose to pursue his legal studies as a clerk in the prestigious practice of Raymond Préfontaine* and Pierre-Eugène Lafontaine*. A few months later he moved to the firm of Toussaint-Antoine-Rodolphe Laflamme*, a prominent Rouge.

Langlois immediately accepted an invitation from Honoré Beaugrand* to work at La Patrie. On 6 November, while still at La Patrie, he launched L{apos}Écho des Deux-Montagnes (Sainte-Scholastique) with lawyer Joseph-Dominique Leduc. His bold sense of liberalism flourished in this weekly, where he defined the contours of his {d-0}radicalism{d-1} more succinctly, addressing issues such as annexationism, educational reform, politics, and the abuses committed by the clergy. Édouard-Charles Fabre*, archbishop of Montreal, reacted to Langlois{apos}s increasingly hostile attacks by banning L{apos}Écho on 11 Nov. 1892. Langlois obstinately resumed his criticism two weeks later in a new publication, La Liberté (Sainte-Scholastique), laid out exactly as L{apos}Écho had been, with the same number of pages, the same sponsors, and the same bylines. Educational reform assumed sovereign importance in the newspaper, as it would throughout Langlois{apos}s career. {d-0}[The] masses must be enlightened,{d-1} he wrote, {d-0}they must know of the progress being made and they must have the tools to compete.{d-1}

Langlois continued at La Patrie until December 1893, when he accepted an offer to join Le Monde (Montréal) as assistant editor. Le Monde had been purchased by a consortium of businessmen who were eager to reorient the traditionally ultramontane daily. Under the new management, its editorial comments were few and moderate in tone, hardly in keeping with Langlois{apos}s style. The experience in administration which he gained there would nevertheless benefit his career.

Langlois also found a fertile ground for his advanced liberalism in freemasonry. He joined the Cœurs-Unis Lodge No.45 in Montreal in December 1895. Freemasonry in Quebec at the time was dominated by the Grand Lodge of Canada and the Grand Lodge of Quebec, both of which were affiliated with British masonry. The Cœurs-Unis Lodge was a chapter of the Quebec organization. On 12 April 1896 a meeting of the Cœurs-Unis was called to ask for an alliance with the Grand Orient in France. Langlois joined the committee that petitioned for a new constitution and he proposed a name for the new lodge, L{apos}Emancipation, that was immediately accepted.

Although enthusiasm for the lodge was strong in its first year, its handful of members met only sporadically after 1899. Langlois nevertheless remained a staunch member, rising to the presidency in 1901. An inspection report submitted to the Grand Orient in early 1903 made particular mention of his {d-0}energy{d-1} and {d-0}deep conviction.{d-1} Langlois was often publicly accused of being a freemason, a charge he never denied but often mocked. His marriage in the Roman Catholic Church and the baptism of his child there certainly colour the principles he harboured as a freemason.

On 4 Feb. 1897 Joseph-Israël Tarte* had purchased La Patrie from Beaugrand. Four days later Langlois officially penned his first comment as editor-in-chief. Fortified by his promotion, he submitted his name for the Liberal candidacy in the provincial riding of Deux-Montagnes. He was supported by local Liberal leaders, but Marchand intervened and disallowed his candidacy. About two months after Langlois became editor-in-chief Tarte demoted him to make room for the rising star in Liberal ranks, Henri Bourassa*. The new editorial director{apos}s politics could not have been more dissimilar, but Langlois{apos}s supporters rallied and Bourassa was forced to leave after a few days. Langlois{apos}s stature as a leading spokesman of the unofficial progressive faction of the Liberal party was becoming clear.

A co-worker, Charles Robillard, remembered Langlois{apos}s endearing personal qualities. {d-0}Of great simplicity, warm, affable, and obliging, a friend of the good clean joke, he knew how to bring a gaiety to everyday conversation. . . . The intransigence of his principles was forgotten when in close company, and colleagues saw before them only the most humble and charming of men.{d-1} Just over five feet tall, he was always slightly corpulent. He had clear blue eyes and had sported a pince-nez since he was in his early twenties. As soon as he could grow one, he had worn a moustache.

In November 1901 Langlois articulated the need for an organization to promote educational reform. The Ligue de l{apos}Enseignement was officially founded in Montreal on 9 Oct. 1902. Its name deliberately evoked that of the Ligue Française de l{apos}Enseignement and its members were drawn mainly from the progressive wing of the Liberal party. Langlois was named vice-president and secretary. The program he submitted, which was approved on 21 Nov. 1902, included improved salaries and qualifications for schoolteachers, increased government subsidies, the enforcement of current educational legislation, the building of clean, {d-0}sanitary{d-1} schools, and the centralization of the Catholic school system{apos}s administration.

In January 1903 Tarte broke the ties between La Patrie and the Liberal party. Laurier had long anticipated the loss of the daily and had struck a committee after Tarte{apos}s departure from cabinet in October 1902 to look into the question of launching a new paper. Senator Frédéric-Ligori Béïque* offered the necessary capital. After much deliberation, Laurier met with Langlois to discuss the tone and orientation of the new publication. There was much opposition within the party to Langlois{apos}s appointment, but armed with Langlois{apos}s guarantee that the paper would remain loyal, Laurier approved the preparations for a morning publication that would be called Le Canada.

Langlois quickly dedicated the newspaper, launched in April 1903, to educational and municipal reform, and mounted a campaign against the privileges of the Montreal Light, Heat and Power Company [see Louis-Joseph Forget*]. He took his crusade for good government into the provincial Liberal party during the elections in the fall of 1904. Although Le Canada did its duty by pledging its support to Premier Simon-Napoléon Parent* in its editorial of 7 November, that same night Langlois mobilized his supporters against the government. The Liberals in Division No.3 in Montreal met to reaffirm the nomination of the incumbent, Henri-Benjamin Rainville, the bête noire of all progressive Liberals. The meeting ended in an impasse and when it resumed the following evening Langlois was nominated. He presented himself as {d-0}the champion of people{apos}s rights against the {s-0}trusts{s-1-unknown} who have crushed and intimidated us,{d-1} and promised to pay particular attention to the issues of colonization and public education.

Langlois{apos}s campaign shook the Parent administration to the core. He was elected, defeating Rainville, who ran as an independent Liberal. The Liberal party was thrown into disarray. In February 1905 Langlois supported the three cabinet ministers, Lomer Gouin, William Alexander Weir, and Adélard Turgeon, who resigned in protest against Parent{apos}s authoritarian methods and precipitated his resignation as premier the following month.

Taking to his work as a member of the assembly with great enthusiasm, Langlois pressed the new Liberal government under Gouin to enact reforms in the field of education and in matters relating to Montreal. He would hold his seat, renamed Montreal-Saint-Louis in 1912, until 1914 and over the years some of his ideas would meet with success. He argued for a public utilities commission, proposed that a board of control be added to Montreal{apos}s administrative structure (as he suggested, a referendum was held on the question), and lobbied for a royal commission to examine Montreal{apos}s administration [see Lawrence John Cannon]. All these reforms were adopted.

In matters of education Langlois{apos}s demands were wide-ranging and triggered bitter debates with Bourassa in the assembly. His focus was the unification of Catholic school boards on Montreal Island, the election of school commissioners, and the creation of a royal commission on education. Gouin ordered the creation of the royal commission with respect to the Catholic schools of Montreal in July 1909, chaired by Raoul Dandurand*.

At the same time, Langlois{apos}s idea of liberalism moved considerably to the left in Le Canada. A convinced francophile, he turned to France for inspiration in rethinking Canadian liberalism. French liberalism at the time was taken by the idea of solidarisme, a blend of beliefs in capitalism and a limited welfare state that gave pride of place to educational reform. Langlois{apos}s thinking strongly resembled that ideology. {d-0}The beaten path was repugnant to him,{d-1} remembered Robillard. {d-0}He ventured in new, audacious directions, at the risk of frightening important groups of the party he wanted to serve.{d-1}

Langlois{apos}s constant criticism of Quebec{apos}s church-dominated educational system irritated Archbishop Paul Bruchési*, who repeatedly made his views known to Laurier. Coincidentally, the leadership of the Liberal party grew exasperated with Langlois{apos}s divisive activities at the provincial and municipal levels. {d-0}[Le Canada] has ceased to be the organ of the party in Ottawa and in Quebec; it has become . . . the organ of Langlois,{d-1} a resentful Béïque told Laurier in 1909. Laurier concurred, but confided to Béïque his {d-0}hesitation to break with the radical group of our party.{d-1}

An agreement was finally reached on Christmas Eve 1909 and Langlois was removed as editor of Le Canada a week later. He was named secretary to the International Joint Commission [see Sir George Christie Gibbons*], a position he never formally assumed. Instead, he founded a new weekly to encourage educational and municipal reform. Just as Bourassa launched Le Devoir in mid January 1910, Langlois{apos}s Le Pays, named after the old Rouge journal, hit the stands.

On 29 Sept. 1913 Archbishop Bruchési officially barred Catholics from reading Le Pays. The paper{apos}s response, {d-0}Toujours debout,{d-1} encapsulated the essence of Langlois{apos}s thought and was issued as a pamphlet in English and in French. Langlois attacked the hegemony of clerico-nationalistic thinking and, mocking Bruchési{apos}s words, boldly continued to publish Le Pays.

Relations were tense between Gouin and Langlois as Gouin tried to distance the inveterate radical. The occasion finally arose when the Quebec government decided to open an office in Brussels to encourage trade with French-speaking countries and Langlois sought the opportunity to represent the province. On 14 May 1914 his appointment as Quebec{apos}s agent general in Brussels at a salary of $6,000 per year was confirmed. He quit Le Pays and resigned his seat in the legislature. On 22 June the Club Canadien offered a banquet in his honour. He left Montreal with his family soon after.

Europe was slowly being engulfed in war, so Langlois made arrangements with the Quebec government to settle in Paris for a time. Contacts between him and Quebec were minimal at least until 1917. Putting old differences aside, Laurier asked Langlois that November to represent the opposition in the monitoring of the Canadian election overseas. Langlois accepted. He formally assumed his position as Quebec{apos}s agent general in Brussels in 1919 and only returned to Canada in 1921 for a brief visit.

Godfroy Langlois was one of the most important journalists of his generation and one of the most progressive thinkers in the Liberal party in Quebec. A free-thinker par excellence, he worked and argued for a better democracy that would welcome new ideas. His campaign for reform in municipal government and education and against hydroelectric trusts placed him in the forefront of a small but influential group of activists who believed that Quebec{apos}s future could be guaranteed only by energetic state involvement in key issues.

[Godfroy Langlois published a few pamphlets outlining various aspects of his thought: La république de 1848 (Montréal, 1897); Sus au Sénat ([Montréal], 1898); L{apos}uniformité des livres: deux discours . . . ([Québec?, 1908?]); and Toujours debout: le mandement de Mgr Bruchési et la réponse du {d-0}Pays{d-1} (Montréal, 1913), translated as Still on deck: the answer of {d-0}Le Pays{d-1} to Archbishop Bruchesi{apos}s mandement (Montreal, 1913).

This biography is based on the author{apos}s study Devil{apos}s advocate: Godfroy Langlois and the politics of Liberal progressivism in Laurier{apos}s Quebec (Montreal and Toronto, 1994), translated as L{apos}avocat du diable: Godfroy Langlois et la politique du libéralisme progressiste à l{apos}époque de Laurier, Madeleine Hébert, trad. (Montréal, 1995). p.a.d.] ANQ-M, CE606-S22, 30 déc. 1866. Charles Robillard, {d-0}Réminiscences d{apos}un vieux journaliste; Galerie nationale: Godfroy Langlois,{d-1} La Patrie (Montréal), 10 janv. 1943.

LAPORTE, MARIE-ANNE, factory worker, store clerk, and labour activist; b. 11 Oct. 1871 in the parish of Saint-Liguori, Que., daughter of Urgel Laporte, a day labourer, and Marie-Louise Perrault; d. unmarried 26 Nov. 1929 in Montreal and was buried in L{apos}Assomption, Que.

Very little is known about Marie-Anne Laporte{apos}s early life. She is believed to have arrived in the village of Hochelaga (Montreal) with her parents when she was quite young. It is thought that she worked at first as a weaver in a cotton mill, and then as a store clerk for Joseph-Wilbrod Moreau, the owner of a large retail business established in Hochelaga around 1897. From about 1910 and for much of her life, Marie-Anne Laporte devoted considerable energy to the Fédération Nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste. She would make her most significant contribution, however, to the Association Professionnelle des Employées de Magasins, of which she was to be elected vice-president around 1916 and president in 1923. Although she relinquished the presidency of the organization in December 1925 for reasons of health, she would remain on its board of directors until 1928.

The Association Professionnelle des Demoiselles de Magasins was formed in the fall of 1906 and became affiliated with the Fédération Nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste in 1907, the year that organization was founded [see Marie Lacoste*]. In April 1909 its name was changed to Association Professionnelle des Employées de Magasins. The federation sought to encourage the formation of professional associations rather than trade unions. Although the two kinds of organization were alike in seeking to protect the economic interests of their members, associations affiliated with the federation differed because they wanted to prepare them for their role in the family and in society. The aim of the Association Professionnelle des Employées de Magasins was to bring together the French Canadian Catholic saleswomen in Montreal, but from 1927 it would accept {d-0}persons other than saleswomen working at the counter{d-1} as members. Its motto was {d-0}Work, honesty, kindness.{d-1} Its efforts to foster the intellectual and moral development of working women - most of whom were young - and to defend their professional interests reflected closely the social doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church and the tenets of the federation. Its chief activities included offering members free evening courses in diction, sewing, the art of cooking, hygiene, fashion, singing, bookkeeping, and English. The association also maintained a library, organized cultural activities (including a choir), and held monthly meetings. In addition, it had an emergency fund that enabled members to receive free medical care and compensation for lost wages in case of illness. In 1927 an employment agency would be set up as well.

Like the federation, the association advocated measures to improve the daily lives of working women. Among other things, it made attempts - which usually proved fruitless - to ensure enforcement of the law (passed in 1908) requiring {d-0}bosses{d-1} to provide seats for {d-0}girls and women employed in stores.{d-1} Around 1915, on the initiative of Marie-Louise Brodeur [Marmette], it encouraged the formation of a league of women shoppers, with the objective of patronizing merchants who offered goods that were {d-0}irreproachable{d-1} in both value and quality and provided their female employees with the best working conditions in terms of hygiene, comfort, wages, and working hours. From 1917 it also tried to encourage women shoppers to do their shopping early during holiday periods so that store clerks would not be swamped at the last minute. On several occasions the association asked that stores be closed early. One such request, made in 1917 to the merchants in the east end of the city, would lead in 1919 and 1920 to a six-o{apos}clock closing time on Saturdays during July and August. The Women{apos}s Minimum Wage Act was passed in 1919 to meet the needs of female employees in industrial plants, and, with the backing of the association, the Fédération Nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste demanded that female store employees be included in the categories of working women covered by the law (a goal achieved in 1934).

Marie-Anne Laporte died on 26 Nov. 1929. The federation{apos}s publication, La Bonne Parole, paid homage to her in its December issue. {d-0}What an example for women employed in stores. . . . And how she worked to improve the lot of those who earn their living as she earned hers!{d-1}

AC, Joliette, État civil, Catholiques, L{apos}Assomption, 29 nov. 1929. ANQ-M, CE601-S51, 1er févr. 1899; CE605-S36, 12 oct. 1871; P120. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1871, Saint-Liguori, Que.; 1881, Hochelaga, village, Que.; 1891, 1901, Montreal, Hochelaga ward. {d-0}Beau mouvement philant[h]ropique,{d-1} La Patrie, 20 févr. 1915. Le Devoir, 28 nov. 1929. La Presse, 27 nov. 1929. La Bonne Parole (Montréal), 1 (1913)-18 (1930), esp. {d-0}Mlle Marie-Anne Laporte,{d-1} 17 (1929), no.12: 8. Le Duprex (Montréal), 4 (1929-30), esp. Églantine Phaneuf, {d-0}Une perte pour l{apos}Association des employées de magasins,{d-1} 87. Nadia Fahmy-Eid et Lucie Piché, Si le travail m{apos}était conté . . . autrement; les travailleuses de la CTCC-CSN: quelques fragments d{apos}histoire, 1921-1976 ([Montréal], 1987). Marie Gérin-Lajoie, {d-0}Le syndicalisme féminin,{d-1} in Québécoises du 20e siècle: les étapes de la libération féminine au Québec, 1900-1974, Michèle Jean, édit. (2e éd., Montréal, 1977). Karine Hébert, {d-0}Une organisation maternaliste au Québec: la Fédération nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste et la bataille pour le vote des femmes,{d-1} RHAF, 52 (1998-99): 315-44. Marie [Lacoste] Gérin-Lajoie, La Fédération nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste et ses associations professionnelles (Montréal, 1911). Marie Lavigne et al., {d-0}La Fédération nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste et les revendications féministes au début du 20e siècle,{d-1} in Travailleuses et féministes: les femmes dans la société québécoise, sous la dir. de Marie Lavigne et Yolande Pinard (Montréal, 1983), 199-216. La paroisse de L{apos}Assomption: répertoire des sépultures, 1800-1980, Maurice Perreault, compil. (Ottawa, 1983). Yolande Pinard, {d-0}Le féminisme à Montréal au commencement du XXe siècle (1893-1920){d-1} (mémoire de ma, univ. du Québec à Montréal, 1976). {d-0}Rapport de l{apos}Association des employées de magasins,{d-1} in Fédération Nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste, Recueil des œuvres fédérées ou l{apos}Action des Canadiennes-françaises (Montréal, 1911), 140-46.

After studying at the Petit Séminaire de Bordeaux, Eugène Lassalle made his theatrical debut in Angers in 1877 under the direction of actor Émile Marck. He continued his career in France from 1878 to 1886 and then directed French theatrical and operatic companies from the Balkans to Central Asia for the next seven years. In 1898 he would be given the title of officier d{apos}académie for his work in disseminating French culture abroad.

After returning to France in 1893, Lassalle performed first at the Grand-Théâtre in Bordeaux, and then at Le Havre, Reims, Montpellier, and Paris. On 14 Aug. 1906 he signed a three-month contract with the Compagnie des Théâtres de Montréal (better known as the Théâtre des Nouveautés), whose artistic director was Jean Prévost. He was offered a salary of 1,800 francs (about $360) a month, which was apparently the going rate for a leading role in Montreal at that time. He began performing there on 3 September in the role of Mathis in Le juif polonais, by Émile Erckmann and Alexandre Chatrian. The next day La Patrie wrote: {d-0}M. Lassalle is an artist of great merit. He literally takes hold of his audience [and] makes them shiver with excitement.{d-1} The Théâtre des Nouveautés extended the contract to 2 May 1907, but a dispute arose between Lassalle and the management, who wanted him to play Scarpia in Victorien Sardou{apos}s La Tosca, a role with which he was not familiar. The theatre rejected the alternative solutions he proposed and dismissed him on 6 April 1907. He took his case to court and eventually won a settlement of $110 from his former employer.

Lassalle now abandoned his acting career. In the fall of 1907 he set up a school of elocution in Montreal, with support from representatives of the city{apos}s political, literary, and media circles, including legislative councillors Trefflé Berthiaume* and Jean-Damien Rolland, Montreal mayor Louis Payette, writer Jean Charbonneau, and journalists Godfroy Langlois and Ernest Tremblay. The school{apos}s founding took place in the context of a major campaign to improve the quality of French spoken in Quebec, a campaign energetically led by Le Nationaliste, a Montreal newspaper under the editorship of Olivar Asselin**. On 3 April 1908 the province granted letters patent to the Conservatoire Lassalle, {d-0}a national school of elocution, french diction, and of the dramatic art.{d-1} The government of Lomer Gouin considered that it was an educational endeavour of national scope, and awarded the institution a large annual grant, which would enable it to offer its courses free of charge. From its first year of operation, the school had dozens of students, including Juliette Béliveau, Camillien Houde*, Paul Coutlée, and Laura Lussier. The courses dealt mainly with diction and elocution and were given three evenings a week. As a practical exercise, Lassalle and his students produced the great French classics that were too seldom seen in the province{apos}s theatres, such as Jean Racine{apos}s Athalie (1908) and Britannicus (1913). For this new championing and presenting of French culture abroad, the French government awarded him the title of officier de l{apos}Instruction publique in 1911. Lassalle also taught elocution at the Petit Séminaire de Montréal from 1913 to 1916 and in 1918.

An editorial in La Patrie paid tribute to his contribution. {d-0}Professor Lassalle{apos}s work was not solely a matter of promoting correct oral French. The students at his school drew from the store-house of French literature as a whole and thereby could not help acquiring the attitude of our overseas cousins, which strives for clarity and irony.{d-1} From 1929 to 1988 the conservatory was guided in turn by Lassalle{apos}s wife, his stepson Georges Landreau, and Georges{apos}s daughter Marcelle Landreau (who was better known by her stage name of Nicole Germain). It would celebrate its 90th anniversary in 1998. Now a private school, it graduated many classes of elocution teachers. It also provided the province of Quebec with its first professional theatre school (where numerous actors would learn their trade), some 40 years before the opening of the Institute of Music and Dramatic Art of the Province of Quebec.

Eugène Lassalle is the author of Influence du théâtre français à l{apos}étranger (Athènes, 1887); L{apos}opérette française en Asie centrale, récit du voyage de la première troupe française dans la Transcaspienne et le Turkestan (Tiflis [Tbilissi, Géorgie], 1891); De Batoum au Thibet (Tiflis, 1892); L{apos}art de mettre en scène (Bruxelles, 1896); Les monologues Lassalle sérieux et comiques, recueil pour dames, messieurs, jeunes filles, jeunes gens, fillettes et petits garçons, choisis parmi les auteurs français et canadiens-français (Montréal, 1914); Comédiens et amateurs; le théâtre et ses dessous (Montréal, 1919); and Aimons, rions, chantons en France et au Canada; méli-mélo (Paris, [1924?]). In 1926 he also wrote and produced La Passion, a religious drama having 100 characters and walk-ons and a 30-voice mixed chorus, a work that was apparently never published.

ANQ-M, P565; TP11, S2, SS2, SSS1, dossier 966 (1908) (E.-J.-B. Lassalle c. Cie des théâtres de Montréal). Arch. Départementales, Gironde (Bordeaux), État civil, Saint-André-de-Cubzac, 30 mai 1859. Bibliothèque Nationale du Québec (Montréal), Div. des coll. spéciales, Programmes de théâtre, 6.5 (théâtre des Nouveautés), saison 1906-7. Le Devoir, 28 mai 1913. Le Passe-Temps (Montréal), 22 févr. 1908. La Patrie, 4 sept. 1906, 2 mars 1929. La Presse, 9 avril, 6, 13 juin 1908; 29 mars 1927. BCF, 1924. Baudoin Burger, {d-0}Les spectacles dramatiques en Nouvelle-France (1606-1760),{d-1} Arch. des lettres canadiennes (Montréal), 5 (1976): 44. Jean Charbonneau, Discours . . . à l{apos}occasion du Xe anniversaire du conservatoire Lassalle en la salle de la bibliothèque Saint-Sulpice le 3 décembre 1916 (Montréal, 1917). DOLQ, vol.2. Historique du conservatoire Lassalle, école gratuite d{apos}élocution française: incorporé le 3 avril 1908, reconnu d{apos}utilité publique par le ministère des Affaires étrangères de la République française et par le gouvernement de la province de Québec ([Montréal, 1919?]). Georges Landreau, Le conservatoire Lassalle présente les diverses maladies de notre langage ([Montréal?], 1960). Petit Séminaire de Montréal, Distribution des prix, 1913-16, 1918. G.-É. Rinfret, Le théâtre canadien d{apos}expression française: répertoire analytique des origines à nos jours (4v., [Montréal], 1975-78), 2: 312.

A son of Scottish-born Presbyterian immigrants, William Mackenzie was educated at elementary schools in Bolsover and Kirkfield, and at the Lindsay grammar school. After teaching for one or perhaps two years, he helped operate a small general store in Kirkfield for a short while. At about the time of his marriage in 1872 to Margaret Merry, a Roman Catholic, he joined his brothers{s-1-unknown} contracting company. Beginning in 1874, he and Alexander, one of the brothers, obtained contracts to provide timber and to build bridges and other wooden structures for the Victoria Railway, a local colonization line being laid north from Lindsay. While working on it he became familiar with promoter George Laidlaw*, chief engineer and general manager James Ross*, and an ambitious young surveyor-office boy, Herbert Samuel Holt*. Mackenzie distinguished himself by completing his contracts on time and within estimate. He, Ross, and Holt then obtained work on another Laidlaw line in Ontario, the Credit Valley Railway. Mackenzie{apos}s contracts, again for timber, bridges, and buildings, once more proved profitable. During return visits to Kirkfield the rising young builder forayed into local politics: he served as a councillor for Eldon Township (1876–77) and as reeve (1880–81).

Mackenzie{apos}s situation changed after the dominion government signed a contract in October 1880 for a railway to the Pacific coast. Work began in 1881. Mackenzie visited western Canada for the first time the next year – like several other Ontarians he apparently hoped to obtain contracts on the new railway, but he failed to get any. James Jerome Hill*, the only member of the Canadian Pacific Railway syndicate with practical experience in construction, arranged the early contracts and he preferred large, financially stable American operators. By the end of the 1883 season, however, increased tensions between Hill and William Cornelius Van Horne*, the CPR{apos}s general manager, together with financial and organizational problems, led to major changes in the company{apos}s contracting procedures. James Ross was named manager of construction for the mountain section, and Herbert Holt became his superintendent. Ross and Holt divided the route into numerous small contracts and subcontracts, making it possible for contractors with limited backing to get work. This change, and the fact that Ross and Holt had worked with Mackenzie in Ontario, resulted in a series of contracts under which Mackenzie supplied timber and built bridges, stations, and other wooden structures for the CPR in 1884.

On his first contract Mackenzie demonstrated unusual financial talent. He did not have sufficient funds to purchase appropriate equipment. Instead, he returned to Eldon and scoured the countryside for available horses and other necessities; among his finds was an abandoned sawmill, which was dismantled and moved to Mackenzie{apos}s work site in British Columbia. He gave little or nothing immediately, but promised payment in full after he was paid for his contract. The outfit he put together, not altogether suited to work in the mountains, was disdainfully referred to by other contractors as {d-0}The Farmer Outfit.{d-1} Most of the workmen were also recruited in Mackenzie{apos}s home community and were sometimes dubbed the {d-0}Eldon reserve.{d-1} They too were prepared to wait for at least a portion of their wages. But they got the job done, earning Mackenzie a reputation as a contractor who completed work on time and within budget. It was during the 1884 season too that Mackenzie met his future partner, Donald Mann*, a bluff, masterful railway builder who held contracts for roadbeds. The following year Mackenzie was rewarded with a much larger project: to supply all the timber and erect a huge trestle bridge across the Mountain Creek gorge in the Beaver River valley in British Columbia. Designed by W. A. Doans, the bridge rose 150 feet and was 1,070 feet in length, reputedly one of the largest wooden trestles ever built.

Subsequent projects eventually brought the four men together. In 1887 Mackenzie, Mann, and Holt all secured contracts on a new CPR project: the {d-0}Short Line{d-1} across Maine to Bangor, with an extension to Saint John. Mackenzie and Mann, who held adjacent contracts, decided in March 1887 to merge. Their work proved more difficult than anticipated and they would barely break even on their first venture as partners. In 1888 Ross obtained a general contract for the construction of the Qu{apos}Appelle, Long Lake and Saskatchewan Railroad north from the CPR at Regina to Saskatoon and Prince Albert. Mackenzie, Mann, and Holt joined him in this undertaking. Even before it was finished, profitably and on time, the partners obtained another contract, for a line from the CPR at Calgary northward to Edmonton and southward to Fort Macleod. On both of these projects Ross was in charge, Mann did the clearing, brushing, and grading, Mackenzie handled the bridges and other wooden structures, and Holt laid the tracks. By 1888 Mackenzie was sufficiently well off that he built an impressive brick house in Kirkfield.

The foursome worked well together, but after 1890 there were no large construction contracts for steam railways in sight. There were, however, new opportunities to build urban railways utilizing new electrical technology. Mackenzie, Holt, and Ross all had considerable experience with various power systems, and they realized that the electrification of urban tramways offered new contracting and promotional opportunities. Mackenzie returned to Toronto, where he had already begun to branch out in 1889 as president of the Charles J. Smith coal and wood company. In 1891 he joined a syndicate which acquired control of Toronto{apos}s horse-drawn trolley system, and obtained from that syndicate the construction contract for the electrification of the system. Ross and Holt became involved in the electrification of trams in Montreal, as did Mann in Winnipeg. (The four would often hold shares in each other{apos}s street-railway companies.) Substantial sums were reputedly spent to bribe Toronto city officials and politicians so that Mackenzie{apos}s group obtained a 30-year franchise for running the street railway. In April 1892 it was incorporated as the Toronto Railway Company, with interim financing from the Canadian Bank of Commerce, George Albertus Cox*, and others. Mackenzie, as contractor, received payment in cash to cover his costs. When the work was completed, he was given company shares for the balance due and he became president of the concern. He had gained control of the railway without investing much of his own money. The manner in which he had done so raised suspicions of corruption, while the building and operating tactics of the company provoked public anger. During construction, for instance, he had gained notoriety over the placement of hydroelectric poles and the tearing up and, it was claimed, inadequate repaving of roads. Once the system opened, Mackenzie and other officials became embroiled in a bitter debate in 1893, mainly with religious leaders, when the company decided to run cars on Sunday. Reduced ticket prices and easier transfer arrangements, however, earned it considerable goodwill.

The new electrical and traction technology was risky, but under Mackenzie{apos}s leadership the Toronto Railway and affiliated electrical companies turned handsome profits. In 1896 Margaret Mackenzie bought land for a large summer home on Balsam Lake near Kirkfield and a year later William purchased Benvenuto, a mansion in Toronto. He fitted easily into Toronto{apos}s early-20th-century nouveaux riches, and he and his wife became important patrons and collectors of Canadian landscape art. For him, and other promoters in the utilities field, success opened up further opportunities in Canada and abroad [see Frederick Stark Pearson*]. They developed technological, financial, promotional, and political expertise that took them not only to numerous other Canadian cities but also to Mexico, Brazil, the Caribbean, Britain, and even China. Mackenzie{apos}s investment in street railways and utilities in Brazil in 1899 was the start of a major international venture. In Ontario, the franchise on Niagara Falls power secured in 1903 by the Electrical Development Company of Ontario Limited, controlled by Mackenzie, Frederic Thomas Nicholls, and Henry Mill Pellatt*, would make them key combatants against Adam Beck and other champions of a publicly owned system of distributing electricity.

In the 1890s unfinished business in western Canada had drawn Mackenzie into an even greater project, and his crowning achievement: the Canadian Northern Railway. The line from Winnipeg to Hudson Bay had encountered financial and political difficulties. Unpaid, Ross and Holt apparently lost interest but Mann hoped to salvage something from an adjoining line (the Lake Manitoba Railway and Canal, incorporated in 1889), which carried the promise of a federal land grant and a postal contract. He contacted Mackenzie, and together they devised a plan whereby the line would be deflected northwest to tap the rich agricultural area around Dauphin, Man. In 1895 they persuaded the Manitoba government of Thomas Greenway* to guarantee the bonds issued by the railway. With funds from their sale, loans from the Canadian Bank of Commerce, and the hope of land subsidies and mail contracts, the private partnership of Mackenzie, Mann and Company built 125 miles of the LMRC in 1896. In December 1898 it and the Winnipeg Great Northern were amalgamated to form the Canadian Northern, with Nicholls as president; the new railway{apos}s federal charter was obtained in July 1899.

The Canadian Northern differed in its construction and operation from other prairie railways. Mackenzie and Mann had agreed that, in return for a provincial guarantee of its bonds, they would reduce freight rates and submit their rate schedules for approval to the Manitoba government. They were confident that it would not impose unreasonable rates because the province would be liable if the railway could not pay interest and principal on the guaranteed bonds. The arrangement, however, demanded extreme economies. The region was only sparsely settled and would not generate much traffic in the early years. The railway was therefore built as cheaply as possible, albeit with a promise that it would be improved when there was more traffic. Most of the Canadian Northern{apos}s early rolling stock was obsolete equipment obtained from the junkyards of wealthier American railways. Service was slow and breakdowns occurred often. But the Dauphin region finally had desperately needed rail service, which the CPR had been unwilling to provide. What really endeared the little railway to its patrons was the low rates it charged for freight.

The railway also initiated aggressive policies to increase the volume of traffic. It followed the example of the LMRC{apos}s general manager, David Blythe Hanna*, who, when local farmers lacked good seed grain, had purchased several carloads and sold it to them at cost in 1897. There were similar responses to other shortages. On occasions when major suppliers refused to grant individual farmers volume discounts, the Canadian Northern bought the materials in sufficient volume to obtain the discounts and passed the savings on to the farmers. While the CPR accepted only grain shipped from elevators, the Canadian Northern was willing to allow farmers to load their grain directly into its cars, thus saving elevator charges. Other accommodations included unscheduled stops to pick up freight wherever it was offered. As a result, the railway came to be regarded as {d-0}the Farmers{s-1-unknown} Friend{d-1} and was described as {d-0}the West{apos}s own product to meet the West{apos}s own needs.{d-1} What made its service even better was the fact that when Mackenzie and Mann lowered their rates, the CPR had little choice but to follow suit if it was to remain competitive and avoid even greater clamour for more government assistance for new Mackenzie and Mann lines.

The success of their strategy depended on bond sales. To expand their system they acquired the charters of numerous small lines, some with valuable land subsidies and mail contracts; other railways were chartered provincially so they could receive the local government{apos}s bond guarantees. Such backing facilitated sales, in which Mackenzie excelled. Although he could be domineering, he impressed colleagues, financiers, and politicians by his energy and assurance. He established close ties with leading Toronto financiers, particularly those associated with the Canadian Bank of Commerce, most notably Byron Edmund Walker, but his most important and difficult work involved the selling of bonds to British investors. He approached this task with the zeal of an itinerant evangelist, making numerous transatlantic crossings (often accompanied by one or more of his charming daughters). Assisted by Robert Montgomery Horne-Payne, a brilliant British financier, he not only made contact with leading underwriters in London but also went out into the countryside to sell bonds. Horne-Payne had the uncanny ability to assess how much money there was in a community for investment, which he and Mackenzie then systematically extracted. Both men had seemingly boundless faith in the future development of Canada, and the central role which the Canadian Northern could play in that development.

Mackenzie was a man of broad vision, not much interested in details. He was exceptionally fortunate in the legal services provided in Toronto by Zebulon Aiton Lash*, a former federal deputy minister of justice and a partner in Blake, Lash, and Cassels, one of Canada{apos}s most prestigious law firms. Lash drew up the necessary contracts and documents, which provided excellent protection for Mackenzie and the Canadian Northern and in many cases introduced innovative features in corporate structuring. Lash made sure that the documents were filed and payments made on time – an important concern since the normal state of Mackenzie{apos}s own office was chaotic, cluttered with piles of bills and other business, which Mackenzie was apt to ignore in the press of daily work. Mackenzie{apos}s bargaining tactics often had a rough frontier-like quality, devoid of diplomacy. He would approve an agreement in principle and then look to Lash to put it into the appropriate language. Lash made sure too that the company{apos}s financial records met legal requirements, although the overly optimistic accounts, with low figures for depreciation, may have prevented him, when combined with Mackenzie{apos}s unbounded confidence, from recognizing the warning signals that Canada{apos}s economic boom might be coming to an end.

It is not clear when William Mackenzie and Donald Mann made the transition from western contractors to national entrepreneurs. Before 1901 it was widely believed that they were simply building urban street railways and prairie lines with the intention of selling them at a profit to the CPR or another prospective transcontinental. The presence on the Toronto Railway board of W. C. Van Horne, now the CPR{apos}s president, and the employment of his son on Canadian Northern construction projects lent credence to allegations, by Northern Pacific officials among others, that Mackenzie and Mann were merely a front for the CPR. They seemed to acquire charters and build lines in an uncoordinated way.

Associates later regarded the 1901 agreement with the Manitoba government as the turning point when Mackenzie and Mann first entertained ambitions to build their own transcontinental. Others have suggested that the turn happened only in 1903 when the Grand Trunk decided to move into western Canada and tried to take over the Canadian Northern, but was rebuffed. The federal government had agreed to assist the Grand Trunk Pacific, headed by Charles Melville Hays*, but this support softened when it became clear that the Grand Trunk would not retain the low Canadian Northern rates on grain moving to the Lakehead. At the same time, Mackenzie and Mann{apos}s resistance to Grand Trunk incursion was significantly strengthened by cabinet{apos}s promise, facilitated by Clifford Sifton, to guarantee Canadian Northern lines to Edmonton and Prince Albert.

Mackenzie and other senior Canadian Northern officials later insisted that the Grand Trunk{apos}s move westward made the transcontinental expansion of the Canadian Northern inevitable if it was to remain competitive. They had recognized that eastern connections had to be secured when they became available, a process that started in earnest with the acquisition in 1903 of the Great Northern Railway, which gave them vital access to a system across Quebec. Mackenzie and Mann moved closer to their transcontinental goal in 1909 when the government of British Columbia provided bond guarantees for the building of a Canadian Northern subsidiary from Alberta to Vancouver. At the same time Saskatchewan and Alberta, for the first time, offered guarantees to facilitate construction of a network of new branches. Mackenzie and Mann had also obtained charters, and in some cases government assistance, to build railways that served local needs, but were also situated to become parts of a transcontinental system.

In Mackenzie{apos}s bold surge as a national entrepreneur, a succession of major business deals kept pace with railway assembly. Ventures in Pacific whaling, insurance, lumber, ore mining, meat packing, brewing, retailing, and foreign utilities, among others, consolidated the position of Mackenzie, Mann as a pre-eminent Canadian holding company. Other initiatives were clearly linked to the Canadian Northern{apos}s expansion, such as Mackenzie and Mann{apos}s acquisition in 1910 of the Brazeau coalfields in Alberta and the coal operations of James Dunsmuir* on Vancouver Island. In Britain that year to launch the service of the Canadian Northern Steamship Company, the masterful Mackenzie, at the peak of his influence, secured financing worth an extraordinary $40,700,000, much of it destined for railway construction.

Shortly after the federal guarantee, Mackenzie and Mann began to encounter serious financial problems. In 1912 a crisis in the financial markets, triggered in part by fears of a European war, made it more difficult and expensive to sell the railway{apos}s bonds. The crisis came just as the Canadian Northern was facing costly construction in the Rockies and north of Superior. At the same time restrictions on emigration by European governments sharply reduced settlement in western Canada. Then, following the outbreak of war in 1914, the availability of rolling stock, supplies, and workers became problematic. Mackenzie and Mann tried to reduce costs, but they were determined to complete, open, and equip the Canadian Northern{apos}s transcontinental line. The last spike was driven by Mackenzie in an unofficial ceremony at Basque, B.C., on 23 Jan. 1915; the final mileage had been hastily thrown together in a desperate effort to give the railway greater credibility. Much additional construction remained to be done that year, and it was only in late August that a train carrying a small party including railway and bank officials made what amounted to the inaugural trip from Toronto to Vancouver. Two months later a special excursion train, hosted by Mackenzie, took a large press corps, politicians, businessmen, and other dignitaries from Quebec City to Vancouver. The celebrations were lavish, but they could not mask a harsh reality. The Canadian Northern could not survive the war without massive government assistance, which federal politicians found almost impossible to justify in the face of more urgent wartime needs. The government of Sir Robert Laird Borden provided interim aid [see John Dowsley Reid] and then in 1916 set up a royal commission to recommend long-term solutions to the country{apos}s railway problems. In the end Ottawa decided to take over and merge the two financially embarrassed transcontinentals.

Mackenzie remained active in numerous business operations even after the loss of the Canadian Northern. International financial hardships following the war depressed the value of his stock in Canadian and Latin American electrical and traction companies and of the many lumber, coal, real estate, mining, manufacturing, insurance, and financial operations in which he was interested. In 1920–21 he gave up his hydroelectric interests and his street railways in the Toronto area. Though he was able to maintain an affluent lifestyle at Benvenuto and at the family{apos}s homes in the Kirkfield area, the complicated estate he left at his death was, for a one-time magnate, relatively modest.

Sir William Mackenzie suffered an apparent heart attack in October 1923 and he died on 5 December. In life he had been one of Canada{apos}s most colourful and controversial railway promoters and entrepreneurs. In the opinion of Sir Edmund Walker, the banker with whom he had many dealings, he seemed {d-0}like the railway, driven by a steam engine.{d-1} Mackenzie was, perhaps, too optimistic in his assessment of the economic prospects of Canada, particularly western Canada. His rapid rise to wealth and fame had the appearance of a meteor blazing a bright trail through the skies of the Canadian business world, but this meteor had burned itself out several years before Mackenzie{apos}s body was committed to the earth near his home town of Kirkfield.

[The primary sources for Sir William Mackenzie and the Canadian Northern are given in the author{apos}s study The Canadian Northern Railway, pioneer road of the northern prairies, 1895–1918 (Toronto, 1976). Mackenzie left virtually no private papers, a paucity that is admirably compensated for in R. B. Fleming, The railway king of Canada: Sir William Mackenzie, 1849–1923 (Vancouver, 1991). Obituary notices appear in the Canadian Railway and Marine World (Toronto) and in several Toronto and Montreal newspapers. Other useful works include Christopher Armstrong and H. V. Nelles, Monopoly{apos}s moment: the organization and regulation of Canadian utilities, 1830–1930 (Philadelphia, 1986), and Southern exposure: Canadian promoters in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1896–1930 (Toronto, 1988); Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912); Encyclopaedia of Canadian biography . . . ; Duncan McDowall, The Light: Brazilian Traction, Light and Power Company Limited, 1899–1945 (Toronto, 1988); Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell); and G. R. Stevens, Canadian National Railways (2v., Toronto and Vancouver, 1960–62), 2. t.d.r.]

J. C. Mackintosh{apos}s father emigrated from Inverness, Scotland, and became one of Halifax{apos}s best-known Scotsmen – no small feat in a city full of successful Scottish immigrants. Although a native Nova Scotian, his mother was also of Scottish descent, and Mackintosh had a strict Presbyterian upbringing, attending St John{apos}s School and the Free Church Academy. In later life he would devote much of his spare time to religious pursuits. He became first president of the Halifax Young Men{apos}s Christian Association as well as a member of the board of management of the Presbyterian College. In addition, he was one of the founders in 1871 of Fort Massey Presbyterian Church, where he served as elder, clerk of session, chairman of the managing committee, trustee, secretary-treasurer, and member of the choir. One of the church{apos}s volunteer teachers, he was also superintendent of its Sunday school for a time.

After leaving school at 16, Mackintosh had joined the Bank of Nova Scotia as a senior clerk and begun his apprenticeship as an accountant. Two years later, in 1857, he in fact became the bank{apos}s official accountant – the first person to hold such a title in the organization – and his annual salary was raised from ?100 to ?125. Mackintosh remained at the bank for the next 18 years, during which time he developed a reputation for superior workmanship. In 1870 he alerted President Mather Byles Almon* and the board of directors to a defalcation by the bank{apos}s cashier (general manager), James Forman*, of some $315,000, an enormous amount of money at the time. Soon afterwards, he was promoted to deputy cashier. Although no descriptions of Mackintosh are available from this period, he appears to have been a serious and hard-working young man with a strict, perhaps even ascetic, Presbyterian ethos.

In 1873 Mackintosh left the Bank of Nova Scotia to set up his own business with Mather Byles Almon, son and namesake of the bank{apos}s past president. Styled as bankers, brokers, and financial agents, the firm went into the retailing of securities, a line of business that had only recently opened up. According to one early description, Almon and Mackintosh was organized {d-0}on the same principles as a chartered Bank{d-1} in that deposits were taken and interest paid, loans and promissory notes negotiated, and drafts drawn against shipments of merchandise. But the main activity was the buying and selling of local as well as national and American stocks and bonds.

By at least 1912 J. C. Mackintosh and Company was enough of a presence to begin distributing an annual multi-page Investor{apos}s manual for the Maritime provinces of Canada. Judging by this publication, Mackintosh catered to the more conservative of the region{apos}s investors, providing good if unremarkable returns on solid investments. He avoided the inherently riskier business of sponsoring new issues or providing capital to brand-new enterprises. He was, in other words, a stockbroker rather than an investment banker. In fact, he very much disliked the flamboyant and {d-0}get-rich-quick{d-1} style, to say nothing of the more speculative tendency, of younger financiers such as William Maxwell Aitken*. In one infamous incident he tried to push Aitken out of his privileged position in John Fitzwilliam Stairs*{apos}s funeral procession, presumably incensed by the young man{apos}s standing with both Stairs and his immediate family.

As busy as Mackintosh must have been in building up his business, he nonetheless found time for civic duties. In 1878 he was elected to Halifax City Council, and he remained an alderman until 1884 when he was elected mayor. During three annual terms as mayor he spearheaded major public works projects including a dry dock and a regular ferry service between Dartmouth and Halifax. He also completely reformed Halifax{apos}s antiquated tax system, moving from a tax on residents to a tax on property.

In politics Mackintosh was an ardent Conservative and imperialist. He supported the National Policy and promoted the concept of imperial federation as a member of the Navy League. Proud of his Scottish heritage, he was active in the North British Society. First elected to it in 1859, he filled a number of roles including secretary, senior assistant, and president. In 1895 he was made a {d-0}Perpetual Member.{d-1} By the time of his death he had set a new record for length of membership in the society – 66 years.

Mackintosh was also a Victorian moralist who felt it was his God-given responsibility to volunteer dozens of hours each week to worthy causes. Aside from his Sunday-school and YMCA involvement, he was an active member and eventually president of the Nova Scotia Society for the Prevention of Cruelty [see John Naylor*], one of the first organizations in Canada to promote child-protection legislation and to shelter wives from abusive husbands. In addition, he served for a time as vice-president of the Halifax School for the Blind [see Sir Charles Frederick Fraser], a member of the executive committee of the Moral Reform Association, and treasurer of the Children{apos}s Aid Society. He also sat on the board of governors of Dalhousie University from 1905 to 1919. His wife was active in the Halifax Local Council of Women, of which she was first president, and in such benevolent institutions as the Halifax Infants{s-1-unknown} Home and the Home for the Aged.

Halifax County Court of Probate (Halifax), Estate papers, no.10722. NSARM, MG 1, 1731. British Colonist (Halifax), 17 April 1869. Evening Echo (Halifax), 9 May 1924. Presbyterian Witness (Halifax), 21 March 1857: 42–43. Annals, North British Society of Halifax, 1924–1949 (Halifax, 1949), 10–11. Canada Gazette, 29 Nov. 1924: 1603–4. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Dalhousie College and Univ., Calendar (Halifax), 1905/6. Dalhousie Univ., President{apos}s report (Halifax), 1918/19. History of the Bank of Nova Scotia, 1832–1900, together with copies of annual statements ([Halifax, 1901]). J. C. Mackintosh and Company, The investor{apos}s manual for the Maritime provinces of Canada (Halifax), 1912 (copy in NSARM, Library, Vert. file). G. P. Marchildon, Profits and politics: Beaverbrook and the Gilded Age of Canadian finance (Toronto, 1996). Joseph Schull and J. D. Gibson, The Scotiabank story: a history of the Bank of Nova Scotia, 1832–1982 (Toronto, 1982). D. M. Sinclair, Fort Massey Church, Halifax, Nova Scotia, 1871–1971: a century of witness ([Halifax, 1971]). G. A. White, Halifax and its business . . . ([Halifax, 1876]).

Of Scottish background, William Findlay Maclean was educated at schools in Hamilton and at the University of Toronto (ba 1880). He followed his father{apos}s career path and strong protectionist views. In the early 1870s he was a copyboy and writer for the Hamilton Times; in 1875 he became parliamentary correspondent for the Toronto Liberal [see John Cameron*] and then joined the Globe as John Gordon Brown{apos}s secretary and city editor.

Maclean{apos}s journalistic and political interests were closely intertwined. In August 1880 he and Globe reporter Albert Horton founded the World to support Liberal candidate Peter Ryan in a local by-election. After Maclean bought out Horton in October 1881, the paper would become a family affair, with his father, his brothers (James Hector, John, and Wallace), and eventually his son (Hugh John) working on it. It emulated the local papers founded by John Ross Robertson*, who had introduced the American-style {d-0}penny{d-1} press for the mass market. Bright and iconoclastic, the World gave Torontonians a taste of the populist crusades and sensationalism pioneered by the New York Herald. The new one-cent daily had an immediate impact; some found it the {d-0}editorially boldest,{d-1} others viewed it as decidedly downscale.

The World{apos}s irreverence, noisy exposés of civic corruption, skilful skirting of libel, and opposition to the religious establishment made it the favourite of Toronto{apos}s trolley-travelling working class. Maclean tweaked Sabbatarian sensitivity in 1891 by establishing the weekly Sunday World. In addition, persistent campaigning by the World from 1894 helped lead to the referendum of 1897 that allowed streetcars on Sundays. When Maclean entered the fray in 1907 in support of a municipally owned electrical utility to compete with Toronto Electric Light, he spoke from a strong populist base, reinforced by the brilliant cartoon work of Samuel Hunter*. Maclean{apos}s espousal of public interest spread through his training of such prominent newsmen as Hector Willoughby Charlesworth*, Joseph E. Atkinson*, and John Bayne Maclean*. Charlesworth remembered {d-0}W. F.{d-1} (others called him Billy) taking on any task – sweeping, hefting newsprint, {d-0}grinding out little witty paragraphs shrewd as rapier thrusts.{d-1}

Maclean{apos}s populist inclinations had probably hastened his entry into politics. Initially the World had identified itself as an {d-0}Independent Liberal{d-1} journal, but by the mid 1880s it was criticizing Ontario{apos}s Liberal premier, Oliver Mowat*, over liquor licensing and other issues. Maclean ran unsuccessfully for the provincial legislature in 1890 as a Conservative in Wentworth North. Federally the following year he almost upset former prime minister Alexander Mackenzie* in York East. Victorious in the by-election there on 11 May 1892, he was repeatedly re-elected in this Toronto-area riding and, from 1904, in York South.

In the House of Commons, he was as mercurial as he was at his newspaper. Nominally a Conservative, particularly on the protective tariff, he gained a reputation for unpredictable independence. As early as 1894 some Conservatives called him the {d-0}man with the knife{d-1} because of his role in breaking the news of Prime Minister Sir John Sparrow David Thompson*{apos}s serious state of health. Maclean{apos}s attempts to undermine Ontario Conservative leader James Pliny Whitney* and then federal leader Robert Laird Borden*, combined with rumours of his involvement in starting new parties, led the Daily Mail and Empire to read him out of the party in 1905. He subsequently ran as an independent Conservative. In 1907 his connivance to help the Liberal government of Sir Wilfrid Laurier* led to his acclamation the following year; at his nomination he lashed out at big business, appeared to befriend labour, and posted himself as the harbinger of {d-0}new ideas and new things for my party{apos}s platform. . . . The party system{apos}s all right, but I am not a machine.{d-1} Conservative distrust deepened when he supported Laurier{apos}s naval policy in 1910. In 1926 the maverick mp was defeated by a bona fide Conservative, Robert Henry McGregor.

If Maclean{apos}s independence cost him respect, his 34 years as a backbencher and unrelenting promotion of radical causes gained him notoriety. His favourite demands included a {d-0}Bank of Canada,{d-1} a national currency, the public ownership of railways, hydroelectricity, and telephones, and a uniform passenger rate on trains. His nationalism, expressed in his opposition to reciprocity and his calls for a Canadian-made constitution and a Canadian head of state, could occasionally take an eccentric turn. He argued, for example, that Hudson Bay should be renamed {d-0}Canada{apos}s Sea.{d-1} In 1902, in the midst of his federal career, he had contested the mayoralty of Toronto. Dismissed by incumbent Oliver Aiken Howland as a bid to {d-0}revolutionize everything,{d-1} Maclean{apos}s platform embraced public ownership, a doubtful concern for labour, and a vigorous hostility to big corporations and monopoly. He managed to poll 8,816 votes to Howland{apos}s 13,424, a result that reflected his perennial popularity.

Maclean{apos}s political career was further hobbled because, as the Globe pointed out, he was the {d-0}poorest of business men.{d-1} The World always teetered on the edge of bankruptcy. This precarious state led Maclean to some questionable practices, giving the impression that his editorial views were for sale; in 1887 Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald* had been advised that he could be bought for $10,000. Though he remained stubbornly independent, his advocacy of some causes was tainted by self-interest. He accepted money from a grateful Toronto Railway Company after the successful Sunday battle. In 1911 the Globe claimed that the World had solicited deposits for the {d-0}rotten{d-1} Farmers Bank of Canada in exchange for its financial support. Later, Maclean{apos}s campaign for the construction of a viaduct over the Don River in Toronto was compromised by his ownership of Donlands, his farm west of the valley.

The decline of the financially troubled World, which was sold to the Daily Mail and Empire in 1921, was attributed by Hector Charlesworth to {d-0}the divided ambition of its chief,{d-1} his constant shift between the editor{apos}s desk and the {d-0}turmoils{d-1} of politics. At his death the Globe would conclude, {d-0}That quality of independence which had made him shine in journalism also made him a personality in Parliament, but it finally spelled his political ruin.{d-1} Maclean died in 1929 in York Township at Bayview, the home of his daughter and son-in-law, Henry Arthur Sifton, and was buried in the cemetery of St John{apos}s Anglican Church, York Mills (Toronto).

Examples of William Findlay Maclean{apos}s opinions on issues of the day can be found in two of his published commentaries, {d-0}Canada first – empire next,{d-1} World (Toronto), 22 Feb. 1907, and {d-0}Some of Canada{apos}s near-by problems,{d-1} Canadian Forum (Toronto), 6 (1925–26): 173–75.

AO, RG 22-305, no.63800; RG 80-5-0-139, no.13795. LAC, MG 26, G: 128184; MG 27, III, C9. Daily Mail and Empire, 7 Dec. 1929. Globe, 9 Dec. 1929. Manitoba Free Press, 9 Dec. 1929. World, 1880–1921. Christopher Armstrong and H. V. Nelles, The revenge of the Methodist bicycle company: Sunday streetcars and municipal reform in Toronto, 1887–1897 (Toronto, 1977); {d-0}The rise of civic populism in Toronto, 1870–1920,{d-1} in Forging a consensus: historical essays on Toronto, ed. V. L. Russell (Toronto, 1984), 192–237. Can., House of Commons, Debates, 1892–1926. Canadian annual rev., 1902, 1908, 1911. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). F. S. Chalmers, A gentleman of the press (Toronto and New York, 1969). H. [W.] Charlesworth, Candid chronicles: leaves from the note book of a Canadian journalist (Toronto, 1925). Ross Harkness, J. E. Atkinson of the {d-0}Star{d-1} (Toronto, 1963). [J.] S. Roe, {d-0}In harness under {s-0}W. F.,{s-1-unknown}{d-1} Saturday Night, 21 Dec. 1929: 5. Paul Rutherford, A Victorian authority: the daily press in late nineteenth-century Canada (Toronto, 1982). Minko Sotiron, From politics to profits: the commercialization of Canadian daily newspapers, 1890–1920 (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1997).

Reputedly the first white child born in New Westminster, Sam Maclure was the eldest son of John Maclure, a Scottish surveyor who had come to British Columbia with the Royal Engineers [see Richard Clement Moody*]. Raised on the family homestead at Matsqui, Sam was educated in area schools and at Victoria{apos}s high school. He was intent on pursuing art. After some time working as a telegraph operator and government agent, in 1884–85 he attended the Spring Garden Institute in Philadelphia, where he was most taken with architecture. Financial problems cut short his stay, however, and he returned to British Columbia. Supporting himself as a telegrapher for the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway, he studied architecture at home and produced watercolour paintings for sale. Art was more than a hobby – as an architect Maclure would produce meticulous presentation drawings and garden plats. His landscapes would evolve from harsh, linear depiction to a freer impressionistic style in which he brilliantly captured watery reflection, refracted light, and the aerial effects of mist, all of which have become a commonplace of the British Columbia artistic tradition.

In 1889 Maclure joined architect Charles Henry Clow in New Westminster. Two years later he established a brief partnership with Richard P. Sharp. Maclure{apos}s surviving residential commissions from this period exhibit prevailing High Victorian tastes and were evidently based on pattern-books. His elopement and marriage to Daisy Simpson, at the house of his sister Sara Anne in Vancouver, may have generated more excitement than his conventional architecture.

Maclure opened a practice in Victoria in 1892. His first major project, the Temple Building for merchant Robert Ward (1893), reflects the Chicago School style. Commercial work, however, was not to form the core of his early output. Among his most successful designs were variations of the alpine house, which adapted the arts-and-crafts form to the steep slopes of Victoria{apos}s Rockland area. Rigid symmetrical planning was a distinctive feature of these small, shingle-style bungalows, including his own house of 1899. In 1900 Maclure broke through to the patronage of Victoria{apos}s commercial and political elite with the residence he designed for Robin Dunsmuir, a son of James Dunsmuir*. It brought him many lucrative commissions, including Government House (1901–3), a project he shared with Victoria{apos}s leading institutional architect, Francis Mawson Rattenbury*, and James Dunsmuir{apos}s Hatley Park residence (1907–8). His collaboration with Rattenbury would continue in the design of buildings for the Bank of Montreal in developing towns in the interior.

The period 1900–14 was the high point of Maclure{apos}s practice. In addition to his grand projects, he executed numerous more modest residential commissions. For small cottages he utilized board-and-batten cladding or sometimes slabs of unbarked fir. His larger houses were characterized by superb, dramatic staircases and halls backlit with banks of stained glass. Maclure{apos}s difficulty in retaining contractors to execute his meticulously detailed designs was an indication of both his insistence on high-quality materials and workmanship and his close supervision. He took pains in selecting sites, and could display admirable tact in dealing with demanding clients. Although his commissions reflected the influence of arts-and-crafts and shingle-style practitioners – his materials and axial planning show an affinity with the work of Wilson Eyre, whose circle he may have known in Philadelphia – Maclure catered more and more to the English revivalist tastes of his clientele. As a result his houses began to incorporate, in a robust, vernacular fashion, elements of the Queen-Anne style: half-timbered surfaces, tall chimney stacks, and complex roofscapes, notably, for instance, in the houses done in Victoria for wholesale merchant Biggerstaff Wilson (1905) and Charles Fox Todd (1907), son of salmon canner Jacob Hunter Todd*.

In 1903 Maclure had taken on as a draftsman Cecil Croker Fox, a former student of the premier British arts-and-crafts architect, Charles Francis Annesley Voysey. By 1905, to accommodate his growing business in Vancouver, Maclure had gone into partnership with Fox and they opened an office there, which Fox ran until he went off to war in 1915. After his death the following year, a loss that devastated Maclure, the office was closed. During their years together many Voysey elements had appeared in Maclure{apos}s commissions, particularly in his smaller houses but most obviously in the work of the Vancouver office, which provided many estate-style houses for the prestigious Shaughnessy Heights and Point Grey areas, often in association with landscape architects such as Thomas Hayton Mawson.

During the war, a lack of work produced some financial hardship for Maclure, who, one employee recalled, resorted on occasion to selling his paintings. In the following years, with the decline of wealth and social grandeur in Victoria, large commissions became rare. Maclure was able, however, to reopen his Vancouver office in 1920, and subsequently he turned increasingly to the neo-Georgian idiom. His most flamboyant commission in this style, a house in Victoria{apos}s exclusive Oak Bay neighbourhood for lumber baron Robert William Gibson, had been taken over from Rattenbury and completed in 1919. Among the few other outstanding buildings from Maclure{apos}s post-war practice is the rustic-style house executed for newspaper magnate Walter Cameron Nichol in Sidney (1925). By this time Maclure{apos}s landscape designs had gained a reputation, with many plans being produced for Jennie Foster Butchart{apos}s famous public garden project near Victoria. Maclure died in 1929 following a prostate operation, and his ashes were taken to Matsqui. His practice in Victoria was liquidated but the Vancouver branch was continued by his partner there, Ross Anthony Lort.

Though not given to extensive travel, Maclure had always kept in touch with the outside world. There were occasional trips to San Francisco; Kirtland Kelsey Cutter, an architect in Spokane, Wash., was a close friend; and the Dunsmuirs paid for Sam and Daisy to go England to select furniture for Hatley Park. A sensitive family man and an Anglican, Maclure was renowned as an extremely generous, kind, and cultured individual, well-versed in music and literature; his wife was an accomplished pianist and a portrait painter. Both were founding members in 1909 of the Vancouver Island Arts and Crafts Society. Maclure{apos}s work was published in the Canadian Architect and Builder (Toronto), Craftsman (Eastwood, N.Y.), Studio (London), and Country Life (New York), journals that often brought him fresh ideas. He is reputed to have corresponded with architectural modernist Frank Lloyd Wright. Certainly there is much evidence of Wright in the broad overhangs of Maclure{apos}s roofs and in his studied, geometric treatment of wall surfaces.

Sam Maclure is probably the most notable of Victoria{apos}s architects for the quality, originality, and quantity of his work – over 350 documented commissions. So powerful was his influence that numerous schools and other public buildings in British Columbia continued to bear his characteristic hallmarks, a mixture of the shingle style and English revival, well into the 1930s. His oeuvre, especially his use of half-timbering, still sets the architectural tone of Rockland and Uplands Estates in Victoria and Shaughnessy Heights and Point Grey in Vancouver.

BCA, CM-B308; CM-B944, sh.1–sh.4; CM-B1641, sh.1–sh.2; PDP00153–55, PDP00161–66, PDP01844, PDP03218, PDP03629–30, PDP03773; VF87, frames 0389, 0404, 0415, 0418. City of Vancouver Arch., Add. MSS 301 (Historic sites project); Add. MSS 314 (Janet Bingham coll.); Add. MSS 713 (Richard B. Gilman coll.); Add. MSS 1015 (R. A. Lort architect fonds); CVA 106-1 (photograph of Samuel Maclure); J. S. Matthews news clippings coll., M6015 (Maclure, Samuel); Port P984 N449 (group photograph of Maclure, McColl, and McLagan families, 1900). City of Victoria Arch., 98403-31 (Bakshish Gill, {d-0}A partial inventory of the buildings erected between 1918 & 1939,{d-1} March 1983); Demolished building plans, 2-0685, 0733, 0763–64; PR 127 (R. A. Lort fonds). Daily Colonist (Victoria), 9, 25 Aug. 1929. R. A. Lort, {d-0}Castle in the country,{d-1} Daily Colonist, 6 March 1960. Janet Bingham, Samuel Maclure, architect (Ganges, B.C., 1985). {d-0}A house in Vancouver that shows English traditions blended with the frank expression of western life,{d-1} Craftsman (New York), 13 (October 1907–March 1908): 675–81. R. [A.] Lort, {d-0}Samuel Maclure, MRAIC, 1860–1929,{d-1} Royal Architectural Institute of Canada, Journal (Toronto), 35 (1958): 114–15. P. E. Nobbs, {d-0}Some developments in Canadian architecture,{d-1} Country Life (New York), 43 (1922–23), no.3: 35–41. {d-0}Recent designs in domestic architecture,{d-1} International Studio (New York), 36 (November 1908–February 1909): 124–26. E. O. S. Scholefield and F. W. Howay, British Columbia from the earliest times to the present (4v., Vancouver, 1914), 4: 1063–64. Martin Segger, The buildings of Samuel Maclure: in search of appropriate form (Victoria, 1986). Martin Segger and Douglas Franklin, Exploring Victoria{apos}s architecture (Victoria, 1996). Carolyn Smyly, {d-0}The Maclure tradition,{d-1} Western Living (Vancouver), 8 (1978), no.6.

Sara Maclure was not quite three when she arrived in British Columbia in April 1859 with her infant sister, Susan Elizabeth, and her mother, Martha. The trio had sailed from Belfast to be reunited with the children{apos}s father, sent to the colony the previous year as a surveyor with the Royal Engineers. On completion of his service, he signed on as a surveyor for the Collins Overland Telegraph Company, which was to build a line through British Columbia to Siberia in order to connect North America with Europe. When this enterprise was abandoned in 1866 after the Atlantic cable was laid [see Frederic Newton Gisborne*], he took up a land grant on the Matsqui prairie in the Fraser valley. Hoping to improve his growing family{apos}s financial prospects, he chose a site at the junction of two Western Union Telegraph Company lines and established a repeater station in the family parlour. Sara proved an apt pupil and quickly became an accomplished telegrapher. At 15 she was placed on the company{apos}s payroll as regular operator of the Matsqui office, responsible for sending and receiving messages, including all the press dispatches from the United States. The following year she noted in her diary that she had been appointed {d-0}tester and manager of repairs from New Westminster to Yale,{d-1} sending out men to maintain the lines. In 1875, as a first-class Morse operator, she was promoted to the Victoria office. For several years before her resignation in October 1884, she was office manager, an atypical post for a woman.

Sara{apos}s resignation reflected the common practice of the period that women relinquish a salaried position on their marriage. Her husband, John Campbell McLagan, was a printer who had assisted in establishing the Victoria Daily Times earlier the same year. In 1888 McLagan began the Vancouver Daily World with capital borrowed by his wife from prominent industrialist James Dunsmuir*. The couple moved to Vancouver. How much Sara was involved with the running of the paper during her husband{apos}s lifetime is not clear. She was no doubt influential in persuading him to retain her brother Samuel to design new premises for the business in 1892. She occasionally {d-0}sat on the wire{d-1} for the paper, especially on important occasions such as elections. Her level of commitment changed with her husband{apos}s illness and his death in April 1901. Sara McLagan assumed control, functioning as publisher, managing editor, editorial writer, and sometime reporter. The introduction of a woman{apos}s page as a regular feature coincided with her assumption of ownership. These Saturday pages provided lively and well written commentaries on health, childcare, nutrition, women{apos}s clubs, local politics, and other matters. Her determination to oversee directly the continued success of the largest daily paper west of Winnipeg sometimes provoked opposition from staff who resented her interference. At one point, she became involved in a court battle with the local of the International Typographical Union to affirm her right as publisher to proof-read the paper. Despite this turmoil, the paper flourished under her direction and she sold it to a group headed by Vancouver businessman Louis Denison Taylor* for $65,000 in 1905. She continued from time to time to write copy and she edited, by invitation, special women{apos}s issues of Vancouver papers. She maintained her membership in the Canadian Women{apos}s Press Club, which she had helped to found with other women journalists covering the Louisiana Purchase exposition in 1904, and was a founding member of the British Columbia Institute of Journalists.

Like many middle-class women of her era, Sara participated in organizations designed to improve the quality of life. The centrepiece of her work was the Local Council of Women of Vancouver. A founding member in 1894, she served as treasurer (1895–97) and president (1898–1900). During her presidency she initiated the formation of a branch in New Westminster to help families in the city whose lives had been devastated by fire in 1898. As provincial vice-president of the National Council of Women of Canada from 1903 to 1907, she advocated greater rights and better conditions for British Columbia{apos}s women and children, including women{apos}s suffrage. Her desire to improve women{apos}s opportunities in the workplace led her to serve in the professions and careers department of the National Council.

While president of the local council, Sara had worked with Lady Aberdeen [Marjoribanks*] in support of the Victorian Order of Nurses. During her tenure, the council established a training home for nurses in the city and formed a chapter of the VON. She served as the chapter{apos}s secretary from 1898 to 1901 and as president from 1902 to 1906. She was also a charter member of the Vancouver General Hospital Women{apos}s Auxiliary in 1902 and she urged the construction of a hospital for aged and infirm women.

Some of Sara{apos}s volunteer work reflected other interests. In recognition of her efforts in 1894 to found the city{apos}s first cultural society, the Art, Historical and Scientific Association of Vancouver, and her service as its president in 1903, she was made an honorary life member. She had served on the committees that initiated the Vancouver branches of the Young Men{apos}s Christian Association in 1886 and the Young Women{apos}s Christian Association in 1897–98 and was a founding member of a club, the Athenaeum, and the Vancouver chapter of the Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire. In 1911, soon after its establishment, she joined the Georgian Club, a Vancouver women{apos}s organization.

Although Sara spent much of her life in the public eye, the private sphere also compelled her attention, as the mother of four children and stepmother to her husband{apos}s son from his first marriage. In 1908 she had returned to her parental home, Hazelbrae, in the Fraser valley to assist her recently widowed mother, oversee the management of the family farm, and support her brother John Charles in his brickworks at Clayburn. His initial missteps substantially depleted her finances. Never one to accept setbacks passively, she took advantage of wartime shortages of manpower and returned to telegraphy in 1916 while living for a short time with a daughter in California. The war exacted a heavy toll on her, with the death overseas of her only son, Patrick Douglas Maclure, in 1917 and a son-in-law on Armistice Day. Following World War I she arranged through a journalist friend, Julia Wilmotte Henshaw [Henderson*], to be appointed to the British Red Cross to assist the wounded and sick in France. Afterwards, she returned to Vancouver, where she remained until her death in 1924.

A pioneering {d-0}can do{d-1} spirit infused many of Sara McLagan{apos}s deeds. Despite the rhetoric of the period concerning separate spheres, she tackled tasks customarily assumed by men and succeeded. Within the sphere to which society would normally have restricted her, she fulfilled her roles as daughter, wife, mother, and maternal feminist. Generations of Vancouverites benefited from her many community endeavours.

BCA, GR-2951, no.1924-09-332253 (mfm.); GR-2962, no.1884-09-002716 (mfm.). City of Vancouver Arch., Add. MSS 54 (J. S. Matthews coll.), topical files, McLagan, J. C. [and] McLagan, Mrs J. C. (02939); Add. MSS 396 (Canadian Women{apos}s Press Club fonds). LAC, MG 28, I 232, 1. New Westminster Museum Arch. (New Westminster, B.C.), Sara Anne Maclure fonds. Univ. of B.C. Library, Rare Books and Special Coll. (Vancouver), Vancouver Council of Women records, box 3, files 1, 3; Vancouver Young Women{apos}s Christian Assoc. fonds. Vancouver Daily Province, 21 March 1924. Vancouver Daily World, 1888–1905. Vancouver Evening Sun, 21 March 1924. J. D. Adams, {d-0}Clayburn: a study of its brick industry, its architecture, and its preservation{d-1} (M.MUSEOL. thesis, Univ. of Toronto, 1976). Art, Hist. and Scientific Assoc. of Vancouver, Museum Notes, 1 (June 1926), no.2: 9. Marjory Lang and Linda Hale, {d-0}Women of The World and other dailies: the lives and times of Vancouver newspaperwomen in the first quarter of the twentieth century,{d-1} BC Studies (Vancouver), no.85 (spring 1990): 3–23. D. A. McGregor, {d-0}Adventures of Vancouver newspapers: 1892–1926,{d-1} British Columbia Hist. Quarterly (Victoria), 10 (1946): 89–142. National Council of Women of Canada, Women of Canada: their life and work; compiled . . . for distribution at the Paris international exhibition, 1900 ([Montreal?, 1900]; repr. [Ottawa], 1975). E. O. S. Scholefield and F. W. Howay, British Columbia from the earliest times to the present (4v., Vancouver, 1914), 4: 1191. Who{apos}s who in western Canada . . . (Vancouver), 1912.

Throughout his life, Charles Mair, the {d-0}warrior bard,{d-1} considered it his patriotic duty to crusade for Canada. He attributed this conviction to his origin in the Ottawa valley {d-0}in its primitive day.{d-1} His paternal grandfather had come to Lanark in 1824 at age 78 and established two general stores; in 1831 his son and daughter-in-law left Scotland to join him in the merchant and timber trade. In his memoirs Mair would recall the romance and drama of the trade: {d-0}I loved the river life, the great pineries in winter, where the timber was felled and squared.{d-1} He disliked the discipline of the schoolmaster in Lanark and his years at the Perth Grammar School, but he recalled the pastimes enjoyed by the villagers as idyllic: shinty on ice, games, trapping, making maple syrup, and visiting Indian encampments. This love of living close to the natural environment would remain with him, as would the anxiety of a second recollection: the conspicuous presence of disabled war pensioners, who conducted regular militia exercises for the young men in Lanark to guard against American invasion. Much of Mair{apos}s career would unfold as a loyalist campaign for a strong dominion.

Though his father intended him to study medicine at Queen{apos}s College in Kingston, Mair left after one year (1856–57) to help with the family{apos}s troubled businesses in Lanark. He worked as a clerk for ten years, and began publishing poems in newspapers and journals. He returned to Queen{apos}s in 1867, but, as he later recalled, {d-0}there is no such thing as free will; destiny rules.{d-1} During this year of study he completed the manuscript for his first book, Dreamland and other poems (Montreal, 1868). After the spring term in 1868 he went to Ottawa, where his publisher was having it printed. He mixed there with a civil servant and writer he had met in 1864, Henry James Morgan*, who introduced him to three young lawyers interested in the challenges facing the new dominion, George Taylor Denison, William Alexander Foster*, and Robert Grant Haliburton*. Together they organized the overtly nationalistic Canada First movement, which began as a small social group.

Through Morgan, Mair caught the attention of William McDougall*, the mp for Lanark North and minister of public works in the cabinet of Sir John A. Macdonald*. McDougall offered Mair a summer job as his research secretary to help the new Canadian government in its effort to annex the western territories controlled by the Hudson{apos}s Bay Company. Pleased with Mair{apos}s work, he chose him as his secretary for the mission to London to negotiate the transfer, but when Mair{apos}s sister in St Catharines fell ill, Mair went instead to visit her. At the point of leaving in October, McDougall appointed him paymaster for the construction of a road from Lake of the Woods to Upper Fort Garry (Winnipeg) [see John Allan Snow*]. Though Mair feared the job would interfere with his studies, he understood that McDougall was offering him the opportunity to {d-0}describe the country, a sealed book as yet to the Canadian people,{d-1} a chance that could involve the poet directly in the patriotic positioning of Canada First. Toronto Globe editor George Brown*, who shared McDougall{apos}s transcontinental vision, hired Mair as a correspondent to inspire eastern interest in the northwest frontier.

Mair left just as Dreamland was published. It demonstrates a conventional colonial approach to poetry. Such poems as {d-0}August{d-1} succeed in their attention to natural detail: descriptions of the blueflies, the milkmaids, and the {d-0}ribby-lean{d-1} cattle in parched fields anticipate the mature nature poetry of Archibald Lampman*. But too often he wrote not of the timberlands he knew but of a dreamland weakly modelled upon the romantic flights of Keats. He would return throughout his career to variations of this dream of a heavenly realm that is sustained (as in {d-0}Dreamland{d-1}) until dashed by the corruption of {d-0}brawling mammonists.{d-1} Amidst reviewers of the book, many of whom lauded Mair for giving voice to a new land, there were two Canadian critics to whom he paid respectful attention. The first was the established poet Charles Sangster*, who referred to Canada{apos}s sophisticated literary tradition as one that was habitually overlooked in the popular press, which naively greeted each new poet as the first songster to {d-0}view our songless shores.{d-1} The second was Mair{apos}s fellow Canada First advocate R. G. Haliburton, who urged Mair to Canadianize his subject matter, to look to the prairie rather than Milton for inspiration. Mair would take this criticism to heart, but in November 1868 he shifted to prose for his contributions to the Globe. These columns, which begin with his trip to Upper Fort Garry, provide a romantic account of the grandeur of the prairie – its vistas, wildlife, idyllic settlements, and loamy fields that entice the Canadian pioneer to pursue {d-0}the path of empire and the garden of the world.{d-1} Mair includes equally vivid descriptions of the outrageous characters of the frontier, among them the spinners of tales, the corrupt bureaucrats from American bordertowns, and the back-biting {d-0}halfbreeds{d-1} at the Canadian outposts. By seeming to convey the impression that any enterprising immigrant could succeed amid these people, Mair{apos}s columns caused a furore in Red River. The Métis wife of Andrew Graham Ballenden Bannatyne* took exception to his account of the tension between mixed-blood and white wives at a dinner given by Alexander Begg*. As a result she slapped and whipped Mair in public. This incident would lead to the first roman-à-clef set in the west, Begg{apos}s {s-0}Dot it down{s-1-unknown} . . . (Toronto, 1871), which presents a caricature of Mair as a self-important Upper Canadian flirt who dots down his sneering observations about the west. Mair{apos}s prose, and the reaction to it, obscured his road work, which drew more resentment. With bison scarce and crops levelled by grasshoppers in 1868, the Métis of Red River needed work on his crew, but the same Métis soon accused him of purchasing (from the Cree) land they had claimed.

Mair was also being drawn into conflict through his friendship with John Christian Schultz*, the businessman who angered both the Métis and the HBC with his advocacy of provincial status for the Red River settlement. Mair had fallen in love with Schultz{apos}s 19-year-old niece, Eliza McKenney, who had adventured out from Amherstburg, Ont. They were married in September 1869 and, for their honeymoon, they rode south to Minnesota to meet William McDougall, then on his way to Red River as lieutenant governor designate of the North-West Territories.

Despite the growing unrest among the Métis, who blocked McDougall{apos}s entry, the Mairs were determined to return to Red River, and were imprisoned for a time by the followers of Louis Riel*, some of whom Mair had employed. When the newly-weds were released and eventually reached Upper Fort Garry, they found it occupied and retreated to Schultz{apos}s warehouse, where they held out until mid December, the same month that Riel proclaimed a provisional government. Jailed again, without his wife, Mair was sentenced to be executed. After escaping with Schultz, he met briefly with Eliza until, with a bounty on his head, he fled through blizzards to St Paul, Minn. When Mair and Schultz arrived at the railway station in Toronto in April 1870, they were greeted by a crowd of 5,000; at a reception in St Lawrence Hall they spoke about the Métis insurrection. Although Macdonald{apos}s administration sought to play down the events, Mair and Schultz, with the help of Canada First advocate George Denison, campaigned for Riel{apos}s ouster. Mair and Denison believed their efforts were responsible for Ottawa{apos}s dispatch of troops under Garnet Joseph Wolseley*.

Eliza Mair{apos}s ordeal had been no less dramatic. When the guards failed to track down her husband, Riel ordered her seized, but she was hidden by the wife of the Reverend Henry George. On 4 March, the day the Métis executed Thomas Scott*, Eliza, then five months pregnant, risked capture when she searched Schultz{apos}s occupied house for the manuscripts of Charles{apos}s poetry. Riel had sacked it, however, and the papers were lost. Mair had spent five years on {d-0}Zardust and Sélima,{d-1} a poem he believed would establish his reputation, and he did not feel he could reproduce it; the loss of his manuscripts, he lamented, {d-0}broke my literary heart.{d-1} Still separated from her exiled husband, Eliza gave birth to their first child in July in Winnipeg. Mair did not see them until October.

With a family to support and his manuscripts destroyed, he settled in Portage la Prairie, Man., to work as a general-store merchant and fur trader. During his seven years in what he considered the gateway to the frontier, he served as the Manitoba agent for the North West Emigration Aid Society, which he had established with his Canada First associates. In articles in 1875 for the Canadian Monthly and National Review (Toronto) [see Graeme Mercer Adam*], he articulated their vision of the west{apos}s development within the British empire: the {d-0}boundless ocean of land . . . waiting with majestic patience for the flocks and the fields, the schools, the churches, the Christian faith and love of freedom of the coming men.{d-1} The rest of his articles comprise an aggressive statement of Anglo-Saxon ethnic nationalism in keeping with Canada First and other remarks made by Mair, who advocated a specifically Protestant immigration that would sweep aside the Roman Catholic Métis as well as the natives.

In 1877, with Portage la Prairie failing to develop commercially, the family moved to Prince Albert (Sask.). Here Mair built a store and continued to promote, in the Prince Albert Times and Saskatchewan Review, which he helped found, the need for immigrants to ensure that Canada would fulfil its imperial destiny. Such prominence kept him a target of Métis resentment. By mid 1882, fearing Riel{apos}s return, he had taken his family to Windsor, Ont., but he maintained his business in Prince Albert by wintering there for the next two years. His summer work was of a different kind. Situated close to Eliza{apos}s mother in Amherstburg, Windsor was also an ideal location for the research needed for his return to poetry, in the form of an inspirational national epic. For his subject he selected the Shawnee leader Tecumseh*, who had died in the War of 1812, which he viewed as {d-0}the turning point of Canada{apos}s destiny.{d-1} Written as a blank-verse play, Tecumseh: a drama (Toronto, 1886) would be his greatest literary accomplishment. It would honour not only the heroic principles on which the dominion was founded, but also the Indians, the {d-0}sensible, intelligent{d-1} race he had known as a boy and in the northwest. He hoped his poem would help shape a different destiny, in Canada, for a people so {d-0}villainously wronged{d-1} by the Americans. In the summer of 1882 Mair had begun examining the sites in southwestern Ontario where Tecumseh had faced the American invaders – the quiet fields where Tecumseh had supposedly grown corn and the battlefields where stone tomahawks and the bones of warriors could still be found. After his {d-0}semi-savage life{d-1} in the northwest, Mair was now composing and sharing drafts within a community of literary sympathizers.

Mair had been writing full-time for more than a year when news of the North-West uprising interrupted his work in March 1885. Some of his friends were killed in the clash between the Métis and police at Duck Lake (Sask.) [see Lief Newry Fitzroy Crozier*], and he felt duty-bound to enlist in the militia against his nemesis, Riel. As quartermaster in Denison{apos}s unit, the Governor General{apos}s Body Guard, he was stationed at Humboldt, where the troops quietly guarded a telegraph station. Back in Windsor in July, after the rebellion had been suppressed, he was intent on completing his poem, but his campaign for Riel{apos}s execution shattered his focus. Riel was hanged in November and Mair finished his poem by the end of December. On 12 Feb. 1886 he proudly sent a copy of Tecumseh to Eliza. When he and other members of the Governor General{apos}s Body Guard were presented with North West Canada medals on 24 May in Toronto, by the wife of Lieutenant Governor John Beverley Robinson*, Mair was dubbed the {d-0}warrior bard.{d-1}

Tecumseh, which Mair introduces as the {d-0}high ideal{d-1} of a {d-0}United Empire,{d-1} contrasts the Canadian tradition of cooperative self-sacrifice for the good of the community with the American tradition of divisive self-interest. Mair identifies both Tecumseh and British general Sir Isaac Brock* as exemplars of self-sacrifice. A Shakespearean model is effective in his description of the northwest (which Tecumseh visits) as an ocean with shoreless prairies and waves of bison, and in his depiction of American ruffians whose slang draws on Thomas Chandler Haliburton*{apos}s Yankee pedlar. Though Tecumseh was composed as a closet play, Mair confessed he entertained notions that it might be staged. It did receive many reviews. His representation of the native received gratifying endorsement by Mohawk poet Emily Pauline Johnson* in the Toronto World: {d-0}Mair avoids the usual commonplaces used in describing Indians by those who have never met or mixed with them.{d-1} The Globe praised the play with a lofty comparison: {d-0}As the play of Henry V was a song of triumph to the English of Shakespeare{apos}s time, so is this a song of triumph for the Canadians of today.{d-1} However, Mair would overdo his nationalist intentions: in Tecumseh: a drama, and Canadian poems (Toronto, 1901) he tries to Canadianize his earliest pieces by replacing medieval knights with the warriors and heroines of 1812.

At the height of his literary career, Mair and his family moved back in the summer of 1886 to Prince Albert, where he became active as a storekeeper, rancher, postmaster, and real-estate agent. He planned to write an even more ambitious drama, on the British conquest of Canada, but managed only to publish occasional poems. One of them, {d-0}The last bison,{d-1} which appeared in Dominion Illustrated (Montreal) in 1888, identifies a concern Mair would pursue in prose. His impassioned essay on {d-0}The American bison . . . with reference to its threatened extinction and possible preservation,{d-1} published in 1890 in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, to which he had been elected the previous year, may have been a factor in the federal government{apos}s attempts in 1898–99 to establish a herd in Rocky Mountains Park at Banff (Alta). In 1893 Mair left Prince Albert for St Paul. There he encouraged immigrants to move on to the northwest, and he visited Chicago to set up a Canadian exhibit at the Columbian exposition. He located next in Kelowna, B.C., where he opened a store, but he grew increasingly despondent until, in 1898, interior minister Clifford Sifton appointed him as a travelling immigration agent, based initially in Winnipeg. Helping immigrants settle on the frontier fitted Mair{apos}s interests; he played some role, for instance, in the selection of land in the Swan River district (Sask.) by Doukhobor agents in late 1898. A four-month interruption of work in 1899 was another perfectly suited opportunity: he was granted leave to serve as English secretary of the commission established to deal with the land claims of the mixed-blood population of the northern region being transferred under Treaty No.8 [see James Andrew Joseph McKenna*]. His book on the commission{apos}s expedition, published in Toronto in 1908 and his major work of prose, is introduced as an Arcadian narrative and a plea for Canada to protect the primitive customs and traditions of an innocent people from the corrupt civilization of HBC traders and Klondike gold seekers. He contextualizes his journey in the early exploration narratives of Sir Alexander Mackenzie* and Sir George Simpson*, and focuses on the changes that had occurred during the 19th century as his party passed the ruins of forts and followed old buffalo paths and wallows overgrown with strawberry vines and saskatoon clumps. Mair was surprised to encounter, instead of the picturesque {d-0}savage types{d-1} of old, groups of natives in {d-0}store-clothes.{d-1} Through the Mackenzie basin: a narrative of the Athabasca and Peace River treaty expedition of 1899 marks the culmination of his long campaign for a northern dominion as a bulwark against American expansion.

Mair retired from the immigration office at Fort Steele in 1921 at age 83. He lived with his daughter Fanny George in Calgary until he moved to a retirement home in Victoria. In 1924 he was awarded an lld by Queen{apos}s University. Another honour, long in the works, was the volume of his poetry, prose, and memoirs edited by John William Garvin* and released in April 1927 as a tribute to the old warrior bard. After celebrating the diamond jubilee of Canada on Dominion Day by sending a telegram to the Canadian Authors Association, Mair died on 7 July. He was buried beside Eliza in Ross Bay Cemetery in Victoria.

The extravagant claims by Garvin and Robert Winkworth Norwood* in the tribute volume that Mair was Canada{apos}s greatest poet were ill founded, but his considerable achievements have since been neglected or disparaged. Though his role as a founding member of the Canada First movement and his campaign for frontier immigration led him into conflict with the Métis, Mair{apos}s negative reputation for his imperialist stance might be measured against his later successes as an immigration agent and his well-meaning praise for the dignity of the native peoples. Mair{apos}s part in promoting a sanctuary for bison places him among our first conservationists. A scholarly edition of his prose is needed to bring together his Red River correspondence, {d-0}The American bison,{d-1} and Through the Mackenzie basin for further scrutiny of his ideology. His Tecumseh is a major contribution to our 19th-century literary heritage, wherein the War of 1812 is the central event of Canadian history. Among the many literary treatments of this war, including works by Sangster, John Richardson*, and Sarah Anne Curzon [Vincent*], Tecumseh stands as the most accomplished.

Charles Mair{apos}s papers are at QUA. Bibliographies of his writings are in Tecumseh: a drama, and Canadian poems; Dreamland and other poems; The American bison; Through the Mackenzie basin; Memoirs and reminiscences, ed. J. W. Garvin, intro. R. [W.] Norwood (Toronto, 1926), in Norman Shrive{apos}s excellent biography, Charles Mair, literary nationalist (Toronto, 1965), and in Shrive{apos}s The voice of the Burdash: Charles Mair and the divided mind in Canadian literature (London, Ont., 1995). Mair{apos}s Red River articles in the Globe, some first published in the Perth Courier (Perth, Ont.), appeared on 14, 27 Dec. 1868; 4 Jan., 16 Feb., 28 May 1869. His two articles for the Canadian Monthly and National Rev. (Toronto) are {d-0}The new Canada: its natural features and climate,{d-1} 8 (July–December 1875): 1–8 and {d-0}The new Canada: its resources and productions,{d-1} 8: 156–64. {d-0}The last bison{d-1} was printed in Dominion Illustrated (Montreal), 1 (1888): 155 and {d-0}The American bison . . . with reference to its threatened extinction and possible preservation{d-1} was published in RSC, Trans., 1st ser., 8 (1890), sect.ii: 93–108. The reviews of Mair{apos}s works by Sangster, Haliburton, and Johnson appeared respectively in the Times (Ottawa), 10 Feb. 1869, Evening Reporter and Tri-Weekly Times (Halifax), 13 July 1869, and World (Toronto), 22 March 1892. The Globe reviewed Tecumseh on 20 Feb. 1886.

Useful insight into Mair{apos}s ideology, writings, and career may be found in C. C. Berger, The sense of power; studies in the ideas of Canadian imperialism, 1867–1914 (Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1970); Leslie Monkman, {d-0}Charles Mair,{d-1} in Profiles in Canadian literature, ed. J. M. Heath (6v., Toronto, 1980–91), 5: 49–56; Fred Cogswell, {d-0}Charles Mair,{d-1} in Canadian writers and their works, ed. Robert Lecker et al., intro. George Woodcock (24v. in 2 ser., Toronto, 1983–96), poetry ser., 1 (1988): 119–55; Leslie Monkman, A native heritage: images of the Indian in English-Canadian literature (Toronto, 1981); and the introduction by D. W. Leonard and Brian Calliou to Through the Mackenzie basin: an account of the signing of Treaty No.8 and the scrip commission, 1899 (Edmonton, 1999).

A member of the Patrons of Husbandry, Mallory was drawn to the Patrons of Industry, an agrarian body founded in Michigan in 1887. County units of this organization were formed in Ontario and in February 1890 Mallory and other local delegates gathered in Sarnia to form a grand association in affiliation with the American body. Mallory was elected vice-president, a position he retained in the autonomous association organized in London in September 1891. The following year he became president, in which office he served until 1898. Using the elevated rhetoric of agrarian and urban radicalism, the Patrons of Industry called for sweeping reforms, including the elimination of tariffs on {d-0}the necessaries of life,{d-1} enhanced democratic mechanisms, and {d-0}purity{d-1} in public life. During his tenure Mallory, in eloquent, well-publicized speeches, called upon farmers to renounce their old Conservative and Liberal party allegiances, to fight against monopolies and other corrupt business practices, and to build a more egalitarian and democratic society. The Patrons also established or supported several cooperative enterprises, including a binder-twine factory at Brantford and a salt company at Kincardine, and formed an alliance with the Canada Farmers{s-1-unknown} Sun (London, Ont.; Toronto), begun by George Weston Wrigley* in 1892. For a short time in the mid 1890s Mallory was president of the Sun Publishing Company.

In 1895–96 Mallory, a former Liberal, participated in two secret attempts to collude with the federal Liberals. In 1895 his brother Albert Ethanan, a physician in Colborne, Ont., informed party leader Wilfrid Laurier* that a {d-0}person high up in the Councils of the Patrons{d-1} (almost certainly Caleb) wanted to work out an electoral arrangement whereby Liberals would not field candidates in ridings where Patrons{s-1-unknown} nominees were likely to win, and vice versa, thus preventing Conservative victories as a result of split voting. But no agreement was reached.

The second bid to trade off ridings, this time involving Liberal brokers and Caleb Mallory directly, became public knowledge. Mallory weakly defended his actions by pointing out that the Liberals had eventually backed out of the arrangement. The fact, however, that he had secretly negotiated with both the Liberals and parliamentary maverick D{apos}Alton McCarthy* further demoralized the Patrons movement, which was struggling through internal divisions and failed attempts to join with urban labourites. His actions also fuelled charges that the Patrons were not the independent political force they purported to be but were merely disguised Liberals. In what undoubtedly was a sincere effort to obtain a presence in the House of Commons and deny seats to the protectionist Conservatives, Mallory, in the minds of many members, particularly secretary-treasurer L. A. Welch, had committed an unpardonable sin: he had connived with one of the vilified and patronage-ridden old parties.

Mallory nonetheless managed to retain credibility and the leadership of the movement. He contested the riding of Northumberland East in the federal election of June 1896 and publicly encouraged Patrons{s-1-unknown} locals elsewhere to endorse candidates; he lost by a narrow margin to his Conservative opponent, Edward Cochrane*. By this time, however, the Patrons were in irreversible decline and, overwhelmed by the Manitoba school question and other major political issues, they managed to elect only three mps.

In an attempt to revitalize the farmers{s-1-unknown} movement in Ontario, Mallory and other leading agrarians formed the Farmers{s-1-unknown} Association of Ontario in September 1902. Its purpose was to press for legislation that benefited farmers. At the inaugural meeting in Toronto, which he chaired, Mallory was elected president, but he remained in the position for only a year. Though still vehemently opposed to protective tariffs that favoured manufacturers, he seemed content to pass the lead to such younger activists as James Lockie Wilson, James J. Morrison*, and Ernest Charles Drury*. In his sixties, he had probably lost much of the energy he had exhibited in the formative years of the Patrons, though around 1909–10 he played some role in the formation of the Canadian Council of Agriculture, for which he was honoured in the Weekly Sun (Toronto).

At the time of his death in 1926, Mallory was a largely forgotten figure in Ontario{apos}s agrarian movement. There appears to have been no tribute to him in the Farmers{s-1-unknown} Sun (Toronto), by then the official newspaper of the United Farmers of Ontario. Even so, his contributions to agrarian populism had been substantial. His thoughtful attacks on blind party loyalty, high tariffs, and monopolies, and his appeals for a more democratic and egalitarian Canada, had struck responsive chords in many who heard or read his words. Moreover, the Ontario farm leaders who succeeded him, including Drury, Morrison, and William Charles Good*, were all indebted to the ground-breaking work undertaken by the Patrons under Mallory{apos}s capable, if occasionally contradictory, direction.

Caleb Alvord Mallory is the author of {d-0}The Patrons of Industry Order,{d-1} in Canada, an encyclopaedia (Hopkins), 5: 100–5.

AO, F 179; RG 22-191, no.10947; RG 80-8-0-677, no.29182; RG 80-27-2, 39: 47–48. LAC, MG 26, G: 3548–51, 3561–63; RG 31, C1, 1871, Hamilton Township, Ont., div.1: 66. Northumberland East Land Registry Office (Colborne, Ont.), Percy Township, deeds, 1862–69: 231–32 (mfm. at AO). TRL, SC, Biog. scrapbooks, 12: 18. Canada Farmers{s-1-unknown} Sun (London, Ont.; Toronto), 7 Feb., 7 March 1893; 27 May 1896. Cobourg World (Cobourg, Ont.), 12 Dec. 1902, 21 June 1918, 9 Dec. 1926. London Free Press, 30 May, 6 June 1896. Weekly Sun (Toronto), 17 Dec. 1902. Canadian annual rev., 1903: 85, 442. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). Farmers{s-1-unknown} Assoc., The Farmers{s-1-unknown} Association: grounds on which it seeks the cooperation of all farmers ([Toronto, 1903]); The Farmers{s-1-unknown} Association: origin and purpose of the organization (Toronto, n.d.; copy in AO, Pamphlet coll., n.d., F, no.2). From a farmer{apos}s standpoint (n.p., 1904; copy in AO, Pamphlet coll., 1904, no.25). W. C. Good, Farmer citizen: my fifty years in the Canadian farmers{s-1-unknown} movement (Toronto, 1958). Patrons of Industry of North America, Grand Assoc. of Ontario, Minutes of the annual meeting (Strathroy), 1893–95. S. E. D. Shortt, {d-0}Social change and political crisis in rural Ontario: the Patrons of Industry, 1889–1896,{d-1} in Oliver Mowat{apos}s Ontario: papers presented to the Oliver Mowat colloquium, Queen{apos}s University, November 25–26, 1970, ed. Donald Swainson (Toronto, 1972), 211–35. L. A. Wood, A history of farmers{s-1-unknown} movements in Canada (Toronto, 1924; repr., intro. F. J. K. Griezic, Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1975).

MARCHAND, CHARLES (baptized Joseph-Charles-Édouard), office holder, baritone, folklorist, journalist, and artistic director; b. 8 May 1890 in Saint-Paul-l{apos}Ermite (Le Gardeur), Que., son of Sévère-Gaspard Marchand, a mechanic, and Zoé Quintal; m. 19 Oct. 1912 Marie-Anita Reinhardt in Hull, Que.; three sons and one daughter survived him; d. 1 May 1930 in Montreal.

Charles Marchand attended the Collège de L{apos}Assomption from 1902 to 1906, and then completed his classical studies at the Collège Bourget in Rigaud. In 1910 he moved to Hull and found employment with the federal Department of the Interior. It was through this position (which he would leave around 1918 to devote himself to singing and to folklore) that he met Fortunat Champagne, who would become a colleague.

Marchand made his first public appearance in Ottawa in 1910, as a member of the cast of the play Fleur d{apos}ajonc by Théodore Botrel, who was a popular entertainer in French Canada at that time. Next he used his baritone voice for the benefit of parish charities, performing without pay at various events. His repertoire showed some similarity to that of Botrel, who highlighted rustic and Catholic Breton songs, but it gradually came to reflect the concrete realities of French Canadian life. In 1915 he began working with Oscar O{apos}Brien*, who would arrange some 150 pieces for him, and with Maurice Morisset, who would write some of his songs. Marchand made his professional debut in Montreal on 12 March 1919 at the Salle Lafontaine.

Marchard gave his first important performance in May of the following year, when he was accompanied by harmonica players and fiddlers in traditional costume. The event took place at the Monument National in Montreal, the city to which he had recently moved; he is said to have studied singing there, with Jean Riddez and Max Pantaleieff. Alexandre D{apos}Aragon, in an article on Marchand in the Saint-Jérôme paper L{apos}Action musicale, littéraire et artistique on 14 May 1932, would emphasize his fine {d-0}timbre{d-1} and his {d-0}warmth in communicating.{d-1} These gifts, along with the raftsman{apos}s costume and ceinture fléchée he wore when he performed his rousing songs, would make Marchand an emblem of the French Canada of his day.

Marchand, O{apos}Brien, and Morisset, along with pianist Ernest Patience, founded a musical movement named the Carillon Canadien on 31 Jan. 1922. From 1922 to 1925 Marchand toured Quebec and visited parts of Ontario and a few towns in western Canada and in New England. He became editor of Le Carillon, which was published in Montreal from May 1926 to March 1927, when it merged with La Lyre. The periodical described itself as a theatrical, musical, and literary magazine seeking to promote {d-0}la bonne chanson.{d-1} The publishing house Le Carillon brought out the songs by Morisset and O{apos}Brien that Marchand performed.

Charles Marchand helped gain recognition for the oral tradition by performing the repertoire that Marius Barbeau* had assembled; Marchand contributed to Barbeau{apos}s efforts. Besides Morisset and O{apos}Brien, his colleagues included songwriters Pierre Dupaigne, Lucien Sirois, Hector Nadeau, and Robert Choquette*, as well as musician Hector Latour. From 1922 to 1926 he made many solo recordings for Edison and Columbia in New York and the Starr studios in Montreal. Marchand helped bring French Canadian songs into the cause of {d-0}la bonne chanson,{d-1} which until then had consisted mainly of Botrel{apos}s work.

AC, Hull, État civil, Catholiques, Notre-Dame-de-Grâce (Hull), 19 oct. 1912. ANQ-M, CE605-S33, 8 mai 1890. Le Devoir, 2 mai 1930. Dictionnaire biographique des musiciens canadiens (2e éd., Lachine, Qué., 1935). Encyclopedia of music in Canada (Kallmann et al.). Gabriel Labbé, Les pionniers du disque folklorique québécois, 1920–1950 (Montréal, 1977). Bruno Roy, Panorama de la chanson au Québec ([Montréal], 1977). Soc. Hist. de Montréal et Soc. de Folklore d{apos}Amérique (section de Québec), Veillées du bon vieux temps à la Bibliothèque Saint-Sulpice, à Montréal, les 18 mars et 24 avril 1919 (Montréal, [1920]).

One of a family of 11 children, Joséphine Marchand spent her early years in Saint-Jean. Because she was fidgety, she was nicknamed Froufrou, but in her adult years she would be calm and reserved. Her father, Félix-Gabriel, was a notary by training. In 1860, with Charles Laberge* and Isaac Bourguignon, he had founded a Liberal semi-weekly in Saint-Jean known as Le Franco-Canadien. From 1867 he represented the riding of Saint-Jean in the Legislative Assembly. After pursuing a career both in politics and in letters, he would become premier of Quebec on 24 May 1897. Joséphine{apos}s mother, Hersélie, had been educated at the Couvent de Saint-Roch at Quebec, and loved to read. She unquestionably belonged to one of the most prominent Quebec families of the time.

Joséphine Marchand began to write for publication in 1879. Over the next 12 years her work, usually in the form of short stories and tales, would appear in Le Franco-Canadien, of which her father was editor, and the Montreal newspapers La Patrie and L{apos}Opinion publique; Honoré Mercier*, a family friend, insisted on representing her in her dealings with the latter. Her private diary, begun at the age of 17, is a valuable document, both for the information it contains and for the picture it provides of her. (Her husband would be unaware of its existence until after her death.) Among other things, the young woman tells of the curiosity her by-line aroused. In truth, at the time she began writing few women were trying their hand at literary endeavours in French Canada. Until then, Félicité Angers, known as Laure Conan, had been almost the only one. From the outset of Joséphine{apos}s career, her father, who was her first reader and critic, acknowledged that she showed a certain facility of expression, but he maintained, according to her private diary, that she would have to {d-0}work very seriously to eliminate many stylistic shortcomings.{d-1}

On 12 Jan. 1886, in the parish of Saint-Jean-l{apos}Évangéliste in Saint-Jean, Joséphine Marchand married Raoul Dandurand, who described himself at the time as a gentleman and lawyer. For their honeymoon they went to New York. Their only daughter, Gabrielle, was born in December of that year. In 1891 they would use all their ready money ($2,000) for a five-month stay in Europe. Over the years Joséphine would take at least six more trips overseas, travelling to France, England, Germany, Austria, and Italy. A Liberal in politics, Raoul Dandurand was appointed to the Senate in 1898, assuming a heavy responsibility for a young man of 36. In his memoirs, which were to be published in 1967, he told of Joséphine{apos}s influence, claiming that he would not have been made a senator had it not been for her prestige and the affection she inspired in the people who met her.

Joséphine Dandurand enjoyed great success with her writing. In 1888 a performance of {d-0}Quand on s{apos}aime, on se marie{d-1} at the Académie de Musique de Québec aroused public interest. This one-act comedy in prose would come out in 1896 with the title Rancune. In 1889 she published Contes de Noël under the pseudonym Josette, which she had been using since she began to write. With a preface by Fréchette, it was a collection of eight stories that had previously appeared in magazines. According to Fréchette – a man of his times – the style of the stories revealed {d-0}the author{apos}s femininity{d-1} hidden behind the pseudonym. She then brought out two short children{apos}s plays, Ce que pensent les fleurs in 1895 and La carte postale the following year. All four of these works were published in Montreal.

In January 1893 Dandurand founded Le Coin du feu in Montreal. With the inauguration of this monthly magazine she established a secure place for herself in the field of journalism. Le Coin du feu was the first French-language periodical in Canada edited by a woman and intended specifically for women. Although she could occasionally count on prestigious contributors – Félicité Angers, Marie Gérin-Lajoie [Lacoste*], Jules Simon, and Paul Bourget – as founder and editor she herself produced much of the material: a leading column signed with her married name, Mme Dandurand; columns titled {d-0}Travers sociaux,{d-1} signed Marie Vieuxtemps and devoted to dissecting the shortcomings of middle-class society; and the articles by Météore, in which she dealt with literature and the French language. This forum enabled her to explore her favourite topics, including literature, family relationships, feminism, the intellectual awakening of women, and politics. In December 1893, for example, she published the opinions of a number of people, including her mother, Félicité Angers, Joseph-Israël Tarte*, and Arthur Buies, on the subject of women{apos}s suffrage. Regular columns on cooking, fashion, hygiene, and health, as well as articles for children, poems, and illustrations, were included in the 30-odd pages of each number.

In the last issue of Le Coin du feu, which appeared in December 1896, Dandurand published an appeal for a flourishing women{apos}s press. {d-0}For the experiment has been done. A women{apos}s publication dealing with private family concerns – material as well as intellectual and moral – is timely and desirable in our society.{d-1} In order to justify this opinion, she mentioned her {d-0}inability to devote to journalism all the time and effort necessary for this difficult profession.{d-1} She then began writing for other Montreal publications, including Le Monde illustré (1898–1900), Le Journal de Françoise (1902–9), and La Revue moderne (1920–21). In 1901, in Montreal, she assembled 44 of her early newspaper items and two lectures in an anthology to which she gave the title Nos travers. This volume would be republished in 1924.

Along with her activities as a woman of letters, Dandurand was involved in a number of organizations. In the spring of 1894 she began a career as a public speaker, in English, at the first annual congress of the National Council of Women of Canada, which was held in Ottawa. At the conclusion of her talk on literary clubs, she expressed a wish for closer harmony between Canada{apos}s two linguistic groups. She subsequently became very active as a speaker and her eloquence even earned her the nickname {d-0}the female Laurier.{d-1} She would be provincial vice-president of the National Council of Women of Canada (1912–13, 1917–19); within its Montreal branch she held the offices of vice-president (1895–96, 1900–1, 1906–7), member of the presidential board (1903–7), and honorary vice-president (1918–21). In 1898 she founded the Œuvre des Livres Gratuits, which provided reading matter for teachers in remote areas and people from underprivileged backgrounds. In March that year the French government awarded her the title of officier d{apos}académie, in recognition of her defence of French culture in North America. Along with her fellow writer Robertine Barry*, known as Françoise, she represented Canadian women at the universal exposition in Paris in the summer of 1900. She was also one of the patronesses who in 1902 founded the women{apos}s section of the Association Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Montréal [see Jeanne Anctil].

The feminist movement {d-0}is an awakening of women to responsibility. . . . In the land as in the family, the voice of women must communicate the reassuring words that recall [us] to duty and to humanity,{d-1} declared Dandurand in the course of a lecture reprinted in Nos travers. At the heart of her feminism was above all the responsibility to develop the mind. This was the goal of her various undertakings, and indeed of her marriage, to which she chose to give the motto {d-0}Knowledge, intelligence before love!{d-1} After 1907, already overtaken by illness, she slowed the pace of her activities and less and less often wrote columns. Familiar with the world of politics, she remained closely associated with the work of her husband, who had been appointed speaker of the Senate in 1905. Astute and ambitious, she was also able to use her influence with key individuals, including Sir Wilfrid Laurier*, to advance Raoul Dandurand{apos}s career. Active all her life, she died in Montreal on 2 March 1925, following a lengthy illness, at the age of 63.

[In addition to the works mentioned above, Joséphine Marchand (Dandurand) is the author of the chapter {d-0}French Canadian customs{d-1} in National Council of Women of Canada, Women of Canada: their life and work; compiled . . . for distribution at the Paris international exhibition, 1900 ([Montreal?, 1900]; repr. [Ottawa], 1975), 22–30. She is also the author of a lecture, {d-0}Le français dans nos relations sociales,{d-1} published in Premier congrès de la langue française au Canada, Québec, 24–30 juin 1912: compte rendu (Québec, 1913), pp.537–40. For many years she kept a diary which has been published as Journal intime, 1879–1900, Edmond Robillard, édit. (Lachine, Qué., 2000); the original is in LAC, MG 27, III, B3. Joséphine Marchand also wrote articles in various periodicals; beyond those mentioned in the biography, they include Le Journal du dimanche (Montréal), 1884, Le Canada artistique (Montréal), 1890, L{apos}Alliance nationale (Montréal), 1899, and La Bonne Parole (Montréal), 1920. The contributor has compiled a partial list of Marchand{apos}s articles, a copy of which is available at the DCB. An inventory of her writings also appears in Laurette Cloutier, {d-0}Bio-bibliographie de madame Raoul Dandurand (née Joséphine Marchand){d-1} (école de bibliothécaires, univ. de Montréal, 1942). l.g.]

ANQ-M, CE604-S10, 6 déc. 1861, 12 janv. 1886. ANQ-Q, P174. Gazette (Montréal), 3 March 1925. La Patrie, 31 mai 1902. Anita, {d-0}Mme Dandurand,{d-1} La Bonne Parole, 14 (1926), no.2: 10. BCF, 1923: 157. Georges Bellerive, Brèves apologies de nos auteurs féminins (Québec, 1920). Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Raoul Dandurand, Les mémoires du sénateur Raoul Dandurand (1861–1942), Marcel Hamelin, édit. (Québec, 1967). La Directrice [Robertine Barry], {d-0}Madame la présidente du Sénat,{d-1} Le Journal de Françoise (Montréal), 3 (1904–5): 611. DOLQ, 2: 775–76. Sylvain Forêt, {d-0}Bibliographie; littérature canadienne,{d-1} Le Canada artistique, 1, no.1 (prospectus, décembre 1889): 8–9. Lionel Fortin, Félix-Gabriel Marchand (Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu, Qué., 1979). Françoise [Robertine Barry], {d-0}French Canadian women in literature,{d-1} in Women of Canada: their life and work, 190–97. Hamel et al., DALFAN, 361–62. Madeleine [A.-M.] Gleason-Huguenin, Portraits de femmes ([Montréal], 1938), 98–99. Yolande Pinard, {d-0}Les débuts du mouvement des femmes à Montréal, 1893–1902,{d-1} in Travailleuses et féministes: les femmes dans la société québécoise, sous la dir. de Marie Lavigne et Yolande Pinard (Montréal, 1983), 177–98. Diane Thibeault, {d-0}Premières brèches dans l{apos}idéologie des deux sphères: Joséphine Marchand-Dandurand et Robertine Barry, deux journalistes montréalaises de la fin du XIXe siècle{d-1} (thèse de ma, univ. d{apos}Ottawa, 1981).

A bricklayer in Quebec City, Arthur Marois was introduced to trade unionism at a very early age by his father, who had founded a bricklayers{s-1-unknown} union there in 1880. In the 1890s he belonged to the Union Nationale des Briqueteurs, Plâtriers et Maçons de Québec and was its secretary. Subsequently he became a member of the Union Secourable et Protectrice des Journaliers, which elected him a delegate to the Central Trades and Labor Council (CTLC) of Quebec. At the end of the 19th century he joined the Feuille d{apos}Érable Assembly 1160 of the Knights of Labor, {d-0}largely,{d-1} he would write, {d-0}to learn about the organization where I felt the leaders [were].{d-1} He had a good opinion of the Knights of Labor, who impressed him with their concern for the {d-0}moral and intellectual{d-1} advancement of the working class. He did not at that time take umbrage at the organization{apos}s American origins, since its leaders left the assemblies considerable autonomy. On the other hand, the condemnation of the Knights of Labor by the archbishop of Quebec, Elzéar-Alexandre Taschereau*, in 1885 had left him with a bitter taste. {d-0}Instead of doing the same thing as the American clergy, who not only gather information but sympathize with the workers, ours . . . learned only what the gossipmongers reported to them,{d-1} he would point out in March 1917 in a letter to Alfred Charpentier*, the future president of the Confédération des Travailleurs Catholiques du Canada. Many members had at that time left the Knights of Labor and, according to Marois, the organization did not recover from the blow in Quebec City. From this experience he retained the conviction that the clergy understood nothing about labour issues and that they should not interfere in union affairs.

In 1898 Marois was elected president of the CTLC of Quebec, an office he held until 1901. Established in 1889, the council had a good many Quebec unions affiliated to it; its main role was to represent them on the municipal scene while serving as a forum for discussion of matters affecting the interests of the working class. In September 1900 Marois founded Le Bulletin mensuel du travail, Quebec City{apos}s first trade union newspaper, which took as its mission {d-0}to back and defend programs of organized labour.{d-1} This monthly, which later became a weekly and which remained in publication until December 1903, sought in particular to support shoemakers{s-1-unknown} unions in their struggle to be recognized by factory owners. The members of these unions were the victims of a general lockout in October 1900 and, seeing that the conflict was dragging on, the parties agreed to resort to the arbitration of Archbishop Louis-Nazaire Bégin of Quebec [see Gaudiose Hébert]. One of the three unions affected, the Union des Cordonniers-Machinistes, was, however, particularly reluctant to subject its constitution to the archbishop{apos}s examination, as he required, for its leaders deemed that he was overstepping his authority. Marois, then still president of the CTLC, backed the shoemaking machine operators. Like them, he found it hard to understand why {d-0}the ecclesiastical authority would have become the competent court for imposing its judgements in purely civil matters.{d-1} He saw in this development {d-0}the manifest, and equally unfortunate, coalition of clerical power and capitalist forces, to enslave poor workers.{d-1} On 29 Nov. 1901 he sent a voluminous file on this matter to the federal Department of Labour, judging that the cause affected all Canadian workers and all those concerned about civil liberties. {d-0}The question,{d-1} he wrote, {d-0}is to know whether from now on everything will have to be subjected to ecclesiastical jurisdiction: finance, commerce, industry, agriculture, work, contracts, our various daily transactions. . . . Do the laws of Canada give bishops the power to bring back the horrors of the Inquisition in their respective dioceses as soon as they can find laymen interested in acting as their secular arm to implement their decisions?{d-1} Henry Albert Harper*, the deputy minister, replied cautiously that in his opinion the union should respect the archbishop{apos}s decision and that the Department of Labour could not intervene in the conflict. The episode reinforced Marois{apos}s opinion that the Catholic clergy should stay far away from union affairs. In March 1917 he would write to Alfred Charpentier: {d-0}I fully profess my faith in the Catholic Church, I have all the proper respect for the ministers of God in the teaching of dogmas, but I absolutely deny their fitness in labour matters; with very rare exceptions they do not know the first thing about them, and if you had been permitted, as I was one day, to have a private discussion with His Eminence Cardinal Bégin, and on various occasions with some of our parish priests about the condition of the workers in our country you would, like me, be able to appreciate their mentality and their autocracy, even though for the most part they are workers{s-1-unknown} sons themselves.{d-1}

Though he did not much value clerical authority where unions were concerned, Marois nonetheless did not favour workers joining international unions, which were experiencing tremendous expansion in Quebec at the beginning of the 20th century. He reproached the international unions for having {d-0}a point of view{d-1} that was {d-0}Americanizing [and] dominating{d-1} and for draining the dues of Canadians into a country {d-0}where gold flows.{d-1} He sought to group workers into purely national unions, judging that Canadians themselves should determine the direction of their trade union movement. Defiant, he submitted this proposal in 1913 to a meeting of union members from the province of Quebec who belonged to the Bricklayers, Masons, and Plasterers{s-1-unknown} International Union of America. He suggested to them that they disaffiliate their unions from this organization and that they found a national federation which, once well established in Quebec, could expand across the country. Taking advantage of a wave of discontent with {d-0}the International{d-1} among his colleagues, he initiated the process in Quebec City in July 1916 by founding the Union Canadienne des Briqueteurs, Maçons et Plâtriers. Two years later the bricklayers of Montreal left their international union and joined the Quebec bricklayers in forming on 24 Nov. 1918 the Canadian Federation of Bricklayers, Masons and Plasterers, which, it was hoped, would spread through Quebec and the rest of Canada. Marois became its secretary-treasurer. The federation gained members in other cities within the province of Quebec and for a time had three unions in Ontario. Eager to {d-0}cast off the American yoke{d-1} and to give the unions back their national autonomy, it affiliated with the Canadian Federation of Labor, a purely Canadian body, in 1920. However, English Canada responded poorly and the movement remained rather marginal in Canada.

AC, Québec, État civil, Catholiques, Saint-Roch (Québec), 24 oct. 1921. ANQ-Q, CE301-S96, 1er nov. 1872, 1er févr. 1892. Arch. de l{apos}Univ. Laval (Québec), P212 (fonds Alfred Charpentier), 1/1 (corr. avec Arthur Marois). Le Bulletin mensuel du travail (Québec), 1er sept. 1900. Le Soleil, 27 juin 1928. Alfred Charpentier, Ma conversion au syndicalisme catholique (Montréal, 1946); {d-0}Malheureuse aventure d{apos}une ex-'Union canadienne,{s-1-unknown}{d-1} in Programme-souvenir; fête du travail des syndicats catholiques nationaux (Montréal, 1930), 10–23. Jacques Rouillard, Les syndicats nationaux au Québec, de 1900 à 1930 (Québec, 1979).

Joseph Martin went to school in Milton until 1865. That year his family moved to Michigan, where he then worked as a telegrapher. He was briefly involved with the Patrons of Husbandry, a farmers{s-1-unknown} protest movement, before entering the Michigan State Normal School in Ypsilanti in 1872. The following year he transferred to the Normal School in Toronto, from which he was expelled in 1874 for unruly behaviour. His quarrelsome nature and his tendency to resort to his fists to settle disputes would soon earn him the nickname Fighting Joe. Suspicious in nature and with a capacity for pettiness, he would be known throughout his career for his feisty, combative spirit. He would also demonstrate considerable eagerness to advance his own interests.

In January 1883 Martin contested Portage la Prairie as a supporter of Thomas Greenway*{apos}s Provincial Rights party, which would form the nucleus of the provincial Liberal party shortly after the election. He won narrowly, but the results were overturned. Successful in the by-election of May 1883, he would hold the seat until 1891. His feistiness made him effective in opposition; he was a skilful debater with a biting wit. He took a leading role in the assembly, criticizing Norquay and the Canadian Pacific Railway{apos}s monopoly in the west. His attacks became harsher as Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald* began to disallow railway charters that had been passed by the provincial legislature. On 19 Jan. 1888 Greenway formed the first frankly party government in the province. Martin was installed as attorney general and commissioner of railways.

Although Martin was only one of several key figures in the school question, he played a role that was typically provocative. At a public meeting in Portage la Prairie on 5 Aug. 1889 he followed Ontario mp D{apos}Alton McCarthy*{apos}s attack on Quebec and French-language rights with an excited announcement that the Greenway government would reform the dual public school system and end government printing in French. He admitted, almost contritely, to Greenway the next day that he might have been carried away by the occasion and by his knowledge that the Liberal caucus had already decided to act on the school matter. Greenway could have disavowed Martin{apos}s declarations. He chose to proceed.

Martin introduced the new school legislation early in 1890 and thus set in motion a political upheaval that would last over a decade. He probably benefited initially from the popularity of the measures; at the same time, however, he was under severe attack from the Manitoba Free Press for conspiring to rig land sales in Portage la Prairie, a charge he chose, perhaps wisely, to leave unanswered. In December his new school legislation faced a legal challenge from Winnipeg ratepayer John Kelly Barrett*, who refused to pay his school taxes. Martin successfully represented the interests of the provincial government when the case went before the Court of Queen{apos}s Bench.

Meanwhile, Martin{apos}s influence in Manitoba was on the wane and his constant quarrels with local notables made him a political liability. Seeking a new political arena, he resigned his provincial seat in February 1891 in order to contest Selkirk, unsuccessfully, in the federal general election of March. He regained his provincial seat in the by-election held later that month to fill the vacancy. In mid April he resigned as attorney general and went back to his law practice and to a milling business he had opened in Portage la Prairie. He represented Manitoba in the Barrett case, on appeal before the Supreme Court of Canada and in London before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, where the provincial legislation was upheld in a decision rendered on 30 July 1892.

Surprisingly, Martin won the traditionally Conservative riding of Winnipeg in a federal by-election held in November 1893. He did not fit easily into the Liberal caucus. His free trade sentiments rubbed against the party{apos}s increasingly flexible position on the tariff and his French Canadian colleagues resented the role he had played in the school question. Liberal leader Wilfrid Laurier* succeeded in moderating the fiery Manitoban{apos}s slashing style. Martin took part in the long filibuster in 1896 which finally forced Conservative party leader Sir Charles Tupper* to withdraw the government{apos}s remedial school legislation and call a general election for June. Despite the rising prospects of the Liberals, Martin lost his seat. He hoped that Laurier, now prime minister, would appoint him minister of the interior nonetheless, but Clifford Sifton, the new Liberal master of the west, was chosen and Martin, without much justification, felt he had been betrayed.

In a rather extraordinary turn of events, Martin was offered a position by the CPR, probably to neutralize him. Even more curiously, he accepted and became the company{apos}s solicitor in British Columbia. The British Columbia press did not put out a welcome mat. One editor, John Houston*, urged Manitobans to keep Martin {d-0}and send on your blizzard.{d-1} Only Hewitt Bostock{apos}s Province (Victoria) seemed to look favourably on his coming. Martin arrived in Vancouver on 5 March 1897 and was soon in practice. His legal career was not without controversy. For example, in 1899 the benchers suspended him for a week for prosecuting in a civil suit on the understanding that if he won, he would receive part of the proceeds. This practice of champerty, which he had legalized in Manitoba, was contrary to the regulations of the Law Society of British Columbia. He pressed for its legalization and in 1901 the assembly would pass the necessary amendments to the Legal Professions Act.

Martin wasted little time in getting into politics. British Columbians supported Liberals or Conservatives federally but eschewed party lines provincially. Until 1903 provincial governments would be loose coalitions. Candidates presented themselves as supporters of the government or the opposition. During the provincial election of 1898 Martin ran successfully in Vancouver as an opposition candidate, criticizing the government of John Herbert Turner and its links with railway and mining magnates Daniel Chase Corbin*, Frederick Augustus Heinze, and James Dunsmuir*. He initially rejected Charles Augustus Semlin{apos}s offer of the attorney generalship, perhaps because he hoped to become leader of the new administration, but changed his mind and accepted.

As attorney general and acting minister of education from 15 Aug. 1898, Martin introduced some reforms, of which the most important was the implementation of the Torrens system of land registration [see Louis William Coutlée*]. He had difficulty being a team player, however, and his propensity to change his mind made him unpredictable. His blurring of the distinction between his public and private responsibilities brought him into conflict with his legal clients and with his cabinet colleagues, especially the minister of finance, Francis Lovett Carter-Cotton*. Semlin soon lost faith in Martin. On 1 July 1899 he asked him to resign, reportedly because he had neglected departmental business to work on his own legal practice, had revealed cabinet{apos}s private business, and, {d-0}while the worse for liquor,{d-1} had lost his temper when heckled by irate mine owners at a banquet in Rossland. Martin resigned as attorney general and {d-0}vowed vengeance{d-1} on those responsible for his overthrow, especially Carter-Cotton.

Early in the next session, Martin seemed to have become reconciled with his former political foe Dunsmuir. He attacked Semlin{apos}s government on various issues and in late February 1900, despite his promise to support a government-sponsored redistribution bill, he joined with the opposition to defeat the legislation and the Semlin administration. A few days later Lieutenant Governor Thomas Robert McInnes asked Martin to form a government; he accepted and took office on 28 February. On 1 March 1900 members dropped their usual differences and almost unanimously voted no confidence in Martin. Nevertheless he prepared his election platform. Among its most important points, he endorsed government ownership of railways and undertook to arrange for construction of the Coast-Kootenay Railway. Recognizing labour problems in the Kootenay mines, he accepted the principle of the eight-hour day. He also promised to re-enact a statute concerning Asian labour that had been disallowed by the federal government. Although the executive of the Vancouver Liberal Association quickly endorsed his policies, the executive of the provincial association unanimously opposed his premiership and the introduction of party lines.

In forming his cabinet Martin attempted to appoint only Liberals. Initially, he named Smith Curtis, his old friend and former legal partner from Portage la Prairie, minister of mines, and James Stuart Yates of Victoria commissioner of both lands and public works. Neither had a seat in the assembly. As weeks passed, even some of Martin{apos}s friends complained of his failure to complete the cabinet. The appointment of George Washington Beebe, a Fraser valley farmer with no previous legislative experience, as provincial secretary drew little attention, but a few Liberals called the selection of another unknown, Cory Spencer Ryder, a small shopkeeper, as minister of finance and agriculture {d-0}an insult to the intelligence of the people.{d-1} As criticism of Ryder{apos}s incompetence mounted, Martin replaced him with the more creditable John Cunningham Brown, the postmaster from New Westminster. Shortly thereafter, Martin called an election for 9 June. Despite a vigorous campaign, he and his forces were overwhelmingly defeated. He won in Vancouver, but lost in Victoria, where he had also run. Only five of his followers were elected. McInnes called on Dunsmuir to form an administration.

Martin became de facto the leader of the opposition. By the spring of 1901 the press noted evidence of {d-0}extreme friendliness{d-1} between him and Dunsmuir. He spoke in favour of the government{apos}s railway legislation, but dismissed as {d-0}poppycock{d-1} suggestions that he {d-0}was the guiding spirit of the administration.{d-1} Although his position within the Liberal party continued to be contested, the provincial Liberal convention of February 1902 unanimously adopted the party lines he favoured and elected him leader. As such, he claimed to be the leader of the opposition in the assembly, an assertion that led to a shoving match that same month with Conservative Richard McBride*, the other claimant to the title, over physical possession of the opposition leader{apos}s chair in the chamber. Nevertheless, Martin continued to cooperate with the Dunsmuir government since he believed it was better than a strictly Conservative administration, which might be formed if Dunsmuir were defeated. His fears were confirmed in November when Dunsmuir resigned and was replaced by Edward Gawler Prior, a well-known Conservative.

On 3 June 1903 Martin relinquished the Liberal leadership. He believed Vancouver Liberals were planning to depose him. Moreover, he had just been released from hospital after a painful operation on his leg (a childhood injury had left him with a slight limp). For him, the loss of his seat in Vancouver during the general election of 3 October was anti-climactic. The Vancouver electorate was tiring of his brand of politics; they elected a solid slate of Conservatives. The next day Martin told reporters of the Vancouver Daily Province that he had quit {d-0}for all time{d-1} because he was {d-0}disgusted with politics{d-1} and {d-0}so much abuse from my enemies and so little thanks from my friends.{d-1} The second part of the statement was probably true; the first was not. Martin turned his attention to the federal field. In 1905 he dropped his Liberal affiliation, explaining that Laurier{apos}s attempt to impose separate schools on the new provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan meant that the Liberals {d-0}no longer believe in provincial rights.{d-1} Like most British Columbian politicians of his day, he strongly opposed the presence of Asians. In 1908 he ran unsuccessfully as the candidate of the Asiatic Exclusion League in the federal constituency of Vancouver City. In private life, he inserted covenants on property he owned in the Hastings (Vancouver) townsite forbidding its sale or lease to Asians.

Martin had retained his legal practice and continued to have a variety of clients, including the city of Vancouver which, in April 1905, had appointed him counsel at $2,500 per year. It was not a full-time job; he was consulted only in important cases. In December he resigned to become general counsel in British Columbia for the Great Northern Railroad and its subsidiary, the Vancouver, Westminster and Yukon Railway. He also presented the Vancouver Board of Trade{apos}s case against CPR freight rates to the Board of Railway Commissioners early in 1906.

Although his legal practice and his heavy investments in real estate earned him a comfortable income, Martin was obviously not happy with his situation in British Columbia. Early in 1909 he announced that he was leaving to spend the rest of his days in London, England, because {d-0}there is nothing there a person can not have.{d-1} The Vancouver Daily Province praised his {d-0}undoubted ability for affairs{d-1} and {d-0}integrity of purpose{d-1} but noted that his {d-0}defects of temper{d-1} {d-0}made him almost impossible as a member of any government and a constant source of disquiet, if not of confusion, as a member of a party.{d-1}

Martin did not stay in London, however. In 1914 he had returned to Vancouver and had begun attacking the provincial Liberal party, then in opposition. He ran as an independent in the provincial election of 1920 in Vancouver and lost, but not badly. In the meantime, the improving values of his real estate holdings in British Columbia had let him {d-0}redeem his promise to his constituents [in St Pancras] to return whenever he could.{d-1} By the early 1920s his health was failing. He died in Vancouver on 2 March 1923. The immediate cause of death was influenza, complicated by diabetes. Ironically, he had just begun to take the newly discovered insulin treatment. As the Victoria Daily Times noted, {d-0}The fact that during the last few years of his life he played no very active part in politics was due to no fault of his own, but rather to his sinister record as a disruptive force, which made all parties fear his support as much as his opposition.{d-1} To the end, Fighting Joe Martin remained a stormy petrel in politics.

Several of Joseph Martin{apos}s speeches have been published; a list of these can be found in CIHM, Reg.

AM, GR 1662. AO, RG 80-2-0-64, no.2388; RG 80-5-0-96, no.2040. BCA, E/D/M362; VF90, frames 0006–0084. LAC, MG 26, G. Daily Colonist (Victoria), 29 May, 28 June, 5 July 1898; 2, 11 May, 6, 10 June, 4–6, 9 July, 9, 15 Aug., 6 Sept. 1899; 11 Jan., 24, 28 Feb., 2, 11 March 1900. Daily Columbian (New Westminster, B.C.), 26–27 April 1900; 8 May, 4 Sept. 1901; 8 Feb. 1902. Daily News-Advertiser (Vancouver), 18 June, 6 July 1898; 24 Jan. 1899; 1–2, 10 March, 7 April, 4, 12–13, 18 May 1900; 5 May 1901. Manitoba Free Press, 1882–97. Province (Victoria), 31 Oct. 1896, 30 Oct. 1897; (Vancouver), 10, 21, 30 May, 15, 22, 26 June, 11, 13, 15, 18 Aug. 1898; 19 Jan., 9, 15 May, 5, 28 July, 5 Sept. 1899; 8, 16 Jan. 1900. Vancouver Daily Province, 10 Feb., 5 April, 18 May 1900; 8 Feb., 7 May, 5, 7, 16 Sept., 11, 18 Oct. 1901; 24 Feb., 22 May 1902; 17 March, 20, 23 April, 3 June, 5 Oct. 1903; 15 April, 15 Sept., 7 Dec. 1905; 5 Jan., 11 July 1906; 27 Feb., 24 March, 13 April, 3 May 1909; 24 March 1910. Vancouver News-Herald, 8 Aug. 1939. Vancouver Semi-Weekly World, 24 Sept. 1896; 24 June 1898; 2, 6 March, 4 April 1900. Vancouver Sun, 12 Feb. 1922, 3 March 1923. Victoria Daily Times, 8 Jan., 15 Feb., 2, 8 March, 6, 19 April, 6 May, 8 June 1900; 24 April 1901; 29 Aug. 1916; 31 Jan. 1917; 2 March 1923. Winnipeg Tribune, 1890–97. P. [J.] Brock, Fighting Joe Martin, founder of the Liberal party in the west: a blow-by-blow account (Toronto, 1981). Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). CPG, 1883–1920. Electoral hist. of B.C. D. J. Hall, Clifford Sifton (2v., Vancouver and London, 1981–85). J. A. Hilts, {d-0}The political career of Thomas Greenway{d-1} (PHD thesis, Univ. of Man., Winnipeg, 1974). J. R. Miller, {d-0}D{apos}Alton McCarthy, equal rights, and the origins of the Manitoba school question,{d-1} CHR, 54 (1973): 369–92. P. E. Roy, A white man{apos}s province: British Columbia politicians and Chinese and Japanese immigrants, 1858–1914 (Vancouver, 1989). Who{apos}s who of British members of parliament . . . , ed. Michael Stanton and Stephen Lees (4v., Brighton, Eng., and Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1976–81), 2.

MATHESON, JOHN, farmer; b. 29 Jan. 1838 at Big Bras d{apos}Or, N.S., son of Hugh Matheson and Margaret McKenzie; m. first c. 1864 Sarah Fraser in Kincardine Township, Upper Canada, and they had one daughter; m. there secondly 7 Jan. 1869 Margaret McLennan, and they had two daughters and seven sons; d. there 29 July 1922.

Born on Cape Breton Island, John Matheson was the eldest of nine children of Scots Presbyterian parents. His father, a native of Assynt, Scotland, came to the Maritimes as part of the Highland diaspora; his mother was from Millbrook, near Pictou, N.S. Likely discouraged by poor soil and famine conditions on the Island, the Mathesons emigrated in 1852 to the recently surveyed Kincardine Township on the Bruce peninsula, part of the last settlement frontier in southern Upper Canada. John helped his family make a farm out of its thick, primeval forest – cutting trees, removing stumps, planting early crops, and erecting a home and outbuildings. The Mathesons survived the drought of 1858 and the resultant hunger of 1859, and John{apos}s father took out the crown deed on the farm in 1861.

In the following year John struck out on his own, purchasing a 50-acre property a mile to the southeast. He married a neighbour, Sarah Fraser, but she died in 1865, likely after childbirth; their daughter survived to be raised by John{apos}s parents. There is no record of his response to this tragedy. He forged on with his settlement duties, assisted by his brother Donald, who was working an adjacent lot. Having proved up, John married Margaret McLennan of nearby Ashfield Township in 1869.

After John expanded his farm by 25 acres in 1871, it remained stable for the next quarter-century. Life, however, was transformed by the arrival of nine children between 1869 and 1885. With the help of his family, he ran a mixed operation that was typical of the middling farms in his neighbourhood, producing crops such as peas, oats, and spring and fall wheat; a few head of cattle, sheep, and hogs for sale and home consumption; milk for butter and, in the 1890s, for the local cheese factory; root crops for the stock; wood from his wood lot; and vegetables, apples, and maple syrup. By diversifying, the Mathesons insulated themselves against failure in any area while providing food for a comfortable subsistence, even in the agricultural depression of the 1890s and the local drought in mid decade. Despite these difficult conditions, the family{apos}s reliance on its own labour meant that it was able to add a stone foundation to the barn in 1893 and brick the house the following year.

John Matheson negotiated a daring expansion in the early summer of 1896. Concluding that his family was {d-0}falling behind every day{d-1} – he had had only $2.50 in the house at the beginning of the year – he decided to purchase the neighbouring parcel of 50 acres that he had been working on shares, in the hope that the gains from additional crops would more than compensate for the interest on the parcel{apos}s mortgage. The gamble succeeded: a banner growing season and better-fed cows brought increased revenue from the cheese factory and a crop of grain and peas that literally spilled out of the barn. By the turn of the century the farm had moved ahead of its middling rank, with over 20 cattle and about a dozen hogs. Coming on the cusp of improved agricultural conditions in Ontario, the acquisition of 1896 had set the stage for further expansions that allowed for more improvements (a new barn and well, and the plastering of the house), prosperity for the rest of John{apos}s life, and the placement of two sons on the land. His hard work and business sense might make his success seem like a classic triumph of yeoman individualism. In fact, it was marked by a careful negotiation of responsibilities and rewards among the family. John{apos}s long days in his fields, barn, and wood lot depended entirely on Margaret{apos}s raising of their children, tending of the garden, and shrewd management of the household, and on the help of his sons and daughters, even after the non-inheriting children had begun to set out on their own.

The key to the latter group{apos}s participation was education. Perhaps motivated by a Scots Presbyterian faith in the value of schooling, John, himself a reader of books and newspapers, ensured that his children all graduated from high school. Further, the five non-inheriting boys received university educations that facilitated their economic independence: two became Presbyterian ministers, one was an actuary, and two taught in universities. One daughter trained at the conservatory in London, Ont., and gave piano lessons before her marriage; the other became a nurse after a failed engagement and would care for her parents until their deaths.

The cash-poor Mathesons managed this remarkable feat by having the children stage their departures so that, at any given time, a few boys and at least one girl were on hand to help at home. All the boys but one, whose negligence was criticized by his siblings, returned on summer holidays to assist with repairs and the harvest. The farm thus received the labour required to produce a pleasant standard of living for those who stayed and the resources needed to support the careers of the migrants. John fostered his children{apos}s interest by corresponding and consulting with them about farm operations and major projects. Once established, they sent money home or to younger siblings. Contrary to bleak contemporary and historical accounts of the {d-0}rural depopulation{d-1} of Ontario, the Matheson children remained integrated into the life and economy of the home farm long after their initial departures.

Ethnic and religious ties also bound the family together. They lived in what was, by 1901, the largest {d-0}Scotch block{d-1} in the province, a region that extended from Point Clark to Southampton along Lake Huron and back into Bruce and northern Huron counties. The Mathesons attended Gaelic services at the local Presbyterian church, where John was an elder; he and Margaret encouraged their children{apos}s engagement as ministers, members of church assemblies, and active churchgoers. By insisting that he be addressed in Gaelic at home, John raised them to be bilingual Scots who sought out Gaelic-speaking communities elsewhere in Ontario and Manitoba. One son became a noted Gaelic linguist, another was a founding member of the Kincardine pipe band. John thus helped to perpetuate a distinctive Scottish culture in Canada well into the 20th century.

A wonderful photograph of John in 1901 shows him with the strong upper body and arthritic hands of an ageing farmer, and the white beard of a patriarch, seated beside Margaret and surrounded by their entire family, the last time that everyone was together. Slowed by rheumatism and dizziness in his sixties and seventies, he gradually handed over farm operations to his son Charles, informally at the start of the century and then through a sale of property in 1919, two years after Margaret{apos}s death. Appropriately, when he died, he left his possessions and control of Charles{apos}s mortgage to his daughter Grace, who had cared for him. It was a final act of reciprocity in a life marked by such acts.

AO, D 217, Kincardine Township, assessment rolls, 1880, 1885, 1890, 1894, 1899; collectors{s-1-unknown} rolls, 1895; RG 1-57-1-5: 439; RG 22-358, no.6844; RG 61-3-1, Kincardine Township, concession 6, lots 8 and 9; concession 7, lot 8 and western half of lot 9; concession 9, lot 3; RG 80-8-0-861, no.8515. UCC-C, 3260. Adam Crerar, {d-0}Ties that bind: farming, agrarian ideals, and life in Ontario, 1890–1930{d-1} (PHD thesis, Univ. of Toronto, 1999). Chad Gaffield, {d-0}Children, schooling, and family reproduction in nineteenth-century Ontario,{d-1} CHR, 72 (1991): 157–91. Murdock Matheson, Looking backward over my fifty years in Saskatchewan (n.p., 1960). Norman Robertson, The history of the county of Bruce . . . , ed. N. R. Shaw (Toronto, 1906); continued by Norman McLeod, The history of the county of Bruce . . . 1907–1968 . . . (Owen Sound, Ont., 1969). Toil, tears & triumph: a history of Kincardine Township, ed. W. H. Fletcher (Kincardine, Ont., 1990). W. R. Young, {d-0}Conscription, rural depopulation, and the farmers of Ontario, 1917–19,{d-1} CHR, 53 (1972): 289–320.

In September 1879 Mathison succeeded Dr Wesley Jones Palmer as superintendent of the Ontario Institution for the Education and Instruction of the Deaf and Dumb in Belleville. The first in a line of political appointees there, he had no notable acquaintance with educating the deaf. According to the school{apos}s official report of 1880, the government believed that his {d-0}varied knowledge and experience of public institution management . . . , combined with his well known administrative ability, eminently fitted him for the position of executive head.{d-1} Administered through the office of John Woodburn Langmuir*, provincial inspector of prisons, asylums, and public charities, the institution had been opened in 1870 to {d-0}impart a general education as well as instruction in some professional or manual art{d-1} to the deaf. When Mathison arrived, according to one obituary, he found it {d-0}ill arranged, disorganized and classed with penal institutions and those for the insane.{d-1} No attempt had been made to categorize students and no set curriculum existed. One of his first tasks was to have the students graded and courses of study and timetables put into operation.

Mathison was superintendent for 27 years. Whatever his shortcomings in 1879, he became a serious student of educating the deaf and visited similar institutions abroad. A vice-president of the Association of American Instructors for the Deaf, he was joined in his work in Belleville by his daughter Annie, who taught oral articulation. One of his greatest achievements, he believed, was to have the responsibility for his institution shifted in 1905 to the Department of Education, a move urged upon him by the deaf community. The bureaucratic alignment with prisons and asylums had lent a {d-0}stigma of inferiority{d-1} to the deaf population and led to an association {d-0}in the public mind, with the criminal incorrigibles and mentally defective classes.{d-1} Other concerns raised by Mathison as superintendent included extending the school term from 7 years to 10 or 12, the costs to parents, and the granting of diplomas. In the debate over the causes of deafness, he disputed the theory of Alexander Graham Bell that deaf parents produced deaf offspring.

Two interrelated issues in particular dominated Mathison{apos}s annual reports: the method of instruction and the purpose of educating the deaf. Mathison had inherited an entrenched system of manual teaching (sign-language with writing) [see Duncan Wendell McDermid*]. He used his reports to explore the potential of both oralism (speech, lip-reading, and writing), the method propounded by the European community, and the combined method (sign-language for instruction, with articulation for those who demonstrated aptitude), the system proposed by moderate American educator Edward Miner Gallaudet. By 1892 Mathison had firmly aligned himself and his institution with the combined system, and was focusing on the development of manners and morals and on industrial training. (The oralists emphasized academic work and intellectual development.) According to Mathison, the primary object of establishing schools for deaf children was {d-0}the cultivation of their minds, to teach them the ordinary branches of knowledge taught in the common schools of the country.{d-1} The secondary motive was to {d-0}have them taught . . . such trades and industries as might prove of advantage to them after leaving school.{d-1} The occupations taught (with varying success) included printing, shoemaking, carpentering, baking, and barbering for the boys, and tailoring, dressmaking, sewing, and housekeeping for the girls. In 1897 Mathison was able to note that many former pupils were {d-0}well off, others are in comfortable circumstances, few are a burden on their relatives, and none of them are in gaol as prisoners.{d-1}

In November 1906 Mathison left the Ontario Institution. In his last report he noted that he had given himself to his work {d-0}with entire devotion{d-1} and took great satisfaction from knowing {d-0}that I may have aided in some degree in bringing a little more of brightness and joy into the lives of our silent ones.{d-1} Why he left when he did is not clear; his departure may have had something to do with two negative evaluations. In 1906 British specialist James Kerr Love visited the institution and found little oral work since Mathison{apos}s purpose was {d-0}to make his deaf children earn a living in a country where labor is plentiful and workmen scarce.{d-1} A separate government investigation found the system of oral instruction at the school defective and recommended radical changes in its methods. The teaching of articulation was seen to be handicapped, however, not by Mathison{apos}s philosophy but by the failure to give him {d-0}the support he deserved{d-1} and by too few teachers and insufficient accommodations. His successor, Charles Bernard Coughlin, embraced the oral method, which would be officially adopted by 1912.

AO, RG 10-20-C-4-1; RG 22-305, no.50452; RG 63-A-10, 836, file 6, J. W. Langmuir to Mathison, 4 Oct. 1879; Mathison to Langmuir, 7 Oct. 1879. Univ. of Western Ont. Arch., J. J. Talman Regional Coll. (London), R. M. Bucke coll., medical superintendent{apos}s journal, vol.3 (1877–84). Globe, 8 Oct. 1923, 13 July 1924. London Advertiser, 15 March 1878. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Canadian who{apos}s who, 1910. C. F. Carbin, Deaf heritage in Canada: a distinctive, diverse, and enduring culture, ed. D. L. Smith (Toronto, 1996). Ont., Legislature, Sessional papers, reports of the Ontario Institution for the Education of the Deaf and Dumb, Belleville, 1880–1907/8 (the institution{apos}s reports for 1880–81 are found in the reports of the inspector of prisons and public charities). Saturday Night, 27 Aug. 1898. M. A. Winzer, {d-0}Education, urbanization and the deaf community: a case study of Toronto, 1870–1900,{d-1} in Deaf history unveiled: interpretations from the new scholarship, ed. J. V. Van Cleve (Washington, 1993); {d-0}An examination of some selected factors that affected the education and socialization of the deaf of Ontario, 1870–1900{d-1} (ed.d. thesis, Univ. of Toronto, 1981); The history of special education: from isolation to integration (Washington, 1993).

MATOKINAJIN (meaning {d-0}bear that comes and stands{d-1}; also called Little Standing Buffalo), Santee Sioux chief; b. 1846, son of Standing Buffalo [Tatanka-najin*]; d. 21 June 1921 in Fort Qu{apos}Appelle, Sask.

Matokinajin was born in the region of North America that became the Minnesota and Dakota territories. Details of his childhood remain obscure. In 1862, after several decades of maladministered treaties, the Sioux in the eastern part of the region were left destitute with no lands in Minnesota and relegated to temporary reservations. Finally, when annuities became further delayed by the Civil War, some Sioux (or, more correctly, Dakota) seized food and clothing and began a resistance, killing settlers. Tatanka-najin{apos}s band, the most westerly of the eastern Dakota, was not part of the fighting and he gathered many who were fleeing and led them west and north, eventually into British territory. In this diaspora, all sorts of bands were dissolving and others were being created in the flight onto the prairies.

Upon Tatanka-najin{apos}s death on 5 June 1871, and following the family tradition of his father and grandfather, Matokinajin took the name of his great-grandfather Standing Buffalo. Known as Little Standing Buffalo, he became the leader of a portion of his father{apos}s northern Sisseton and Wahpeton followers. In 1872, when his band was living at Wood Mountain (Sask.), he travelled to Winnipeg, visiting other Wahpeton and Santee on his way, and met with Lieutenant Governor Alexander Morris* to discuss his desire for a reserve. He declared his loyalty to Britain, and his request was forwarded to Ottawa in December. When treaty commissioners arrived at Fort Qu{apos}Appelle to meet with the Plains Cree and the Saulteaux, they talked as well on 16 Sept. 1874 with Sioux leaders including Little Standing Buffalo, who confirmed his resistance to moving east into Manitoba or back to the United States, a position he restated a year later to commissioner William Joseph Christie*.

The arrival of Sitting Bull [Ta-tanka I-yotank*] in May 1877, in flight before the American army, forced many refugee Sioux to choose sides. Though the record is scanty, Little Standing Buffalo and most of his followers appear to have stayed far away from the Sitting Bull groups in their efforts to press their claim to remain in Canada. Deprivation became the norm in the absence of buffalo, and in the spring of 1877 Little Standing Buffalo found Lieutenant Governor David Laird* at Fort Pelly (Sask.) and stated his preference for a reserve that included the Jumping Deer Creek coulee northwest of Fort Qu{apos}Appelle. This time the request was granted, on 22 Jan. 1878, and Standing Buffalo Reserve was formed. Seed and some implements were supplied by federal authorities, but no more tangible help with housing or farming was forthcoming as the Sisseton-Wahpeton shifted from the hunt to agriculture and wage labour for settlers. Some women also sold handicrafts at rail stops while others worked as domestics and cooks. American attempts in 1882–83 to induce Indians to return were countered by Canadian insistence that troops could not cross the border to lure or pursue them.

In 1885 events were already converging in the move toward rebellion [see Louis Riel*]. Disappointment among various tribal constituencies about the problematic implementation of the prairie treaties gave cause to some Indian groups to join in the Métis resistance [see K?peyakw?skonam*]. The Sisseton-Wahpeton led by Wapahaska (White Cap) were intimidated by Métis forces into joining as hostilities came to their doorstep, but the Standing Buffalo band remained far from the fighting and at peace. Not allowed into treaties, the refugee Sioux were destitute but grateful for sanctuary in Canada. As settlers flooded into the region, change affected the reserve. A Roman Catholic boarding school operated from 1886 until 1895, when children needing education were sent to Father Joseph Hugonard*{apos}s establishment in nearby Lebret. By 1900 the band numbered 220, and most of the families had moved to the benchland above the coulee to take up agriculture in a serious way, producing oats, wheat, corn, and potatoes, sometimes with surplus to sell. Tightening supervision by the Indian department, including the suppression of ceremony, produced vigorous complaints from Little Standing Buffalo in 1903, but to no avail.

In the last years of his life, Little Standing Buffalo went by the name Louis Philippe Abelard. He lost a grandson in the World War I, and was overcome with grief. In 1920–21, to strengthen his band{apos}s economy, he and his son Julius asked Ottawa for the return of hay-lands being shared with the Cree, but no action was taken by the time of Little Standing Buffalo{apos}s death in 1921. He had been chief for 50 years.

W. J. McKay was first educated in Grimsby{apos}s public and high schools and at the Canadian Literary Institute in Woodstock. After graduating from the University of Toronto in 1884 with a ba and the prize in oriental (biblical) languages, he enrolled in the Toronto Baptist College. In 1887 he completed its course in theology, winning a church history scholarship in competition with students of all North American Baptist colleges; five years later he would earn the first bd degree granted by McMaster University. Ordained in 1888, McKay served pastorates in London, Toronto, and Stratford. His preaching abilities and brilliant scholastic record earned him the presidency of the Baptist Convention of Ontario and Quebec for 1903–4. Immediately after leaving this office McKay was appointed editor of the denominational newspaper, the Canadian Baptist (Toronto).

From 1882 to 1888 Ebenezer William Dadson* had used this journal to promote the reformist principles of the Social Gospel that progressives drew from the Sermon on the Mount. Dadson{apos}s successor as editor, James Edward Wells*, had continued this advocacy. He supported the cause of trade unionism against industrial capitalism so openly that after his death in 1898 recourse was had to editorial committees, which operated the newspaper until 1904 with George R. Roberts as business and later also editorial manager. This corporate endeavour proving unsatisfactory, McKay was given full editorial control of the Baptist in May 1904; he would become business manager as well in 1916.

In McKay{apos}s first months as editor he called for purity in politics, deplored poverty in the midst of plenty, and asked Baptists to be {d-0}not too discriminating{d-1} in their charity. Soon, however, his editorials differed little from Roberts{apos}s, which had defended industrial capitalism by charging that wage contracts protected incompetence. By 1905 editorial references to social issues had disappeared from the newspaper. From the closing weeks of 1909, however, the editorial column repeatedly advocated {d-0}practical Christianity,{d-1} calling for home missions and the evangelization of recent immigrants into urban areas such as Toronto where 45 languages were now spoken. McKay even advocated interdenominational cooperation to cope with this perceived {d-0}new Canadian{d-1} threat to the Canadian way of life.

McKay{apos}s years as editor coincided with intensifying theological conflict among provincial Baptists, between the orthodox evangelical fundamentalism represented by such men as Elmore Harris and the liberal theology supposedly taught at McMaster. A theological conservative himself, though less rigid than Harris, McKay believed that Baptists were unresponsive to the {d-0}new theology.{d-1} Early in 1910 he published an editorial entitled {d-0}Another gospel?{d-1} in which he insisted that the gospel of personal salvation was all that the world needed. Immediately thereafter, however, he admitted that the Baptist had its critics, naming Harris as prominent among them. Soon afterwards the increased influence of the fundamentalists was revealed by the arrival in Toronto of a new pastor, Thomas Todhunter Shields*, who like Harris lacked formal training in theology. The Baptist did not identify the sources of these tensions, but McKay{apos}s minor crisis coincided with the appearance in the United States of the first volumes of The fundamentals: a testimony to the truth, a series of 12 tracts written by evangelical leaders, and with the height of Harris{apos}s attack on McMaster for modernist teachings by Professor Isaac George Matthews.

During the remainder of 1910, while the Matthews case raged, and in 1911 and 1912 the Baptist avoided any comment that might be interpreted as theological liberalism. Early in 1913, however, a little more than a year after Harris{apos}s death, it showed renewed interest in the Social Gospel, {d-0}a gospel of a saved society as well as a gospel of saved individuals.{d-1} To judge by the various projects it supported, such as the establishment of social service committees in every congregation, practical Christianity was now popular. The following year, on 30 July, McKay reprinted an article from the British Weekly (London) asserting the Christian duty to preach the gospel of love and mercy, and to add simultaneously the gospel of a better day. Such a full gospel, the Weekly argued, must {d-0}satisfy the famine for righteousness and the hunger for the long-deferred justice of God.{d-1} McKay noted that the editorial {d-0}expresses in general our own thought of the Social Service problem.{d-1}

Two days before this Social Gospel credo appeared the first shot in World War I had been fired in Sarajevo (Bosnia and Herzegovina). McKay promptly announced that the war was Canada{apos}s as well as Britain{apos}s, in defence of civilization. He would later suggest that there should be a fighting battalion of Canadian preachers. Talk about social justice and the here-and-now Kingdom of God was soon drowned in global conflict, but the theological differences of conservative fundamentalists and modernist higher critics reappeared with the peace. In 1919, when an anonymous editorial in the Baptist attacked the doctrine of biblical inerrancy, Shields presented a strong condemnatory resolution to the annual convention. Although McKay was not the author of this editorial, he accepted responsibility for it. Shields{apos}s strong motion passed, but the convention also expressed complete confidence in McKay{apos}s editorship. Because of his reputation for piety and sound judgement, McKay had surmounted controversies about higher criticism and modernism; he insisted that the real issue was not individual versus social salvation, but individual and social salvation as epitomized in the phrase {d-0}full Gospel.{d-1} After his death the Christian Guardian (Toronto) commented on his skill {d-0}in adjusting rival elements in his constituency so as to prevent a clash.{d-1}

Under McKay{apos}s management between 1916 and 1921 circulation of the Baptist increased by more than a third, advertising grew by a larger amount, total income doubled, and profits from job printing more than doubled. In addition to fulfilling his editorial duties McKay was a member of a number of the convention{apos}s committees, including that on church union, which he and the convention opposed. He served as well as a senator of McMaster; he had supported the university in its early years in both teaching and administration and it had awarded him an honorary lld in 1907. He was also a director of the Moral and Social Reform Council of Canada and of the Ontario branch of the Dominion Alliance for the Total Suppression of the Liquor Traffic. While still editor of the Baptist, McKay died of uraemia in Toronto on 12 April 1922.

AO, RG 80-5-0-165, no.14539. UTA, A1973-0026/277(11). Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). G. G. Harrop, {d-0}The era of the {s-0}great preacher{s-1-unknown} among Canadian Baptists: a comparative study of W. A. Cameron, John J. MacNeill and T. T. Shields as preachers,{d-1} Foundations: a Baptist Journal of History, Theology, and Ministry ([Rochester, N.Y.]), 23 (1980): 57–70. C. M. Johnston, McMaster University (2v., Toronto, 1976–81), 1. J. S. Moir, {d-0}The Canadian Baptist and the Social Gospel movement, 1879–1914,{d-1} in Baptists in Canada: search for identity amidst diversity, ed. J. K. Zeman (Burlington, Ont., 1980), 147–59. L. K. Tarr, Shields of Canada: T. T. Shields (1873–1955) (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1967). H. U. Trinier, A century of service: story of {d-0}The Canadian Baptist,{d-1} 1854–1954 ([Toronto, 1958]).

By 1880 the federal government was vigorously extolling the merits of settling in western Canada. These urgings induced McKellar to leave education and go west. He homesteaded near Clearwater, Man., but he also travelled widely to become familiar with the soils, topography, vegetation, and climate of the province. During these trips he met many prominent government officials. In 1890 Manitoba{apos}s Liberal premier, Thomas Greenway*, selected him to be the province{apos}s immigration officer in Winnipeg, responsible for directing prospective settlers to suitable land. To stem the exodus of disillusioned farmers from the Maritimes to the United States, Greenway next sent McKellar to man an office in Moncton: it was hoped he could persuade the farmers to locate in western Canada, where good land was freely available. This office was jointly promoted by Manitoba and the Canadian Pacific Railway.

McKellar{apos}s stay in Moncton lasted only six months because he was recalled to Winnipeg by Greenway to become the chief clerk (deputy minister) of agriculture after the death of J. W. Bartlett in April 1892. He would serve in this capacity under three premiers (Greenway, Hugh John Macdonald, and Rodmond Palen Roblin*). During his tenure (1892–1904), the Moose Jaw Evening Times would recall, he was always {d-0}preaching the gospel of permanent homes to the farmers and new settlers, urging them to look upon the west as a place to live and in which their children after them would make their homes, rather than a place to make money in, and then leave.{d-1}

As chief clerk, McKellar had a duty to become acquainted with all the current problems in agriculture on the prairies. He became knowledgeable about injurious insects, especially grasshoppers. Along with dominion entomologist James Fletcher*, he conducted vigorous campaigns to control such plague insects. It was during these attempts that he came to assist Norman Criddle*, a farmer and entomologist at Aweme, Man., in demonstrating the superiority of poisonous bait over such mechanical implements as the {d-0}hopper-dozer,{d-1} and in developing the {d-0}Criddle Mixture,{d-1} a combination of arsenic (McKellar arranged for the supplies of poison) and horse manure that grasshoppers found irresistible. {d-0}Thus, in this way, as well as in others,{d-1} Criddle would conclude in the Canadian Entomologist (London, Ont.), {d-0}he had a direct influence on the progress of economic entomology and for this reason, if for no other, his name is worthy of a place in its annals.{d-1}

A new opportunity to advance the settlement of western Canada came to McKellar in 1905, when he accepted the position of secretary and commissioner of the Board of Trade at Moose Jaw. He would hold the post until 1919. Convinced that the west had to be filled with settlers to achieve prosperity, he worked diligently to promote Moose Jaw as the {d-0}buckle of the greatest wheat belt in the world{d-1} (in the words of a board publication in 1913) and to persuade immigrants that success lay in agriculture. He advised hundreds of farmers of the best districts in which to settle, especially the area that in the first decade of the 1900s showed the greatest development: south of Moose Jaw to the border and north to the South Saskatchewan River. Along with Angus Mackay* of the federal experimental farm at Indian Head, he determinedly propounded the sale of an extra quarter-section to homesteaders at $3 per acre to increase their holdings and ensure a viable base for grain production.

Hugh McKellar{apos}s activities also included executive positions with the Southern Saskatchewan Cooperative Stockyards, the Association of Saskatchewan Agricultural Societies, the Saskatchewan Livestock Association, and the Saskatchewan Registered Seed Growers Association. A staunch Liberal and an elder of St Andrew{apos}s Presbyterian Church in Moose Jaw, he died there in October 1929 at his home at 204 Stadacona Street West, and was remembered by William John Finley Warren, president of the Moose Jaw Agricultural Society, as {d-0}at all times a ready and willing worker for the advancement of agriculture.{d-1}

Moose Jaw Evening Times (Moose Jaw, Sask.), 24, 28 Oct. 1929. Regina Leader, 24, 28 Oct. 1929. Biblio. of the prairie prov. (Peel). Canadian Entomologist (London, Ont.), 61 (1930): 288. Historical directory of Saskatchewan newspapers, 1878–1983, comp. Christine MacDonald (Regina and Saskatoon, 1994). Vital statistics from N.B. newspapers (Johnson), 92, no.2954. Who{apos}s who in western Canada . . . (Vancouver), 1912.

By May 1886 McLennan and McFeely had expanded to Vancouver. The fire of 13 June which destroyed most of the town spared their building, then under construction, and shortly afterwards the company began to build stoves and deal in other metal wares. During the next few years it added many hardware and house-furnishing lines and advertised as general roofers, plumbers, and gas fitters. The firm{apos}s involvement in roofing, plumbing, and stove making was phased out in the early 1890s in order for it to focus on wholesale and retail activities. In 1891 McLennan, in Victoria, employed 13 persons and McFeely, in Vancouver, 17.

Victoria experienced a business slump in 1893. McLennan and McFeely decided to sell their business there and concentrate on Vancouver. By 1895 McLennan had moved to Vancouver with his family. McLennan, McFeely and Company Limited Liability was incorporated on 3 April 1895 with an authorized capital of $150,000 in 1,500 shares. The partners{s-1-unknown} wives held the largest number of shares, 351 each, while their husbands held 39 each. McFeely was named president and McLennan vice-president.

In March 1904 McLennan and McFeely purchased land in Vancouver along Cordova Street East for $40,000. The five-storey building it erected would be outgrown by 1911. The firm raised its capital in 1905 to $500,000 and again in 1909 to $1,000,000. The partners{s-1-unknown} wives were still the largest shareholders. In 1913 the company was restructured in order to expand its capital to $5,000,000.

Along with other Vancouver businessmen who felt that Canada{apos}s central banks were not adequately supporting British Columbia{apos}s industry and commerce, McLennan promoted the Chartered Bank of British Columbia in 1907. The group combined in 1908 with another seeking the same goals and the Bank of Vancouver was incorporated on 3 April with a capital stock of $2,000,000. It opened two years later under McLennan{apos}s presidency. Although financially very strong, the directors lacked banking experience. Difficult economic conditions started in the autumn of 1912 and were followed by the withdrawal from the province of British capital, lengthy coal strikes, and, in 1913, rumours of impending war. Investment dried up, real estate speculation ceased, and construction halted. The bank had expanded too quickly and had some problematic loans. The collapse of the Dominion Trust Company in October 1914 was a crushing blow, since public confidence in financial institutions faltered. Depositors fled the bank, which suspended payment on 14 December.

{d-0}The battles of his life were with other bankers on banking matters.{d-1} With these words the Toronto Globe summed up Henry C. McLeod, who managed the Bank of Nova Scotia between 1897 and 1910, a critical period during which the bank established itself in central and western Canada. When he aired his dissident views and disputes with competitors, exposing in the press what propriety compelled others to reserve for backrooms, he gave the public cause to question rather than defer to their bankers. A candid and uncompromising attitude alarmed allies and irritated the Canadian Bankers{s-1-unknown} Association, the Department of Finance in Ottawa, and the financial press. McLeod{apos}s activism was inspired by a genuine concern about the consequences of bank failures. At the same time he recognized opportunity in the unease that such failures caused the public. McLeod employed the press to publicize the Bank of Nova Scotia{apos}s pioneering use of external auditors, turning the banking system{apos}s weakness, secretive management, to his advantage and ensuring the bank a reputation for the highest standards of prudence. This was McLeod{apos}s critical feat, securing a new market for the Bank of Nova Scotia by attaining the people{apos}s trust when trust was all important.

McLeod was the son of a ship{apos}s captain in Prince Edward Island, and his thoughts were never far from sailing and the {d-0}mid-Atlantic{apos}s pure breezes.{d-1} Educated at local schools, he read law for three years while employed as an attorney{apos}s clerk in Charlottetown. In 1872, however, he opted for a business career, joining a firm of commission merchants as an accountant. A year later he entered the service of the small Merchants{s-1-unknown} Bank of Prince Edward Island in Charlottetown; he worked there as an accountant until 1875, when he was made manager of the Georgetown branch. His advancement brought social status and the liberty to marry, a step the etiquette of banking discouraged until an income to support a family had been secured. He married Sarah Davison and within a few years was the father of two girls and a boy. The family{apos}s quiet life was tragically disrupted in 1881 when Sarah died quite suddenly. Widowed with three small children to tend, McLeod faced the most difficult time of his life. A year passed before he married Ada Gordon. He then left his native province for Amherst, N.S., where he joined the Bank of Nova Scotia as its local agent. Over the next few years he and Ada would add three children to Ada{apos}s ready-made family.

The cashier (general manager) of the Bank of Nova Scotia was Thomas Fyshe*, a cantankerous Scot with little time for agents who operated outside the bounds of prudence. In Amherst, McLeod proved an able manager worthy of Fyshe{apos}s confidence. When McLeod assumed his duties the bank was confined to the Maritimes, where competition for deposits was fierce. Banks also fought for customers they could safely lend their deposits to, and when clients appeared in short supply a quest for new markets began. In 1882 Fyshe{apos}s search led him to Winnipeg for a share of that city{apos}s booming economy. The timing was unfortunate. Winnipeg{apos}s wave of prosperity crested, as did the careers of the local managers who had been too anxious to lend out the bank{apos}s money.

In 1884 McLeod was sent to Winnipeg with orders to dispatch the manager and wind up what was an embarrassing moment in the bank{apos}s history. En route he stopped in Minneapolis and was surprised by the opportunity that lay waiting for a bank willing to serve the many millers who looked to local banks for loans only to find few able to accommodate their needs. After completing his Winnipeg duties and returning to Halifax in 1885, McLeod persuaded Fyshe that Minneapolis was a good prospect. Later that year he went west for a second time, to open the Minneapolis branch, and was joined by his friend and the inspector of the Bank of Nova Scotia, James Berwick Forgan. Both men were excited by the opportunity that the new agency offered. Forgan wanted to run it and knew that he could have it because Fyshe had promised him a branch of his choosing after he refused the general manager{apos}s job at a competing bank in Halifax. He therefore proposed that he and McLeod switch jobs. Fyshe was initially reluctant, however, and the exchange occurred only after McLeod had threatened resignation. He was too valuable to lose.

Competition in the Maritimes was a constant irritant for Fyshe, but it was no less a problem in the western United States, where well-trained Canadian bankers were in demand. In 1887 Forgan joined the Northwestern National Bank of Minneapolis and McLeod returned to the city to protect the Bank of Nova Scotia{apos}s interests. Now, instead of making deals with his old friend, he battled him for business. Forgan, it seems, did not come out on top. McLeod built a profitable loan business between the bank and local American banks in which its advances were secured against gilt-edged securities. (He also acquired a keen sense of the American animosity for bankers, a feature of the country{apos}s political culture alien to Canada at the time.) The Northwestern felt the pinch of his presence and in 1892 tried to lure him to its side, as it had Forgan, offering a salary of $7,500 a year. With Forgan having defected and with an enviable record in hand, McLeod possessed the leverage needed to demand a similar offer from his employer. In September the bank{apos}s board of directors quickly agreed. McLeod then closed the Minneapolis office and opened an agency in Chicago, where he remained until 1897. In that year Fyshe accepted the job of joint general manager at the much larger Merchants{s-1-unknown} Bank of Canada, based in Montreal. The door was thus opened for McLeod to take charge of the Bank of Nova Scotia and lead its expansion in central and western Canada. He was appointed cashier on 25 June 1897. Just five months later he established a branch in Toronto, and in January 1899, as general manager (the title had changed in 1898), he reopened the Winnipeg branch.

Relatively unknown nationally and lacking the stature of his predecessor, McLeod differed from Fyshe in other ways as well. Despite his surly persona, Fyshe had long advocated cooperation between banks and he had been one of the principal founders of the CBA in 1891. McLeod did not possess the same proclivity and made his position painfully clear in 1899 when he threatened to scuttle a loose agreement between the Department of Finance and the larger banks to pay no more than three per cent for deposits. What had provoked McLeod{apos}s ire was the treatment his Winnipeg manager had received at the hands of the local subsection of the CBA, which accused him of soliciting the business of other bankers in Winnipeg, conduct it considered {d-0}unprofessional, improper and unsafe.{d-1} McLeod vigorously denied the subsection{apos}s power to censure members of the association, {d-0}much less to pass resolutions calculated to prejudice public opinion to the disadvantage of a member.{d-1} Frustrated when the CBA did no more than acknowledge his complaint, McLeod announced in July that the Bank of Nova Scotia would withdraw from the association and {d-0}from all regulations and agreements connected therewith.{d-1} This threat prompted the general manager of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, Byron Edmund Walker, to try to appease McLeod, but McLeod would not be moved unless given an apology on terms he dictated. In desperation, Walker wrote to the deputy minister of finance, John Mortimer Courtney*, pleading for the intervention of minister William Stevens Fielding to prevent McLeod from abandoning the agreement on deposit rates, saying it would {d-0}embarrass the government and must inevitably lead to an upward movement in deposit rates over the entire country.{d-1} McLeod kept his pledge to withdraw from the CBA. He did not, however, raise rates; he preferred toying with the association{apos}s more excitable general managers by letting them think he would.

Within the Bank of Nova Scotia important changes were underway while this dispute continued. McLeod{apos}s enthusiasm for central and western Canada began to pay dividends, but the bank{apos}s growth in these regions was hampered by the delays attending long-distance management from Halifax. At the start of 1900 it was determined that the head office would move to Toronto. McLeod left Halifax in April to take charge, sailing his cutter the Gloria alone and arriving in Toronto in a manner symbolic of the bank{apos}s heritage as much as the independence of his character. At the bank he did not mask the stress of his job well and was known for his short temper. He did, however, continue to prove himself a creative thinker, introducing in 1901 the {d-0}unit system of work,{d-1} which measured the labour involved in various aspects of the bank{apos}s operations and recognized those officers who were most efficient.

Both McLeod{apos}s temper and his creative abilities had been put to the test early in 1900 when he learned of the proposed incorporation of the CBA. The move had been suggested by the Department of Finance and was eagerly supported by the association{apos}s main backers, who had long complained that the organization was not powerful enough to impose conservative methods on its members, or interest-rate and other agreements that were deemed necessary. The CBA was to have power over the country{apos}s clearing houses, an essential means of monitoring and influencing the management of banks, and regulatory control over the banks{s-1-unknown} circulation. For McLeod, the proposed arrangement was {d-0}nothing short of coercion.{d-1} He protested the association{apos}s right to inspect the accounts of the Bank of Nova Scotia even though it was not a member and maintained that incorporation would give the CBA {d-0}all the attributes of a trust.{d-1} {d-0}If the Association persists and succeeds in its purpose,{d-1} he told its president, Edward Seaborne Clouston*, {d-0}the likely result will be . . . an aversion by the public to banking interests similar to that in the United States which has resulted in . . . Banks being taxed out of existence and in making the adoption of banking reforms a matter which no political party dare attempt.{d-1} McLeod reasoned that if conservative, prudent banking was the objective, government inspection of banks was the best answer. He took his views to the press and to the House of Commons, where Robert Laird Borden*, a leading Conservative, championed his cause and obliged the Liberal whip to enforce the finance minister{apos}s wishes.

As the incorporated CBA assumed responsibility for the banks{s-1-unknown} circulation, it had to deal with a watchful critic in McLeod. Most hoped that the renegade banker would quietly go away. Instead, in 1902 he launched a campaign calling for fixed reserves to protect depositors from unscrupulous and imprudent bankers as well as government inspection to ensure that such reserves were maintained. From figures given in the banks{s-1-unknown} monthly returns to the Department of Finance, McLeod demonstrated the continuing decline, since the 1880s, in their reserves. He was fighting a losing battle. The same demand had been made, by J. M. Courtney among others, and rejected during the 1890 revision of the Bank Act. Disappointed, McLeod concluded that if he was to enjoy any influence with fellow bankers, the Bank of Nova Scotia would have to renew its membership in the CBA, which it did in 1902. His hopes, however, were misplaced. At CBA meetings he could not even count on anyone seconding his motions to discuss matters that interested him.

The CBA{apos}s efforts to stifle McLeod ultimately proved unwise. The issues he wanted addressed soon emerged as issues the public wanted settled in the aftermath of several bank failures. During most of this period the financial press had downplayed McLeod{apos}s concerns. Toronto{apos}s Monetary Times described outside inspection as a {d-0}delusive panacea.{d-1} Even finance minister Fielding mocked McLeod, calling his ideas {d-0}poppycock.{d-1} Papers such as the Globe, the Toronto World, and the Montreal Witness were more sympathetic. So were advocates of banking reform in the House of Commons, who commended McLeod and the Bank of Nova Scotia for considering the public{apos}s interest and leading the way, after the Ontario Bank failed in 1906, on external examination. One of the more perceptive banks, Montreal{apos}s Molsons Bank, recognized the advantage accruing to McLeod as he championed inspection and followed his lead, albeit quietly. The majority of bankers as well as the CBA remained publicly opposed. As time passed and 1908 brought three bank failures, their position became increasingly untenable. The weight of public sentiment cracked the resistance of the Monetary Times, which threw its support to outside inspection conducted by the CBA. McLeod exploited the rising tide of concern in 1909 when he released a pamphlet on bank inspection reiterating the arguments he had made over the years and unsuccessfully challenging the CBA to answer popular cries for reform.

By the end of 1909 McLeod had been embroiled in this public dispute for seven years. His deep involvement had not, however, prevented him from aggressively pursuing the expansion of his bank. Branches had been established in Edmonton, Calgary, Vancouver, Regina, and Saskatoon, and many more were added in Ontario and the Maritimes. Altogether some 50 branches were opened during the course of his tenure as general manager. But in spite of his success – the bank{apos}s assets had more than tripled and its stock, up by $80 a share, had taken first place among Canadian bank stocks – he was growing weary of the public struggle for bank reform. His main source of happiness in 1909 was found aboard the Amorita, which he sailed to victory in a race between New York and Bermuda. By January 1910 he had decided that sailing was more satisfying than banking. He submitted his resignation; however, he could not remain aloof from Canadian banking for long, even after moving to Montclair, N.J. It was there that he had his papers shipped from the Bank of Nova Scotia so that he could continue his magnum opus – a statistical tell-all documenting the growing weakness of Canada{apos}s banks and reinforcing his support for government inspection. In 1913 he was called back to Canada to give testimony before the parliamentary committee considering changes to the Bank Act. He won what some considered a partial victory when the government introduced provisions for a shareholders{s-1-unknown} audit, but it took the disastrous failure of the Home Bank of Canada in 1923 to bring about government inspection. The office of inspector general of banks was created the following year.

McLeod{apos}s retirement years were darkened in 1917 by the loss of his younger son, Norwood, who like so many of his generation perished overseas during the war. He spent his time writing articles on banking and working on his book, which had grown to a thousand pages by 1924. He complained about the frailty that old age brings but enjoyed shows over the modern radio. At 75 he suffered a fatal heart attack in South Carolina at his winter home by the sea. His wife survived him by nine years, dying in Toronto in 1935.

Canadian Bankers{s-1-unknown} Assoc. Arch. (Toronto), Executive council, minutes, May 1902. First National Bank of Chicago Arch., J. B. Forgan papers, McLeod to Sir John Aird, 19 Jan. 1924; Forgan to McLeod, 19 June 1924; McLeod to Forgan, 16, 22 June, 18 Aug. 1924. LAC, RG 19, 3193, file 11889; 3197, file 12110. Scotiabank Group Arch. (Toronto), Bank of Nova Scotia coll., I.4.b2, McLeod to general managers of the banks of Canada, 24 April 1902; Directors{s-1-unknown} minute-books, 13 Sept. 1892; Thomas Fyshe letter-books, Fyshe to T. V. Macdonald, 29 Feb. 1888; Fyshe to McLeod, 17 May 1888; Jane Nokes, {d-0}Henry Collingwood McLeod{d-1} (typescript, 1973). TRL, SC, Biog. scrapbooks, 7: 272. Univ. of Toronto Library, Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, ms coll. 1 (B. E. Walker papers), box 19, file 22, Walker to J. M. Courtney, 22 Dec. 1899. Globe, 20 Dec. 1926. Monetary Times (Toronto), 15 Dec. 1906, 11 July 1908. Dan Bunbury, {d-0}The public purse and state finance: government savings banks in the era of nation building, 1867–1900,{d-1} CHR, 78 (1997): 566–98. Can., House of Commons, Debates, 1907–8: 4248–314. Canadian Journal of Commerce (Montreal), 10 Dec. 1909. H. V. Cann, Pages from a banker{apos}s journal (n.p., 1933; copy in LAC). Thomas Fyshe, {d-0}The growth of corporations; the beneficial results to society which will probably accrue from it, and its effect on credit and banking,{d-1} Canadian Bankers{s-1-unknown} Assoc., Journal (Toronto), 2 (1894–95): 197–203. Joseph Schull and J. D. Gibson, The Scotiabank story: a history of the Bank of Nova Scotia, 1832–1982 (Toronto, 1982).

A Scots Presbyterian, John McRae (the date and reason he assumed the middle initial are not known) was 20 when he left Ontario to homestead in the small southwestern Manitoba community of Minnedosa; he remained there only a few months before moving to Winnipeg. He joined the city{apos}s police force in 1881. Five years later he was promoted sergeant and he became Winnipeg{apos}s third chief constable in 1887.

McRae{apos}s rapid rise and his fame as a police officer were due in large measure to his apprehension of a number of high-profile criminals. In 1885 he had pursued Bulldog Kelly all the way into the United States before arresting the alleged murderer and returning him to Manitoba. Two years later, while attempting to detain one of the province{apos}s most notorious cattle rustlers, Joseph Fant, he was shot in the groin. Both the chase and the lengthy trial that followed the fugitive{apos}s arrest solidified his already notable reputation for bravery. In 1889 he gained even further recognition when he single-handedly captured Martin Burke, one of the men responsible for the murder of Chicago doctor Patrick Henry Cronin, a homicide immortalized in Henry M. Hunt{apos}s Crime of the century. An imposing figure who did not make friends readily, McRae was nonetheless well regarded by the police force and the general public.

Despite a well-earned reputation for integrity, McRae received considerable criticism for his role in re-establishing a segregated red-light district in Winnipeg in 1909. A campaign in late 1903 led by the Reverend Frederic Beal Du Val had succeeded in abolishing the city{apos}s policy of tolerating prostitutes in a segregated area. In 1904 the police had raided and closed the district. Prostitution continued to increase, however, and McRae did not have enough men to deal with it, especially since it spread throughout the city. In 1909 the Winnipeg Police Commission decided to leave the regulation of brothels to McRae{apos}s discretion, tacitly accepting that he would reintroduce segregation in an attempt to control the problem. The following year, in a series of articles in Toronto newspapers, a prominent Presbyterian minister and national secretary of the Moral and Social Reform Council of Canada, the Reverend John George Shearer, accused Winnipeg of being the vice capital of the nation and implied that its police officials were guilty of graft. A commission established late in 1910 to investigate the charges exonerated McRae from any wrongdoing, but also found that the more than 50 houses of prostitution in the city existed because their presence was sanctioned by the police chief.

In 1911 McRae resigned as chief. With an annual pension of $2,485 the Winnipeg Telegram regarded him as being {d-0}comparatively a poor man.{d-1} Largely uneducated, McRae had worked hard to improve both himself and the police force during his 24-year tenure as chief, the longest in Winnipeg{apos}s history. The force had expanded significantly during that period, from 13 men when he took office to over 108 men when he retired. He had seen to the construction of a new headquarters (1908) and two sub-stations (1911) and is credited with the introduction of a pension system, a variety of new investigative techniques, a motorcycle patrol, and North America{apos}s first police signal system (with 158 call boxes).

Two years after his retirement, McRae became one of the first recipients in Canada of the King{apos}s Police Medal, awarded for exceptional courage, skill, and distinguished service. He came out of retirement briefly in 1915 to act as a special commissioner for the provincial police during the investigation and prosecutions associated with the scandal over the construction of the Manitoba legislative buildings involving the premier, Sir Rodmond Palen Roblin*, the minister of education, George Robson Coldwell, and others. He was 62 and in poor health when he died at his Winnipeg home in 1921. He left an estate of just under $64,000.

John C. McRae published an article entitled {d-0}I remember{d-1} in the Winnipeg Telegram, 25 Dec. 1911.

AM, ATG 25, file 13840; AMLJH, P 1359, file A0044. LAC, RG 6, D1, 359, file 114-2-k1-1, pt. 2. Manitoba Free Press, 24 Feb., 18 March 1886; 10–11 Jan., 1 Feb., 12 Nov. 1887; 17 June 1889; 10 June 1911; 2 Jan. 1913; 19–20, 22 July 1921. Winnipeg Telegram, 10 June 1911, 20 Sept. 1915. Winnipeg Tribune, 19 July 1921. A. F. J. Artibise, Winnipeg: a social history of urban growth, 1874–1914 (Montreal and London, 1975). Canadian annual rev., 1915. B. E. Chaffey, {d-0}Regina vs. Fant, a tale of fifty years ago,{d-1} Manitoba Bar News (Winnipeg), 9 (1936–37): 327–29, 331–32. Joy Cooper, {d-0}Red lights of Winnipeg,{d-1} Man., Hist. and Scientific Soc., Papers (Winnipeg), 3rd ser., no.27 (1970–71): 61–74. Gateway city: documents on the city of Winnipeg, 1873–1913, ed. and intro. A. F. J. Artibise (Winnipeg, 1979), 207–23. H. M. Hunt, The crime of the century, or, the assassination of Dr. Patrick Henry Cronin: a complete and authentic history of the greatest of modern conspiracies ([Chicago, 1889]). Robert Hutchison, A century of service: a history of the Winnipeg police force, 1874–1974 (Winnipeg, 1974). The Queen v. Cloutier (1898), Manitoba Reports (Winnipeg), 12 (1897–99): 183–89. H. A. Robson, Judge Robson on segregation or toleration of vice . . . the report of the Social Vice Commission, Winnipeg, January 11th, 1911 (Toronto, [1911?]). Jack Templeman, From force to service: a pictorial history of the Winnipeg Police Department: 125th anniversary (Winnipeg, 1998).

Melanson is remembered especially for her role in the supposed apparitions of the Virgin Mary in the local school at Scoudouc. When a group of children between the ages of seven and eleven reported seeing and hearing the Virgin in the fall of 1893, Melanson was one of the few adults who also claimed to have had supernatural visions. Her testimony regarding the apparitions makes up an important part of a book by Philéas-Frédéric Bourgeois* entitled L{apos}école aux apparitions mystérieuses (1896). In this study Bourgeois presents the people of Scoudouc as being devout churchgoers who gathered each Sunday to recite the rosary, and who held frequent processions in honour of the Virgin Mary.

Nathalie Melanson remained true to her testimony until her death in 1923: a funeral notice in the newspaper L{apos}Évangéline states that she died convinced she had seen the Virgin Mary. Her story provides an example of the complex role played by mysticism in French Canadian society. One of the most devout Catholics in her area, Melanson found herself in the middle of a controversy that led to her being reprimanded by the Church she served so faithfully.

Centre d{apos}Études Acadiennes, Univ. de Moncton, N.-B., Fonds Alice Léger. L{apos}Évangéline (Moncton), 11 oct. 1923: 8. P.-F. Bourgeois, L{apos}école aux apparitions mystérieuses (Montréal, 1896). J.-A. L{apos}Archevêque, Histoire de la paroisse St-Jacques-le-Majeur, Scoudouc, N.-B., diocèse de Saint-Jean (s.l., 1932). Ronald Labelle, {d-0}Philias-Frédéric Bourgeois: précurseur de l{apos}ethnologie acadienne,{d-1} Francophonies d{apos}Amérique (Ottawa), no.2 (1992): 5–11.

Olivier-Maximin Melanson studied at the elementary school in his native village. Like many other farmers{s-1-unknown} sons, he was unable to continue his schooling for lack of money. The favourable economic climate probably encouraged him to undertake a career in business, which, until then, had been virtually restricted to an English-speaking elite. He settled in Shediac. With a salt-water port close by, rapidly expanding railway services, and abundant natural resources, this village in the 1870s was well on the way to becoming an important centre for exporting products such as lumber, potatoes, fish, and lobster to the United States, Europe, and the West Indies.

At the beginning of the 1870s, Melanson worked there as a clerk in a store owned by Fidèle Poirier, a brother of the future senator Pascal Poirier*. This experience with the first Acadian merchant in Shediac was evidently beneficial, since he became co-owner with one of Poirier{apos}s sons, André, of a general store in 1873. The following year he opened his own store, which proved so profitable that he was able to buy a large number of parcels of agricultural land as well as numerous lobster processing plants. This diversification enabled him to survive periods of stress and economic difficulty. For many years Melanson was one of the leading exporters of potatoes and eggs from southeastern New Brunswick. In 1887, for example, he shipped 40,000 dozen eggs by rail, enough to fill 45 rail cars, each holding $200 to $300 worth of goods. To remain competitive, he adopted some of the practices of his rivals. For many years the most important of these was Chesley Tait, who was the first to develop the potato industry in the Shediac region. To facilitate the export of his merchandise, Melanson built large potato storehouses near the railway lines. A typical storehouse might have been a storey and a half high, 60 feet long, and 35 feet wide. He paid his employees in wooden or cardboard tokens, redeemable only at his store. The value of his company{apos}s capital increased from $1,000 in 1881 to $99,000 in 1910. Melanson{apos}s career was so successful financially that at the time of his death, Placide Gaudet would refer to him as the first Acadian millionaire.

On the provincial scene, Melanson was one of the first Acadians from the southeast to run for election in the riding of Westmorland, to win the seat, and to give speeches in French in the Legislative Assembly. A Conservative in politics, he was successful in the general elections of 20 Jan. 1890, 18 Feb. 1899, and 20 June 1912. He was defeated on 22 Oct. 1892, 28 Feb. 1903, and 3 March 1908. He was not a candidate in the 1895 election. On 4 March 1914 he became deputy speaker of the Legislative Assembly, replacing Walter Brittain Dickson, who was absent because of illness. On Dickson{apos}s death, Melanson took over his position on 9 March 1916, becoming the second Acadian in the Maritime provinces to hold such an office, after Stanislaus Francis Perry*, who had been speaker of the Prince Edward Island Assembly in 1873–74. When a general election was called in New Brunswick in 1917, Melanson bowed out of political life, citing medical reasons. Thereafter, he devoted himself to his business activities, which his children carried on after his death.

PANB, MC 1156; RS141A1b, F18776, 30 July 1887 (mfm.); RS141C5.46, F18949, 7 July 1926 (mfm.). L{apos}Évangéline (Moncton, N.-B.), 8, 15 juill. 1926. J. E. Belliveau, Running far in: the story of Shediac (Windsor, N.S., 1977). Régis Brun, Shediac: l{apos}histoire se raconte (Sackville, N.-B., 1994). Diane Myles, Speakers of the Legislative Assembly, Province of New Brunswick, 1786–1985 (Fredericton, 1986). Vital statistics from N.B. newspapers (Johnson), vols.43, 46.

Vincent Meredith was born into a remarkable family of Anglo-Irish immigrants who had come to the Canadas in 1834. Among his father{apos}s brothers were William Collis, who would be appointed a chief justice, and Edmund Allen*, who would serve as a senior federal civil servant. Vincent{apos}s father became a court clerk and a successful real estate and insurance agent in London. Into {d-0}a home rich in cultural elements{d-1} were born eight sons and six daughters. The eldest son, William Ralph, was to become the provincial Tory leader in 1879. Vincent{apos}s other brothers would enjoy success in their professions.

After an initial education at home, Vincent briefly attended the London Collegiate Institute. In May 1867 he joined the Hamilton branch of the Bank of Montreal as a clerk at a salary of $200 per year. Banking in mid-19th-century Canada offered young males the opportunity of attaching themselves to the emerging urban professional class. Starting salaries and conditions – long hours and frequent transfers – were poor, but the prospect of long-term security and social status sustained them. The Bank of Montreal was Canada{apos}s oldest and most widely based bank, so Meredith{apos}s clerking career saw him posted to branches in Port Hope, Montreal, London, and Simcoe. In 1871 he graduated to teller in Ottawa at a yearly salary of $500 and in 1875 he was appointed an accountant in London at $1,100.

The bank{apos}s recognition of Meredith{apos}s potential became evident in 1879 when he was brought to the head office in Montreal as assistant inspector. Bank inspectors ensured overall operational integrity; promising employees were appointed inspectors to allow them an intimate knowledge of the bank{apos}s entire system. Meredith was made an assistant manager in Montreal in 1887; in 1889 he became a manager at the head office at $5,000 a year. The appointment to Montreal had put him on the doorstep of national commerce and industry and given him an entrée into Anglo-Montreal society. In 1888 he had married Isobel Brenda, the daughter of Montreal steamship magnate Andrew Allan*. They would have no children, but would quickly establish themselves as linchpins of Montreal philanthropy. Meredith joined the Montreal Garrison Artillery Brigade, in which he would rise to command a battery, and he helped found the Montreal Winter Club. In 1894 the Merediths commissioned Montreal architect Edward Maxwell to build them a Queen-Anne style mansion – Ardvarna – on Pine Avenue.

According to an early-20th-century newspaper, Meredith was {d-0}alert, keen and absolutely exacting as to the details of the bank.{d-1} The erect, military bearing that he would retain to the end of his life gave him an air of authority. He epitomized the values of Canadian banking: integrity and meticulousness. In 1903 he was appointed manager of Montreal{apos}s main branch and assistant general manager to Edward Seaborne Clouston*. General managers such as Clouston oversaw the bank{apos}s operations and its strategic course. The bank{apos}s presidency had generally been bestowed on a Montreal capitalist; presidents Sir George Alexander Drummond* and Richard Bladworth Angus brought railway and manufacturing connections to their often nominal banking duties. Clouston{apos}s resignation in November 1911 reflected his chagrin at being passed over for the presidency by Angus; it also opened the way for Meredith{apos}s appointment as general manager in December at $30,000.

When Angus retired in 1913, the bank appointed a banker born to be its president – Meredith – at a yearly salary of $40,000. His place as general manager was filled by another seasoned banker, Sir Frederick Williams-Taylor. For the next 14 years the combination of the cautious, retiring Meredith and the urbane, outgoing Williams-Taylor would guide the bank through tumultuous times. Meredith{apos}s presidency soon encountered the commercial slump of 1913 and then it would face the unprecedented challenge of a world war. Depression would follow and not until the end of his presidency in 1927 would Canada{apos}s economy return to any degree of normality. Meredith{apos}s tenure would thus be one of constant adjustment to new circumstances.

The Bank of Montreal grew steadily during Meredith{apos}s presidency. From assets of $244,800,000 in 1913, it more than tripled its base to $831,500,000 in 1927. Dividends increased to a steady 14 per cent by the 1920s. Despite problems in revolutionary Mexico, the bank grew internationally as well. Domestic growth was supplemented by amalgamations it initiated with the Bank of British North America (1918), parts of the Colonial Bank (1920), the Merchants{s-1-unknown} Bank of Canada (1921), and the Molsons Bank (1924). Through these years Meredith sat as president of Royal Trust, the bank{apos}s trust company. He was also a director of an array of Montreal-based companies, most notably the Canadian Pacific Railway and Dominion Textile. At the same time he directed his philanthropy to such institutions as McGill University and the Royal Victoria Hospital.

During World War I, Meredith adeptly perpetuated the bank{apos}s role as Ottawa{apos}s banker and fiscal agent abroad. He held the ear of federal finance minister William Thomas White*. In 1914, for instance, Meredith was pivotal in advising White on wartime monetary arrangements; the Finance Act of 1914 suspended the traditional convertibility of dominion and bank notes into gold and for the first time in Canada introduced the creation of government-backed national credit. With the closure of Canada{apos}s capital markets in London, England, the Bank of Montreal facilitated the placing of Canadian war loans in New York and then helped to harness Canadian investors to the national war bond effort. In London, the bank acted as banker to the Canadian military forces in Europe. Closer to home, Meredith spearheaded the bank{apos}s donation of a machine-gun battery, named Borden{apos}s Motor Machine-Gun Battery, to the Canadian Expeditionary Force. At the same time, he encouraged employees to enlist and ordered that the bank continue to pay their salary for the first six months of military duty. When its retail staff became depleted, he issued instructions that women be taken on as {d-0}emergency staff.{d-1} On 14 Nov. 1916 he was created a baronet for his wartime services to the nation. For her part, Lady Meredith acted as president of the Purple Cross Service for the Care of Wounded and Disabled Horses on the Battlefield.

Peace, Meredith believed, would bring a return to Canada{apos}s traditional formula for national growth: the development of natural resources, protected manufacturing, an open-door immigration policy, and reliance on foreign borrowing offset by export earnings. The post-war period, however, refused to fulfil his predictions. Only in the late 1920s did words such as {d-0}satisfactory{d-1} re-enter his public assessments of Canada{apos}s performance.

Meredith{apos}s adherence to the economic status quo was echoed in his deeply conservative leadership. In part, his caution was moulded by a realization that as the government{apos}s banker, the Bank of Montreal had the most to lose from changes to the structure of Canadian banking. In 1918 the general manager of the Royal Bank of Canada, Edson Loy Pease, had used his stature as president of the Canadian Bankers{s-1-unknown} Association to champion the idea of a central bank capable of governing the creation – the {d-0}rediscount{d-1} – of national credit. Sensing that Pease{apos}s scheme was a covert attempt to dethrone his bank, Meredith urged White to extend the Finance Act into peacetime; the nation faced too many other post-war challenges to tamper with the way in which national credit was governed, he argued. White heeded this advice, but in the 1920s Canada{apos}s lack of an expansive credit mechanism tarnished the credibility of the banking system, particularly in the populist west. When negative sentiments surfaced in 1923 during the revision of the Bank Act, Meredith attacked {d-0}the peculiar tenets which regard banking as the instrument of capital and a public menace.{d-1}

Compulsive caution tainted Meredith{apos}s decisions. The amalgamations during his tenure had done little to extend the bank{apos}s reach, merely adding branches where the bank was already well rooted. Other banks used mergers and lending policy more aggressively to expand their share of the market. Consequently, the Royal Bank surpassed the Bank of Montreal in assets in 1925, becoming Canada{apos}s largest bank. Meredith came to regard Pease with contempt and would not even speak to him.

In 1927, immediately after the bank{apos}s annual meeting, the board of directors, possibly concerned over the bank{apos}s slipping fortunes, created the position of chairman of the board and appointed Meredith to it, shifting him out of the president{apos}s office and installing vice-president Charles Blair Gordon* in his place. Meredith continued to chair the board{apos}s executive committee, but in July 1928 he was stricken with cerebral paralysis. He died at home about seven months later. His funeral at Christ Church Cathedral was attended by the city{apos}s commercial and political elite. Tributes represented Sir Henry Vincent Meredith as a hybrid of old Canadian financial conservatism and new professional banking. He left bequests totalling $575,000 to the Royal Victoria Hospital, McGill University, and Bishop{apos}s College (both academic institutions had conferred honorary degrees on him in 1927) and to two special pension funds for bank employees, one in particular for women employees.

Arch., BMO Financial Group (Montreal), Bank circular copybooks, 1914–18; General managers{s-1-unknown} scrapbooks, 1920–29; Letter and cable copybooks, 1913–18; Sir H. V. Meredith biog. and corr. files; Sir F. W. Taylor biog. file; Staff ledger, L–Mac. BCM-G, RBMB, St Paul{apos}s Presbyterian Church (Montreal), 14 Nov. 1888. LAC, MG 26, H; I; MG 27, II, D18. Royal Bank of Canada Arch. (Montreal), RBC 2, 43G PeaE (biog. file); 46A, WA1 (F. T. Walker reminiscence file). Bank of Montreal, Annual general meeting, 1913–29. [Archibald Bremner], City of London, Ontario, Canada: the pioneer period and the London of to-day (2nd ed., London, 1900; repr. 1967). Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). Merrill Denison, Canada{apos}s first bank: a history of the Bank of Montreal (2v., Toronto and Montreal, 1966–67), 2. A. B. Jamieson, Chartered banking in Canada (Toronto, 1953). {d-0}The late Sir Vincent Meredith, bart.,{d-1} Canadian Bankers{s-1-unknown} Assoc., Journal (Toronto), 36 (1928–29): 211–14. Duncan McDowall, Quick to the frontier: Canada{apos}s Royal Bank (Toronto, 1993). Donald MacKay, The Square Mile: merchant princes of Montreal (Vancouver, 1987). [H.] O. Miller, A century of western Ontario: the story of London, {d-0}The Free Press,{d-1} and western Ontario, 1849–1949 (Toronto, 1949; repr. Westport, Conn., 1972).

Flora MacDonald Merrill Denison lived two lives, one conventional, the other not. As Flora MacDonald (a frequent nom de plume and her maternal grandmother{apos}s name), she once wrote, {d-0}I have been an interested tenant of Mrs. Denison{apos}s body and at times we differ so vastly in our reasoning and conclusions that I have come to believe she and I are two different personalities.{d-1} Mrs Denison, apparently, was {d-0}someone outside myself.{d-1} This firmly held, and practised, mystical belief complicates any attempt to reconstruct her lives, material and spiritual, especially the early, Merrill years.

Flora{apos}s Merrill ancestry included politically respectable loyalists and religiously unorthodox universalists. Her father alternated between universalism and spiritualism; her schoolteacher mother sometimes declared herself a Catholic, sometimes a Methodist. George Merrill, a successful but discontented schoolmaster, tried his hand at prospecting and mining, in association with Billa Flint*, in the wilds of Hastings County, where Flora was born. The venture proved financially disastrous. The family then settled in Belleville, where Merrill probably continued to dream of a mining bonanza, but never gained regular employment. His daughter depicted him as a village intellectual and spiritualist engaging in controversies over religion and science and attempting to create perpetual motion. Alcohol may have been a problem. Elizabeth apparently supported the family. The sixth of eight children, Flora attended school in Belleville and then Picton, dropping out at the age of 15. After a brief stint at schoolteaching that she later described as {d-0}little more enticing to me than solitary confinement,{d-1} she may have attended business school in Belleville, perhaps taught again briefly, worked in Montreal, and then moved to Toronto, employed for a short period at an insurance agency.

The death of her eldest sister, Mary Edwards Merrill, in 1880 was traumatic. Flora would later report that during a period of depression in the mid 1880s her life was transformed by a psychic experience during which her sister materialized and restored her confidence in the future. In 1900 she told Mary{apos}s life story in Mary Melville, the psychic. Beyond the descriptions of Mary{apos}s astonishing psychic powers and advanced mathematical and linguistic genius, the book reveals much about the religious unorthodoxy that Flora had experienced in her early years, leading to her rejection of traditional Christianity, especially the doctrine of total depravity. The evangelists Dwight Lyman Moody and Ira David Sankey make an appearance as does the popular American freethinker Colonel Robert Green Ingersoll, a friend of Walt Whitman who introduced Flora to the poet{apos}s work when she heard him speak in 1892. (She may, in fact, have been exposed to Ingersoll earlier, for he had lectured in Belleville in 1880.) The authenticity of the Bible, the validity of such theological doctrines as eternal punishment and the transcendence of God, as well as the meaning of Darwinism are all debated. Mary, her father, and, of course, the author favoured a religion that combined a gospel of social criticism with spiritualism. After Mary{apos}s death one of the attending physicians observed, {d-0}She did more to make me believe in an existence outside of the body, than did all the sermons I ever listened to. . . . She so often said to me, {s-0}. . . poverty should be for none while there is prosperity for any. Caste is the heaviest curse civilization has to carry.{s-1-unknown}{d-1} The Reverend Benjamin Fish Austin*, a prominent Methodist divine recently expelled from his denomination for defending the reality of psychic phenomena, published Mary Melville. (Austin had attended Albert College in Belleville with Mary and had shared the platform with Flora at Lily Dale, the spiritualist summer camp in New York State.) He declared the book {d-0}in all essential features . . . a genuine biography of a real and wonderful life.{d-1} Whatever the fictional element of Mary Melville (both spiritualists and rationalists performed in 19th-century Belleville and most of the details of Mary Melville{apos}s life have been confirmed), the religious and social ideas expressed in the book were ones that guided Flora throughout her career.

Sometime in the mid 1880s Flora moved to Detroit, where she had relatives. There she probably found office work and may also have begun to write. In August 1892 she entered into a form of marriage with Howard Denison, an already married travelling garment salesman. She called him her husband and the union may have been legalized after the death of Howard{apos}s wife in 1904. His role in her life is not clear; the relationship would end in 1914. On 23 June 1893, after the Denisons had moved to Toronto, Merrill was born in Detroit, where Flora had gone for the delivery to ensure for her son the personal and political freedom she associated with the United States. Merrill would become her greatest source of comfort, her intellectual companion and lifelong friend. Since she was a pacifist, it grieved her greatly when he joined the United States Army Ambulance Corps in 1916 but his service in France cemented what Merrill called {d-0}the sacred order of the Mother and Son.{d-1}

Her unconventional marriage and growing attraction to the sexual freedom and democratic ideals found in Whitman{apos}s poetry informed an unpublished novel (written with Edmund Ernest Sheppard{apos}s daughter Hazel Sheppard Wagner) entitled {d-0}Flora MacDam{apos}s karma or outside of Eden{d-1} (1905). It condemned marriage as {d-0}another old superstition invented by the church as a source of revenue and also to keep people in subjection to its dogmas,{d-1} defended free love, and asserted: {d-0}Illegitimate! . . . Not a child born under all of nature{apos}s wisest regulations, the mutual desire for sexual embrace, should be branded with the blackest word in our vocabulary.{d-1} Few, even feminist, Canadians shared this radical view of marriage during Denison{apos}s lifetime.

In Toronto, Flora entered the dressmaking trade. For the remainder of her life she would be gainfully employed, sometimes in more than one occupation, supporting herself, her child, and perhaps even her husband. In this respect, she practised what she would frequently preach: women{apos}s need for financial independence as the basis of genuine equality. In August 1898 she became manager of the custom-dress department of the Robert Simpson Company, a position that required her to design and sew {d-0}the swell dresses worn at the Yacht Club ball.{d-1} Similar costumes would later motivate her demand for {d-0}saner dress for women.{d-1} Her work doubtless also allowed her an opportunity to observe the oppressed condition of the mainly women workers employed in the garment industry. That subject she would soon take up in her contributions to Saturday Night, where she criticized the {d-0}competitive system . . . [in which] hundreds go under that a few may be on top,{d-1} and in 1910 she would support the strike by women workers at the T. E. Braime and Company clothing factory in Toronto. In 1905 she left Simpson{apos}s to start her own dressmaking business, Denison Costumer, whose success allowed her to support financially the growing women{apos}s movement, in which she took an increasingly active role.

Though Mary Melville was not explicitly a feminist novel, it did star a young woman who had {d-0}knowledge of a higher plane.{d-1} Perhaps Flora had already begun to read feminist books that she would later refer to – Charlotte Perkins Gilman{apos}s Women and economics . . . (Boston, 1898) and The home . . . (New York, 1903), and Olive Schreiner{apos}s Women and labor (New York, [1911]). She was also familiar with critiques of traditional marriage and the family by Edward Carpenter and H. G. Wells. Then there were the contacts she made with leaders of the women{apos}s movement in Toronto, especially Dr Emily Howard Stowe [Jennings*], her daughter Dr Ann Augusta Stowe* Gullen, and Dr Margaret Blair Gordon, founders of the campaign for woman suffrage. In 1906 she became secretary of the Dominion Women{apos}s Enfranchisement Association, which was soon renamed the Canadian Suffrage Association. For a time her home on Carlton Street would serve as headquarters for the CSA, of which she was president from 1911 to 1914. She attended two of the annual world conventions of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, in Copenhagen in 1906 and Budapest in 1913. She knew and greatly admired Emmeline Pankhurst, the British suffragist leader, who stayed with her during her Canadian tours in 1909 and 1911. In 1913, while visiting the United Kingdom, Denison joined the Women{apos}s Social and Political Union and participated in the protest meeting at the London Pavilion where Pankhurst was arrested. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, would hire Flora as a full-time paid lecturer in the successful campaign for the franchise in New York State in 1917.

In 1906 Denison gained a popular platform for her feminist advocacy when she began writing a column in the Toronto World, run by William Findlay Maclean. It appeared first as {d-0}Under the Pines,{d-1} then as {d-0}The Open Road towards Democracy,{d-1} and finally after 1913 as {d-0}Stray Leaves from a Suffragette{apos}s Notebook.{d-1} The rights of women evoked her strongest passion. She summed up her claim to equality this way: {d-0}A woman{apos}s duty and a woman{apos}s sphere is just where her capabilities and opportunities lead her.{d-1} The achievement of equality would make women partners, not opponents of men. {d-0}Men need women in politics; women need men in the home,{d-1} she argued.

The economic and political equality that Denison demanded as a right revealed a feminism that contrasted with the view of the more numerous maternal feminists, who advocated equal suffrage mainly as a defence of the home and family values threatened by industrial and urban society. Denison, as president of the CSA, sat as an ex officio member of the executive of the National Council of Women of Canada, a body that she repeatedly criticized for its temporizing moderation. In 1912 she broke openly with the council over the issue of flogging as a punishment for {d-0}procurers.{d-1} For her, prostitution was a socio-economic issue rather than a moral one. It was not by physical punishment but through social reform that {d-0}white slavery{d-1} would be abolished. Her stand on this and other issues – her criticism of the tyranny of the home, her support of divorce and birth control, and especially her reluctant defence of the militant tactics of the Women{apos}s Social and Political Union – first split the CSA, when the moderates formed the Equal Franchise League in 1912, and then forced Denison{apos}s resignation in 1914. But she continued to campaign. In 1917 she celebrated recent suffragist victories and endorsed Charlotte Perkins Gilman{apos}s optimistic assertion that {d-0}the immediate hope of the world is in women.{d-1}

Denison{apos}s reform activities were never confined to the suffragist cause. She sympathized with working women and worried about their neglected children, suggesting that women should be paid to stay home. She advocated state intervention to construct {d-0}a great hospital home, guaranteeing employment and comfort to all within its gates.{d-1} {d-0}Caste{d-1} was {d-0}the greatest curse in this world . . . the greatest blessing its abolition,{d-1} she wrote in 1907, {d-0}and when I use the word {s-0}caste{s-1-unknown} I do so advisedly, because it is comprehensive and far-reaching enough to include the thousand and one evils of state, of church and of social conditions generally.{d-1} She supported the Canadian Rational Sunday League{apos}s campaign in favour of Sunday streetcars and against a ban on Sunday tobogganing. She joined the Progressive Thought Club, to discuss {d-0}new thought, scientific and psychical lines.{d-1} {d-0}All theories for social betterment were expounded,{d-1} she noted, {d-0}and advocates of single tax, socialism, spiritualism, theosophy, Christianity, could be heard any Saturday night at Forum Hall.{d-1} The alternative medical practices of her feminist physician friends, ranging from the laying on of hands to hydrotherapy and electric currents, won her approval. When war broke out in August 1914 she called upon women to oppose it, arguing that {d-0}had women stood shoulder to shoulder with men in thinking out world problems this war would never have been.{d-1} Later in the conflict she supported the campaign for the prohibition of alcohol [see Francis Stephens Spence*].

Denison spent the early years of the war in Napanee, working as a dressmaker to pay for her son{apos}s education and recoup her finances. But by 1916 the central focus of her life became the Bon Echo Inn at Mazinaw (Massanoga) Lake, which she and her husband had purchased in 1910. {d-0}My life{apos}s work from now on,{d-1} she wrote, {d-0}will be in propagating the Ideals of Whitman with Bon Echo as a glorious vantage ground.{d-1} This rustic inn, originally built by a Cleveland dental surgeon as a wilderness retreat from industrial cities, would serve two purposes. Its rental rooms and cabins (one named in honour of Charlotte Perkins Gilman after a 1911 visit) would provide income. More important, Bon Echo would become a memorial to {d-0}the great grey poet,{d-1} the centre of the Whitman Fellowship of Canada, and an {d-0}Institution of the Dear Love of Comrades,{d-1} a phrase that describes the rather vague, democratic, communal, spiritual philosophy that Flora and others drew from the American poet. {d-0}Walt Whitman has been the great positive spiritualizing force,{d-1} the Whitmanites believed, {d-0}absolutely refuting the conclusions of materialistic science by including all their findings and infusing them with the divine fire of an immortal soul.{d-1}

In March 1916 Denison began publishing the Sunset of Bon Echo (a total of six issues appeared by May 1920). The magazine combined promotion of the commercial and the Whitmanite goals of the wilderness resort where she employed native people and sometimes dressed in her own version of native costume. {d-0}Sunset,{d-1} she explained, {d-0}. . . was an Indian Chief. He first became my friend when Mrs. Denison – then Flora Merrill – taught school in the backwoods.{d-1} The chief practised {d-0}both mental and magnetic healing.{d-1} Among the visitors to Bon Echo were single-tax cartoonist John Wilson Bengough, Albert Ernest Stafford Smythe*, founder of the Toronto Theosophical Society, Frederic Marlett Bell-Smith, painter, and James Laughlin Hughes*, educational reformer.

The annual gatherings culminated in the August 1919 celebration of the centennial of Whitman{apos}s birth, featuring the dedication of the great rock – {d-0}Canada{apos}s Gibraltar{d-1} – that looms over Mazinaw to {d-0}OLD WALT, 1819–1919: dedicated to the democratic ideals of Walt Whitman by Horace Traubel and Flora MacDonald.{d-1} The ageing, ailing Traubel, a biographer and long-time associate of Whitman, travelled from New York for the occasion. He expired two weeks later, the spirit of Old Walt at his deathbed. Flora minutely recorded the struggle to transport Traubel{apos}s body south to the railway at Kaladar (Merrill Denison acting as undertaker) and then on to New York for embalming, followed by the funeral there, during which the church caught fire, and burial in Camden, N.J. (Whitman{apos}s final resting place).

After the Great War ended, Denison continued the spiritualist and reformist role she had crafted for herself during the first two decades of the century. Her letters to her son often recounted communications with Mary and Old Walt, and her participation in the Association for Psychical Research of Canada. In February 1919 she attended a phenomenal three-hour seance at the Toronto home of Dr Albert Durrant Watson, author of The twentieth plane . . . (Toronto, 1918), where the psychic Louis Benjamin presided. She recorded that {d-0}I have sat in hundreds of circles, often with the most remarkable Psychics that any age has produced, but I never sat in one where the dominant note of Love was so pronounced.{d-1} Lincoln, Ingersoll, Emerson, William Cullen Bryant, and Dr Richard Maurice Bucke* were summoned to attest to Walt Whitman{apos}s genius.

So, too, she attended meetings of the Theosophical Society to hear George Herbert Locke*, the chief of the Toronto Public Library, and the People{apos}s Forum to hear Robert Henry Halbert, the president of the United Farmers of Ontario. She was a founder of and campaigner for the Ontario section of the Canadian Labor Party. Despite her pessimism about the fate of reform movements in the post-war world, she intended to continue contributing her considerable platform talents to the cause. Though far from an original thinker, she combined practical reform with a mystical utopian vision of {d-0}a higher conception of human nature and the brotherhood of man{d-1} that was characteristic of many late-Victorian English Canadian regenerators.

Still not restored to full health after a bout with Spanish influenza in autumn 1919, Flora visited Bon Echo during the unseasonably cold, wet spring of 1921. She contracted pneumonia and died on 23 May. Like her feminist mentor, Dr Emily Howard Stowe ({d-0}I see no other woman to approach her yet{d-1}), she was cremated in Buffalo, doubtless as a demonstration of the superiority of the spiritual over the material life, and the triumph of Flora MacDonald over Mrs Denison.

Flora MacDonald [Merrill] (Denison){apos}s Mary Melville, the psychic was published in Toronto in 1900.

QUA, Merrill Denison fonds. Univ. of Toronto Library, Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, ms coll. 51 (Flora MacDonald Denison papers). World (Toronto), 1906–13. C. L. Bacchi, Liberation deferred? The ideas of the English-Canadian suffragists, 1877–1918 (Toronto, 1983). Ann Braude, Radical spirits: spiritualism and women{apos}s rights in nineteenth-century America (Boston, 1989). Ramsay Cook, The regenerators: social criticism in late Victorian English Canada (Toronto, 1985). Deborah Gorham, {d-0}Flora MacDonald Denison: Canadian feminist,{d-1} in A not unreasonable claim: women and reform in Canada, 1880s–1920s, ed. Linda Kealey (Toronto, 1979), 47–70. Michèle Lacombe, {d-0}Songs of the open road: Bon Echo, urban utopians and the cult of nature,{d-1} Journal of Canadian Studies (Peterborough, Ont.), 33 (1998–99), no.2: 152–67; {d-0}Theosophy and the Canadian idealist tradition: a preliminary exploration,{d-1} Journal of Canadian Studies, 17 (1982–83), no.2: 100–18. Alex Owen, The darkened room: women, power, and spiritualism in late nineteenth century England (London, 1989). Robert Stacey and Stan McMullin, Massanoga: the art of Bon Echo (n.p., 1998). Sunset of Bon Echo (Toronto), 1 (March 1916–April/May 1920), nos.1–6.

Thomas Llewellyn Metcalfe{apos}s origins reveal patterns of late-Victorian, middle-class, rural culture that were common to many who made careers as lawyers and judges in Canada before World War I. When he was six or seven years old, his family moved from Ontario to Manitoba, settling in the Oakland district, north of Portage la Prairie. Thomas would live close to his mother, who died in 1914, and his father, who died in 1921, for most of his life. He had three equally successful brothers: George, a Winnipeg businessman, W. E., a physician in Portage la Prairie, and Charles, a businessman, also in Portage la Prairie.

Educated in Portage la Prairie, Metcalfe applied to the Law Society of Manitoba to be a student-at-law at age 16. Despite having no further formal education, he would display, according to an obituary, {d-0}a knowledge and a wholly unexpected breadth of reading and learning.{d-1} On 6 Feb. 1889 he was articled to Winnipeg{apos}s most distinguished lawyer, James Albert Manning Aikins. For reasons unknown, the required five years of articling were then assigned in turn to six other lawyers, mainly in Portage la Prairie, although the last was in Boissevain. After passing two examinations, Metcalfe paid his $100 fee for his call to the Manitoba bar on 13 Jan. 1894. Before the call, however, his father had to post a $400 bond to the Law Society of Manitoba guaranteeing payment of Metcalfe{apos}s fees and Metcalfe{apos}s obedience to the society{apos}s rules. Metcalfe practised civil litigation with Robert Andrew Bonnar, who would specialize in criminal cases, and by 1904 he had formed a partnership with Eliphalet Edwards Sharpe. He was active on behalf of land investors and he regularly lectured on real property at the Manitoba Law School.

His being raised a Presbyterian and his lifelong devotion to amateur sports may have generated in Metcalfe a character that required a commitment to clear rules and the community{apos}s enforcement of them. He was an ardent clubman, belonging to lacrosse, duck-hunting, canoe, and golf clubs and he supported local hockey teams. As well, he was a staunch member of the Liberal party, serving as a broker for patronage requests. His networking placed him on numerous royal commissions. Appointed to the commission for revision and consolidation of the statutes of Canada in 1902, he sat until 1907. Two years later he was named to another royal commission, on the condition of the fisheries of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. During 1919–20 he would chair the Winnipeg Electric Railway{apos}s board of arbitration.

Appointed directly to the Court of King{apos}s Bench of Manitoba on 22 May 1909 at age 39, one of Canada{apos}s youngest ever superior court judges, Metcalfe was a legal formalist. {d-0}If the laws were unjust his lordship would reiterate [that] to rectify such injustice would only be the prerogative and the duty of the legislature . . . [not] of the judiciary.{d-1} It was no surprise, then, that in the trial in November and December 1919 of Robert Boyd Russell, a leader of the Winnipeg General Strike [see Mike Sokolowiski*], he enforced all procedural rules to the letter.

Metcalfe presided over the trials of several leaders of Canada{apos}s most dramatic labour crisis. The trials of 1919–20 exposed his attitudes, social and legal, beginning with his rudely egalitarian views on women. {d-0}When women are taking up special obligations and assuming equal privileges with men . . . , {d-0} he argued, {d-0}[they] are just as liable to ill treatment in a riot as men and can claim no special protection and are entitled to no sympathy; and if they stand and resist officers of the law they are liable to be cut down.{d-1} In the Russell case, his charge to a jury of male farmers, brought to Winnipeg as part of a strategy urged by the local, federally employed prosecutor, Alfred Joseph Andrews*, emphasized that {d-0}an intention to incite the people to take power into their own hands and to provoke them to tumult and disorder is a seditious intention,{d-1} citing an unnamed {d-0}eminent authority.{d-1} The jury promptly convicted Russell. On 3 Oct. 1921 Metcalfe moved to the Court of Appeal, perhaps in part as reward for consistent, predictable services to the law and the political order.

Metcalfe died in 1922 at age 52, much younger than either his mother, who died at 78, or his father, who died at 82. The official cause was high blood pressure and arteriosclerosis, but the Manitoba Free Press, hardly a strike supporter, insisted that it was the strike trials that led to his final stay in hospital. According to his own correspondence, he may have suffered from chronic illness since at least 1904. Despite 15 years of success at the bar and a judicial income for 13 years, Metcalfe left $46,313 in debts and only $48,194 in assets; at least on paper, he died almost bankrupt. Joseph Thorarinn Thorson, the first dean of the Manitoba Law School and later a judge, recalled Metcalfe as a {d-0}renegade{d-1} who {d-0}drank too much,{d-1} and had morals that were {d-0}not so wonderful,{d-1} but he conceded that he was {d-0}a charming person{d-1} and {d-0}a very good lawyer.{d-1}

Frank H. Mewburn represents the fourth generation of a six-generation medical-military dynasty. His great-grandfather Francis Mewburn was apprenticed as an apothecary in 1765, practised in Whitby in Yorkshire, England, and held a commission in the volunteers when Napoleon threatened invasion. Francis{apos}s son John, who studied medicine in London and was in the Peninsular War, immigrated in 1832 to Upper Canada, where he volunteered to help suppress the rebellion of 1837-38. Francis Clarke, John{apos}s son and Frank{apos}s father, was 15 when the family arrived; following his medical licensure in 1838, he served with the Niagara coloured corps for two years and, during the Fenian raids, in 1866, with the 44th (Welland) Battalion of Infantry. Frank{apos}s son Frank Hastings Hamilton, an orthopaedic surgeon, would serve in World War I and his grandson, Robert Hamilton, whose medical studies were interrupted by World War II, would become a psychiatrist. Robert{apos}s death in 1977 brought the family{apos}s 212-year tradition to a close.

After graduation from McGill College (md, cm 1881), Frank H. Mewburn served for a year as house surgeon at the Montreal General Hospital. In March 1882 he accepted appointment as house surgeon at the Winnipeg General Hospital, a position that appears to have included all aspects of the hospital{apos}s operation. His four years there were not without the occasional controversy brought on by his quick temper and colourful vocabulary, but his work was appreciated; on resigning, he was presented with a gold watch and chain. In March 1885, with the opening salvo of the North-West rebellion, a wing of the building had been taken over as a military base hospital. Here Mewburn gained his first experience as a military surgeon, under James Kerr, and for this service he was awarded the North West Canada Medal.

In December, Mewburn visited Lethbridge on the invitation of Elliott Torrance Galt, manager of the North-Western Coal and Navigation Company Limited, and accepted appointment as its medical officer. On his arrival early in 1886 he was also made acting assistant surgeon to the local detachment of the North-West Mounted Police. Later he became chief medical officer of the Canadian Pacific Railway when it was extended through the Crowsnest Pass. On three occasions (1899, 1900, 1905) he served as mayor of Lethbridge. It was during his 27 years there that Mewburn honed his skill and established his reputation as the premier surgeon of the west. Provided with the most primitive of facilities, he was well suited to the role of a self-made surgeon. He kept up his reading of medical journals. Mewburn{apos}s first operation on an aboriginal patient, a Blood Indian from whom he removed a goitre, established his reputation with the native population and led, following similar successes, to his identification as one with special competence in thyroid surgery. He performed his first abdominal operation in 1893 (the drainage of an abscess from a perforated appendix, with the patient surviving) and his first Caesarean section in 1903. From that point, recalled his one-time medical partner Walter Stuart Galbraith, his surgical progress was {d-0}continuous.{d-1} Mewburn was by nature an innovator and although not dexterous, he was painstaking in his attention to detail and patients{s-1-unknown} best interests. Those who knew him commented that all who consulted him, rich or poor, aboriginal or European, received the same dedicated care.

In 1913 Mewburn moved to Calgary, where he limited his practice to surgery. At the outbreak of World War I he offered his services to Samuel Hughes, the minister of militia and defence, who wired back, thanking him while regretting that he was too old. Sydney Chilton Mewburn remembered his cousin{apos}s reply: {d-0}Reference your wire - go to hell! I am going anyway,{d-1} and he did. After travelling to London at his own expense, he was taken on strength as a major in the Canadian Army Medical Corps on 1 July 1915. Promoted lieutenant-colonel in 1916, he was posted on 11 April 1917 to the Duchess of Connaught{apos}s Canadian Red Cross Hospital (later No.15 Canadian General Hospital) at Taplow, in charge of the surgical division. On the basis of his experience there, he would publish a paper in 1919 on the management of lesions of peripheral nerves. In 1918 he was awarded the Order of the British Empire.

Mewburn{apos}s return to surgical practice in Calgary in June 1919 was brief. In 1921 he accepted the founding professorship of surgery at the University of Alberta in Edmonton. Previously students had been required to take their final two years in eastern Canada. His organization of the surgical department and surgical teaching, along with instruction in medicine, enabled the faculty to award its first degrees in 1925. He himself received honorary llds from McGill University in 1921 and the University of Alberta the following year. Through the magnetism of his personality and the stories from his past that he wove into his halting presentations in class, the Colonel (a name he did not discourage) became a favourite with his students, who made him an honorary president of their Medical Club and Osler Society. Within his profession, he served as second vice-president of the American College of Surgeons in 1927-28. In January 1929, at age 70, he developed pneumonia after walking home from the university hospital in freezing weather. He died three days later and was buried with full military honours. His name is perpetuated by the Mewburn Medal in Surgery at the University of Alberta and the cairn erected in his honour in 1937 on the grounds of the Galt Hospital in Lethbridge.

Frank Hamilton Mewburn wrote a biographical article about his western medical associate and friend George Allan Kennedy*, which was published as {d-0}The life and work of Dr. George A. Kennedy{d-1} in the Canadian Medical Assoc., Journal (Toronto), new ser., 21 (July-December 1929): 327-30. His {d-0}Observations on lesions of peripheral nerves; with special reference to pre-operative and post-operative treatment{d-1} appeared in Can., Medical Services of the Dept. of Soldiers{s-1-unknown} Civil Re-establishment and the Board of Pension Commissioners, Medical Quarterly (Ottawa), 1 (1919): 279-94.

AM, MG 10, B11, box 15. LAC, RG 150, Acc. 1992-93/166, box 6145-70. McMaster Univ., William Ready Div. of Arch. and Research Coll. (Hamilton, Ont.), ACC, Diocese of Niagara Arch., All Saints{s-1-unknown} Anglican Church (Niagara Falls, Ont.), RBMB, 4 June 1858. Private arch., R. A. Macbeth (Toronto), Copies of letters of recommendation written in 1883 in relation to Mewburn{apos}s application for a position in Winnipeg; Charity Mewburn (Qualicum Beach, B.C.), Papers and memorabilia; R. M. Mewburn (Qualicum Beach), Papers and memorabilia. Univ. of Alta Arch. (Edmonton), Board of governors, annual reports, 1921-22; John James Ower, diaries, 1929. Examiner (Charlottetown), 6 Jan. 1888. P. M. Campbell, {d-0}Frank Hamilton Mewburn,{d-1} Calgary Associate Clinic, Hist. Bull., 15 (1950-51): 61-69. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). William Canniff, The medical profession in Upper Canada, 1783-1850 . . . (Toronto, 1894; repr. 1980), 511-18. F. S. Coulson, {d-0}The first surgeon in the west: Frank Hamilton Mewburn (1858-1929),{d-1} Calgary Associate Clinic, Hist. Bull., 10 (1945): 120-25. R. B. Deane, {d-0}Frank Hamilton Mewburn,{d-1} Canadian Medical Assoc., Journal, new ser., 20 (January-June 1929): 306-8. Evergreen and Gold (Edmonton?), [1921-29] (copies in Univ. of Alta Arch.). Joseph Hanaway and Richard Cruess, McGill medicine (1v. to date, Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1996-?), 129. H. E. MacDermot, Sir Thomas Roddick: his work in medicine and public life (Toronto, 1938), 55. N. T. McPhedran, Canadian medical schools: two centuries of medical history, 1822 to 1992 (Montreal, 1993), 141-42. H. E. Rawlinson, {d-0}Frank Hamilton Mewburn, o.b.e., m.d., c.m., ll.d., lt.-col., c.a.m.c., professor of surgery, University of Alberta, pioneer surgeon,{d-1} Canadian Journal of Surgery (Toronto), 2 (1958-59): 1-5. Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell), vol.1. G. D. Stanley, {d-0}Medical pioneering in Alberta: unforgettable incidents in private practice,{d-1} Calgary Associate Clinic, Hist. Bull., 10: 147-48.

Sara Mickle must have inherited her great-grandfather{apos}s literary disposition. He was William Julius Mickle (Meikle), the Scottish poet and translator of the Portuguese historical epic {d-0}Os Lusíadas{d-1} by Luís Vaz de Camões. His son, Charles Julius Mickle, immigrated to Canada in 1832, settling north of Guelph, where he established a successful sawmill. Sara was born at Langholm, the house her father had built across the Elora Road from her grandfather{apos}s. Shortly after his death in 1879, the family settled in Toronto. The seventh of thirteen children, Sara never married. Having inherited from her father, and later her mother and sister, she dedicated herself to social causes, such as the Hillcrest Convalescent Hospital and St Andrew{apos}s Presbyterian Church, both in Toronto. Her greatest passion throughout her life was the preservation of Canada{apos}s past.

In March 1898 Mickle was the only woman present when a committee of the Pioneer and Historical Society of the Province of Ontario met to consider ways of widening the association{apos}s scope; she moved that the name be changed to the Ontario Historical Society, and two months later it was. She was already involved with the Women{apos}s Canadian Historical Society of Toronto, established in 1895 by Sarah Anne Curzon [Vincent*] and Mary Agnes FitzGibbon and now numbering over 200 persons. The society{apos}s leaders were socially notable women who claimed descent from {d-0}ancestors [who] had taken a . . . prominent part in the making of Canada{apos}s history.{d-1} Like other historical organizations of the period, it promoted, through the collection of documents and relics and the presentation of research about the past, {d-0}a unity of national purpose and a high ideal of loyalty and patriotism{d-1} that would sustain Canada{apos}s {d-0}rising status.{d-1} Mickle contributed as both an organizer and a historian. With FitzGibbon and Lady Edgar [Ridout*] she helped stage a highly successful historical exhibition at Victoria University in 1899, she prepared three calendars on historical themes, and she wrote a number of papers on topics ranging from tombstone inscriptions to historic homes. She was a member of the WCHST executive committee almost continuously from 1897 until her death in 1930, and served the last 15 of those years as president of the society.

Known as {d-0}a gifted speaker,{d-1} she entered the political sphere as an activist for different public causes. Over the first two decades of the 20th century she was a leader in a drawn-out battle to save Toronto{apos}s Fort York from urban and commercial encroachment on its territory. When it came under threat in 1905, WCHST rallies were held to raise awareness of the colonial fortress. The following year the society sponsored Saturday lectures at the fort for schoolchildren, an activity that reportedly attracted thousands. Efforts to educate the public were fruitful in 1907, when a by-law that would have permitted the construction of a street railway through the fort grounds was rejected by a solid majority of the city{apos}s voters. Nevertheless, historical activists had to remain on their guard. In 1916 Mickle, as president of the WCHST, called for a monument at the fort {d-0}to interest and inform the public in the history of the place{d-1} and for a proper land survey, which might offer further protection. She was involved again in the 1920s, playing a prominent role in the Committee on the Restoration and Preservation of Old Fort York. With Sir William Dillon Otter and others, she drafted a pamphlet to {d-0}stimulate public interest in [the] value of the Old Fort as a memorial.{d-1}

But a memorial to what? Why was saving an abandoned colonial fort worth the effort? For Mickle and the WCHST the past was familiar and redolent with the social values that underpinned Canadian society. Indeed, their work was as much about preserving the social and political status quo as it was about preserving historic sites and documents. As the WCHST{apos}s annual report asked in 1909, should {d-0}the commercial utilitarian element in our city . . . win against the patriotic sentiment and loyal belief in the value of the lessons of our past history{d-1}? According to the organization, earlier struggles to maintain ties with the British empire must not be forgotten, particularly in 1910-11 when the Naval Service Bill and reciprocity were being debated in parliament and the daily press. The society supported the war effort, its members assisting in the activities of the Canadian Red Cross and Mickle, in one of her yearly presidential addresses, calling for empire-wide unity. For the same reason, Mickle and the WCHST had joined the OHS and other organizations in a fight against a proposal to erect in Quebec City a memorial to the American major-general Richard Montgomery*, who died while leading an attack on that city in 1775. Petitions were sent over a period of ten years (1898-1908) to the mayor of Quebec, the minister of militia and defence, the governor general, and the king. The notion of placing a monument to a republican invader was repellent to Mickle{apos}s group, which described itself in the text of one petition as {d-0}a band of women . . . united only by the common bond of patriotism for the study of our country{apos}s history, and the preservation of its memorials and for the promotion of loyalty amongst its peoples, especially the children, with the aim of perpetuating the history of those who endured, fought, suffered and died to maintain the supremacy of the British Crown.{d-1}

Mickle{apos}s last major work was the restoration of Colborne Lodge, the 1837 home of artist-architect John George Howard*. He had turned over to the City of Toronto much of the land that became High Park. The lodge in the park{apos}s grounds had been a fine and unique structure but by the mid 1920s, when Mickle took the leadership in restoring the house, it had fallen into a {d-0}desolate state.{d-1} She told the mayor that, like other cities, Toronto should have such a place to give citizens {d-0}a picture of domestic life long ago.{d-1} She was tireless in her curatorial efforts, and {d-0}never rested until she had had a little talk{d-1} with anyone who had ever worked in the house. Her work on the lodge earned her the rare praise of George MacKinnon Wrong*, dean of Canadian historians, who recognized the restoration as {d-0}an interesting achievement.{d-1} His approbation was a significant departure in an era when women{apos}s historical efforts were often criticized as amateurish and second-rate.

While Mickle made local history her focus of interest, her goal throughout was to provide Canadians with reminders of their place in something larger: the British empire. Believing that {d-0}the need for true patriotism is great,{d-1} she chose research subjects that demonstrated loyalist values. For her, history was not simply a vocation; it was a public-spirited pursuit and an expression of the desire of her generation of native-born, upper-middle-class women to play a role in the formation of Canadian identity.

Sara Mickle is the author of {d-0}Colborne Lodge{d-1} and {d-0}The owner of Colborne Lodge{d-1} in Women{apos}s Canadian Hist. Soc. of Toronto, Trans., no.26 (1927-28): 57-59 and 60-61.

AO, F 1090; F 1139-2, 30 March 1898; F 1180-11, ser.K, file 19; RG 22-305 nos.4569, 23764, 64864; RG 22-318, no.1764. Private arch., David Kimmel (Montreal), [Alan Cane], {d-0}Family history and letters: Cane/Armitage/Mickle/Rowe.{d-1} Canadian annual rev., 1929/30. Colborne Lodge, High Park, Toronto, Canada, first occupied December 23rd, 1837 ([Toronto, 1951]). S. M. Cook, {d-0}Seventy years of history, 1895-1965,{d-1} Women{apos}s Canadian Hist. Soc. of Toronto, Trans., no.29 (1970). Creating historical memory: English-Canadian women and the work of history, ed. Beverly Boutilier and Alison Prentice (Vancouver, 1997). {d-0}A gifted lady,{d-1} Saturday Night, 21 June 1930: 7. Gerald Killan, Preserving Ontario{apos}s heritage: a history of the Ontario Historical Society (Ottawa, 1976). Janet Miron, {d-0}The Women{apos}s Historical Society of Toronto: preserving the {s-0}food of loyalty and the drink of patriotism{s-1-unknown}{d-1} (unpublished paper prepared for York Univ., North York [Toronto], 1996). Cecilia Morgan, {d-0}History, nation, and empire: gender and southern Ontario historical societies, 1890-1920s,{d-1} CHR, 82 (2001): 491-528. {d-0}The Woman{apos}s Canadian Historical Society of Toronto: report of regular monthly meeting, held May 30, {s-0}98,{d-1} Canadian Home Journal (Toronto), 4 (1898-99), no.3: 12. Women of Canada (Montreal, 1930). Women{apos}s Canadian Hist. Soc. of Toronto, Annual report, 1896-1930. Donald Wright, {d-0}Gender and the professionalization of history in English Canada before 1960,{d-1} CHR, 81 (2000): 29-66.

The seventh of thirteen children, Émile Miller attracted attention even in elementary school because of his studiousness and industry, his cheerfulness and penchant for daydreaming, and his passion for reading. Around 1899 the Miller family moved from Saint-Placide to Montreal. At his father{apos}s urging, Émile rather reluctantly enrolled in a course in pharmacy, and he obtained his diploma in 1902. Soon after, and without his family{apos}s knowledge, he boarded the first ship for Europe. With no financial resources and no clear-cut goal, he found employment as a labourer and set out in search of adventure. In this way he visited England and France.

Having lived through some difficult times, Miller returned to Montreal and went back to regular studies at the École Normale Jacques-Cartier. Soured by life and not really interested in teaching at the elementary level, he got to know Abbé Adélard Desrosiers, the school{apos}s vice-principal, who introduced him to the study of geography, a discipline then not much in demand. After completing his studies, Miller got a job in the municipal office of the village of Lorimier (Montreal) in 1906; later he would work in the office of the Montreal city archives. He continued to be interested in geography, and in Montreal in 1912 he published his first book; entitled Terres et peuples du Canada, it had a preface by Desrosiers. This volume occupies an important place among Miller{apos}s writings and in the geographical field. For the first time, serious questions were being posed about the geography of the country, and the relationship between human beings and their environment was being studied. In 1915 Miller had an article in the Revue trimestrielle canadienne (Montréal), entitled {d-0}La géographie au service de l{apos}histoire,{d-1} which emphasized the importance of dialogue between the two disciplines. Along with his writing, he taught classes in geography at the school sponsored by the Council of Arts and Manufactures of the Province of Quebec in Montreal. In 1917 he left the archives to become executive secretary of the Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste in Montreal, a position he would hold until 1922. In 1918, at the urging of this society, he taught public classes in geography at the Monument National and the Union Catholique, among other centres. During the period of his employment, Miller would serve as editor of Le Courrier de la Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Montréal; first issued in 1921, the journal was to report on the activities of the society{apos}s branches. In 1920 he had been appointed to the chair of geography in the new faculty of arts at the Université de Montréal. The following year saw the publication in Montreal of his second volume, Pour qu{apos}on aime la géographie, which contained both previously published and unpublished articles. Here Miller took the new approach of geographers in explaining how the environment can be the source of information about methods of colonization and the development of fundamental activities. He was also the author of many articles in various journals, including the Bulletin (Québec) of the Geographical Society of Quebec, L{apos}Action française (Montréal), and the Revue trimestrielle canadienne.

Émile Miller died too young, before he had time to record all he knew, but he was one of the earliest French Canadian geographers, if not indeed the first. Not until French geographer Raoul Blanchard came to teach and to write about French Canada in works published from 1935 to 1952 would interest in geography revive. Miller had made good use of knowledge acquired through reading the great geographers of France and Germany, such as Paul Vidal de La Blache. His explanations sometimes were based on a superficial determinism; nevertheless he had sought to put forward an overview of Canada by linking physical and human geography so as to bring out more clearly the oneness of the country and of the people living in it. After Miller{apos}s death, Abbé Desrosiers gathered up his manuscripts and in 1924 he published in Beauceville a Géographie générale that would fill a gap in school geography textbooks.

ANQ-M, CE606-S11, 1er janv. 1856-27 déc. 1873; CE606-S16, 1873-99, esp. 20 sept. 1884. Univ. Laval (Québec), Laboratoire de Géographie Historique, Arch. de la Soc. de Géographie de Québec. Le Devoir, 4 août, 9 sept. 1922. La Patrie, 4 août 1922. La Presse, 4 août 1922. Le Soleil, 4 août 1922. La Tribune (Sherbrooke, Qué.), 4 août 1922. Benoît Brouillette, {d-0}Un pionnier de la géographie au Canada français: Émile Miller,{d-1} Rev. canadienne de géographie (Montréal), 4 (1950), nos.1-2: 94-96. Lionel Groulx, Mes mémoires (4v., Montréal, 1970-74), 2. Édouard Montpetit, {d-0}Émile Miller,{d-1} Rev. trimestrielle canadienne (Montréal), 8 (1922): 263-66. Christian Morissonneau, La Société de géographie de Québec, 1877-1970 (Québec, 1971). {d-0}Pour qu{apos}on aime la géographie,{d-1} Rev. trimestrielle canadienne, 7 (1921): 510-12. Eugène Rouillard, {d-0}Une perte pour la géographie canadienne: M. Émile Miller,{d-1} Soc. de Géographie de Québec, Bull., 16 (1922): 195. Robert Rumilly, Histoire de la Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Montréal: des patriotes au fleurdelisé, 1834-1948 (Montréal, 1975). Soc. Généalogique Canadienne-Française, Mariages de la paroisse Saint-Jacques de Montréal (1873-1984) (13v., Montréal, 1987-90), 10: 25.

MILLS, HARRIET ANN (Roche; Boomer), author and social activist; b. 10 July 1835 in Bishop{apos}s Hull, England, second daughter of Thomas Milliken Mills, a solicitor, and Ann Benton; m. first 11 March 1858 Alfred Robert Roche in Staplegrove, England; m. secondly 17 Nov. 1878 Michael Boomer* in New York City; she had no children; d. 1 March 1921 in London, Ont.

Little is known of Harriet Mills{apos}s early life, but she was well educated, most likely by her mother, who found it necessary to take in pupils after being widowed at age 25. Harriet and her sister Mary Louisa came to Canada in 1851 when their mother accepted the principalship of St Cross school at Red River (Man.). In 1857 Harriet and her mother returned to England - Mary Louisa stayed, having married Francis Godschall Johnson*. Mrs Mills took a position at Queen{apos}s College in London. Harriet attended classes there, likely until she married Alfred Roche, a geologist who had spent some time in Canada, and moved to Hertfordshire. In 1875 the couple went to the Transvaal to inspect Roche{apos}s mining interests; he became ill and died at sea in 1876 on the way home. To help support herself, Harriet produced On trek in the Transvaal: or, over berg and veldt in South Africa (London, 1878).

In 1878 she married the Reverend Michael Boomer, principal of Huron College in London, Ont., where she quickly became involved in church and fund-raising activities. To aid the college, for instance, she wrote Notes from our log in South Africa . . . (London, Ont., 1880). Widowed again in 1888, she was instrumental that year in establishing the London Convalescent Home and was elected president of its board of management. In October 1893 she attended the founding meeting in Toronto of the National Council of Women of Canada, which would become her main focus; she was a leader at the inaugural meeting on 14 Feb. 1894 of the London Local Council of Women. Presiding over both gatherings was Lady Aberdeen [Marjoribanks*], wife of the governor general and president of the National Council. Harriet visited the vice-regal couple frequently and was proud of her close friendship with them. Lady Aberdeen, in turn, regarded her as {d-0}a great feature in our National Council, for her tact & sense of humour has helped us over many a rough place.{d-1} Harriet was president of the London council from 1897 to 1920, undoubtedly a record among local presidents. A vice-president for Ontario, she attended most annual meetings of the National Council, often presenting motions and papers, and in 1899 she travelled to England for the International Congress of Women.

The concern of Harriet and the London council for health care was evident in many areas. When the city proposed to build a new hospital without a children{apos}s wing, Harriet was instrumental in 1898 in securing funding for the children{apos}s pavilion at Victoria Hospital, which incorporated the old structure. In 1906 she and the council played a leading role in setting up a branch of the Victorian Order of Nurses, with Harriet as president of its board. In 1919, when the Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire proposed to replace the crowded pavilion with a new war memorial hospital for children, the London council fully supported the fund-raising for the project.

They were proud of their patriotic efforts. In 1900 Harriet had established London{apos}s first Red Cross Society to send aid to soldiers in the South African War. The society lapsed but it was revived in 1914 with Lillian, Lady Beck, as president and Harriet as honorary president. During World War I it was responsible for raising almost $1 million. In September 1914 Harriet served as advisory editor of the Belgian Relief Fund issue of the London Advertiser. Ever the imperialist, she persuaded the London Board of Education to purchase 5,000 copies of a booklet, The history of our flag by Clementina Fessenden [Trenholme*], for distribution.

A firm believer in the education of females, Harriet felt there should be more opportunities for women worldwide. There was a need, she maintained in the National Council{apos}s annual report, {d-0}to cultivate more and more of the business faculty of which men are supposed to have a monopoly, but of which we women are not bereft.{d-1} It was especially important that females succeed scholastically and pursue the careers that had opened up for them in the 1900s. The study of domestic science was seen as particularly valuable. Harriet{apos}s council exerted pressure on the London school board to introduce it, a goal that was achieved in 1905.

Feminists of the late 19th century believed that it was necessary to have women on school boards since they were the natural educators of children. Harriet logically pointed out to the London board that women had been successful in charitable works and served on boards elsewhere. Thus, in 1898 she was appointed as London{apos}s first female trustee; during her three-year term she {d-0}learnt woman{apos}s hardest lesson - how to be silent.{d-1} Perhaps she was not entirely successful in this respect since she was not reappointed and the position was allowed to lapse until 1919.

A devout Anglican, she took an active role in many church organizations, including the Mother{apos}s Union of Cronyn Memorial Church, the Woman{apos}s Auxiliary to the Missionary Society of the Church of England in Canada, and the Women{apos}s Christian Association. According to David Williams*, the bishop of Huron, {d-0}The inspiration for all her work was her strong faith and loyalty to Jesus Christ.{d-1}

Harriet Boomer{apos}s long years of unselfish service to religious, charitable, and educational causes in London demonstrated that women had a role to play in public affairs, not just in the private sphere. Her forcefulness made enemies, but in her time a woman had to be forceful to be heard. Perhaps her greatest talent was the ability to face all situations, according to the Advertiser, {d-0}with an indomitable courage, [and] unfailing laughter that kept youth ever bright in her heart.{d-1} She died at age 85 and was buried in Woodland Cemetery.

AO, RG 22-321, no.15080; RG 80-8-0-826, no.21017. GRO, Reg. of marriages, Taunton, 11 March 1858. London Public Library, London Room (London, Ont.), Materials pertaining to Harriet Boomer. London Advertiser, 5 March 1888; 15 Feb. 1894; 2, 4 March 1921. London Free Press, 3 Dec. 1897, 8 April 1898, 17 March 1900, 25 Jan.1902, 7 March 1952. F. H. Armstrong, The Forest City: an illustrated history of London, Canada (Northridge, Calif., 1986). T. F. Bredin, {d-0}The Red River Academy,{d-1} Beaver, outfit 305 (winter 1974): 10-17. Canadian who{apos}s who, 1910. W. E. Corfield, To alleviate suffering: the story of Red Cross in London, Canada, 1900-1985 (London, 1985). Joan Kennedy, {d-0}The London Local Council of Women and Harriet Ann Boomer{d-1} (ma thesis, Univ. of Western Ont., London, 1989). [I. M. Marjoribanks Hamilton-Gordon, Marchioness of] Aberdeen [and Temair], The Canadian journal of Lady Aberdeen, 1893-1898, ed. J. T. Saywell (Toronto, 1960). National Council of Women of Canada, Annual report ([Ottawa]), 1897. J. R. Sullivan and N. R. Ball, Growing to serve: a history of Victoria Hospital, London, Ontario (London, 1985). Types of Canadian women . . . , ed. H. J. Morgan (Toronto, 1903).

The eldest of ten children of parents from County Fermanagh (Northern Ireland), James Mills worked on his father{apos}s farm until the age of 20, when he lost his right arm in a threshing machine accident. With physical labour out of the question, he began his education. He went to the Bradford grammar school, graduated in 1868 from Victoria College in Cobourg with the Prince of Wales Medal for proficiency, and became a teacher. In 1871, during his time as classical master at the Cobourg Collegiate Institute, he earned an ma from Victoria. It was at Brantford High School, which he served as principal for six years and raised to collegiate status, that his excellence as an educator became evident. When the position of principal at the Ontario School of Agriculture and Experimental Farm near Guelph became vacant in 1879, the government approached him.

Mills accepted, but the school was a troubled institution: it had had three principals since its founding in 1874 [see William Johnston*]. Drawing no respect from the farming community and fractured by a division of responsibility between the experimental farm and the school, it was barely surviving. Mills undertook the job with a great capacity for work - he also taught English literature and political economy and ran the library. After the school{apos}s formal incorporation in 1880 as the Ontario Agricultural College and Experimental Farm, by which change Mills became {d-0}president,{d-1} it began a period of growth, due largely to his activism. In speeches and articles he tirelessly promoted agricultural education, especially its introduction into public and normal schools. In 1904, on his retirement and succession by George Christie Creelman, the Farming World and Canadian Farm and Home (Toronto) would recognize his contribution in safely piloting the OAC {d-0}through many and trying difficulties{d-1} over a 25-year period. Although Mills had instituted many changes during this time, three accomplishments stand out.

By making the farming community aware of the college{apos}s values, Mills won a degree of agrarian support and defused criticism in the agricultural press [see William Weld*]. About 1884, at the request of the Council of the Agricultural and Arts Association, he prepared a program of study for farmers{s-1-unknown} sons. In 1885 he established the Farmers{s-1-unknown} Institute system, through which experts from the college took information straight to the farmers. In addition, the institute lobbied for the greater recognition of agriculture at Queen{apos}s Park, specifically for the creation of a department of agriculture [see Charles Alfred Drury*]. Mills would run this system until 1894, when the government took over responsibility. In 1891 he put in place the mechanisms for the travelling dairies conceived by agriculture minister John Dryden*. Mills believed in instruction through experience, but as an educator he emphatically argued, unlike the agrarian press, that farmers needed more than manual training. He championed the merger of scientific and practical agriculture, to which end a degree program had been initiated in 1888 following affiliation with the University of Toronto. One graduate, future premier Ernest Charles Drury*, recalled that Mills {d-0}impressed upon us that our part was to go back to the farm and there to become leaders in our communities in the introduction of advanced farming practices.{d-1}

The second achievement was overcoming the fractured relationship between the college and the experimental farm. When Mills assumed the principalship, William Brown, a professor of agriculture, was in charge of the farm and he reported not to Mills but to the government. Though it tried to give Mills overall responsibility in 1887, the shift was not enforced: Brown{apos}s successor, Thomas Shaw, openly ignored the attempt. Mills managed to make this almost impossible situation work; he even collaborated with Shaw in producing a textbook, The first principles of agriculture (Toronto, 1890). The issue came to a head in 1893, when, as Mills put it, {d-0}the Government finally had the courage to give the President full control{d-1} [see John Dryden].

Mills{apos}s third accomplishment was the establishment of a school of domestic science for young women at the OAC. Interested, as a father of five daughters, in education for women, he had stated as early as 1880 that he had no objection in theory to educating boys and girls together. When Sir William Christopher Macdonald* of Montreal announced that he wished to establish a domestic science school in Ontario, Mills pressed the wealthy philanthropist to endow his college but failed to achieve this goal. Undaunted, he asked Adelaide Sophia Hoodless [Hunter*] and others to intervene, and in 1903 the Macdonald Institute of Home Economics opened its doors.

James Mills{apos}s reports as president of the Ontario Agricultural College and Experimental Farm for the years 1880-1903 appear in Ont., Legislature, Sessional papers. An address by Mills, {d-0}The Ontario Agricultural College and Experimental Farm for a quarter of a century,{d-1} was published in the annual report of the Agricultural and Experimental Union of Ontario for 1899, in Sessional papers, 1900, no.15: 63-74; other addresses by Mills appear in the reports of the livestock associations of Ontario, in Sessional papers, 1910, no.39: 144-45 and 1912, no.39: 40-43.

AO, RG 22-354, no.12003; RG 80-5-0-2, no.1488. Univ. of Guelph Library, Arch. and Special Coll. (Guelph, Ont.), REI, OAC, A0095 (ex-students of OAC, 1874-99); A0852 (Takeo Nomura, corr. concerning N. Kobayashi, 1991-93). Ottawa Evening Journal, 5-6, 8 Dec. 1924. Christopher Armstrong and H. V. Nelles, Monopoly{apos}s moment: the organization and regulation of Canadian utilities, 1830-1930 (Philadelphia, 1986). J. E. Bryant, {d-0}The Farmers{s-1-unknown} Institute system of Ontario,{d-1} Farming (Toronto), November 1896: 190-212. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). A career of eminent service in education and agriculture, in spite of a serious handicap and many discouraging circumstances: a few facts gleaned from the life and career of James Mills, M.A., LL.D., October, 1917 (Toronto, 1917). Cyclopædia of Canadian biog. (Rose and Charlesworth), vol.1. Farm and Dairy (Peterborough, Ont.), 19 Jan. 1911: 12; 14 Dec. 1911: 1202. Farming World and Canadian Farm and Home (Toronto), 18 Dec. 1900: 372; 15 April 1903: 208; 1 Sept. 1903: 582-83; 1 Feb. 1904: 94-95; 15 Feb. 1904: 135; 1 March 1904: 174; 2 Jan. 1905. D. A. Lawr, {d-0}Development of agricultural education in Ontario, 1870-1910{d-1} (PHD thesis, Univ. of Toronto, 1972). O.A.C. Rev. (Guelph), July 1891; December 1895; November 1900; January 1902; February 1904; January 1905; January, June 1908; December 1909; December 1911; March 1913; March 1915; August 1918; January 1925; June 1928. Ontario agricultural commission, Report of the commissioners (4v., Toronto, 1881), 4, app.P: 3-14. A. M. Ross, The college on the hill: a history of the Ontario Agricultural College, 1874-1974 (Vancouver [and Guelph], 1974). A. M. Ross and T. [A.] Crowley, The college on the hill: a new history of the Ontario Agricultural College, 1874-1999 (2nd ed., Toronto, 1999).

Shortly after his first marriage, Milne entered into partnership with Thomas Haggart in a malleable-iron works. In 1864 Milne{apos}s former companion in the United States, Charles Stewart, joined forces with William Burrow to form the Hamilton Malleable Iron Works. This venture proved solider than Milne{apos}s. He joined the firm as a moulder in 1867 and became a partner in 1872. The three entrepreneurs hit their stride, and business boomed. Burrow, Stewart, and Milne{apos}s principal products were castings for harness equipment and saddlery gear such as curry-combs, but quickly their focus shifted to scales and stoves. The firm, which became famous throughout Canada for its Jewel and Victory stoves and ranges, was incorporated as a joint-stock company in 1898, with Milne as president, and by 1910 its factory occupied almost an entire block and employed approximately 300 men. As a result of periodic labour disruptions beginning in the 1870s, Milne, once a unionist, developed strong anti-labour sentiments.

Milne was not satisfied to limit his ambitions to one endeavour. He was adept at forging new business connections to ensure his prosperity. For example, his firm{apos}s heavy consumption of iron prompted him to promote the Hamilton Iron and Steel Company in 1893 and then the Hamilton Blast Furnace Company Limited, which commenced operations in December 1895. It amalgamated with Ontario Rolling Mills in 1899 to form Hamilton Steel and Iron. When this firm merged with other companies in 1910 to become the Steel Company of Canada Limited, eventually so crucial to Hamilton{apos}s economy [see Robert Hobson], Milne remained a director. A director as well of Armstrong Cartage, he was president of Grant Spring Brewery, Electric Bond and Share, Premier Trust, and Hamilton Navigation. Instrumental in establishing Hamilton{apos}s hydroelectric system, he was one of its first commissioners. In January 1906 he would be appointed to the provincial hydroelectric commission of inquiry [see Sir Adam Beck], where he met resistance from private-power interests in Hamilton. Perhaps his most interesting enterprise was the Pure Milk Company. Established in 1901 with Milne as president, it revealed his shrewdness and ability to capitalize on opportunity. Previously a plethora of small operators had handled the distribution of dairy products in Hamilton. Milne and other businessmen played on public fears of contaminated milk to ensure support for Pure Milk, which had the capital to acquire the latest machinery and technology for sterile processing. Thus Milne combined his indisputable acumen with his sense of community responsibility.

Like many of his contemporaries, Milne was a firm advocate of public libraries as a means of improving the general level of education. He served in various capacities on Hamilton{apos}s library board from 1903 to 1921, and was chairman of its building and finance committee in 1911-12, when construction began on a grand new facility. He was credited with influencing the decision of Scottish-born American industrialist Andrew Carnegie to commit $100,000 to the project - Carnegie called him his {d-0}fellow-countryman and personal friend.{d-1} In addition to the library board, Milne was a member of the Barton masonic lodge, the Commercial Club, and the Twentieth Century Club (a Conservative social club), and he was deeply involved in Knox Presbyterian Church. Best known for his connection with the Hamilton Conservative Association, which he served as president for 23 years, he had become a party supporter in 1876 and was an ardent believer in the National Policy initiated by the government of Sir John A. Macdonald*. According to Milne{apos}s obituary in the Hamilton Spectator, {d-0}He believed that so long as the United States maintained a high tariff, Canada should enforce strong protection to home industries.{d-1} Such logic appealed to his self-interest and accorded with his perception of the country{apos}s best advantage, and many fellow industrialists shared his point of view. Despite his staunch political affiliation, Milne did not seek public office, choosing instead to work {d-0}always in the background, but wielding far more influence than those in the limelight.{d-1} In December 1915 Prime Minister Sir Robert Laird Borden*, in recognition of his service, appointed him to the Senate. An infrequent contributor, he talked about manufacturing, tariff protection, and, sometimes with references to disruptions at his foundry, the evils of unions. {d-0}Labour has now reached such a stage that there is no stopping it,{d-1} he lamented in April 1920.

Milne{apos}s health began to decline in late 1921, and in March 1922 he died of gangrene complicated by pneumonia. Obituaries gave him a great deal of credit for the successful establishment of the steel industry in Hamilton. The Spectator stated baldly that {d-0}the existence of the Steel Company of Canada to-day is practically due to the untiring efforts and that spirit of aggressiveness and enterprise which characterized Mr. Milne during his lifetime,{d-1} while the Hamilton Herald attributed the success of Burrow, Stewart, and Milne mainly to his {d-0}energy and business ability.{d-1} His eulogists can be forgiven for their enthusiasm, since, in Milne{apos}s journey from apprentice to respected industrialist and public figure, they had the archetypal rags-to-riches story of a {d-0}self-made man who justified faith in Hamilton{d-1} and in the promise of Canada.

AO, RG 80-27-2, 82: 90. General Register Office for Scotland (Edinburgh), Aberdeen, reg. of births and baptisms, 22 Jan. 1839. Hamilton Public Library, Special Coll. Dept. (Hamilton, Ont.), Scrapbooks, Herald, vol.M6; Times, vols.B3, L3. Hamilton Herald, 4 March 1922. Hamilton Spectator, 30 Jan., 28 March 1901; 9 July 1910; 2 Dec. 1915; 4 March 1922. Can., Senate, Debates, 27 Feb. 1919; 6, 15 April 1920; 25 May 1921. Canadian annual rev., 1906: 172. CPG, 1918. DHB, vol.1. Hamilton, the Birmingham of Canada (Hamilton, 1893; copy in Hamilton Public Library). Hamilton, the electric city (Hamilton, [1906?]; copy in Hamilton Public Library). William Kilbourn, The elements combined: a history of the Steel Company of Canada (Toronto and Vancouver, 1960). Magazine of industry and daily times, Hamilton, Ont. - reviewing historically the industrial and financial interests (souvenir ed., Hamilton, 1910; copy in Hamilton Public Library). B. D. Palmer, A culture in conflict: skilled workers and industrial capitalism in Hamilton, Ontario, 1860-1914 (Montreal, 1979). Prominent men of Canada: a collection of persons distinguished in professional and political life, and in the commerce and industry of Canada, ed. G. M. Adam (Toronto, 1892). Who{apos}s who and why, 1921.

Lancelot Minehan attended All Hallows College in Dublin, where he received the tonsure and minor orders on 10 June 1881. An accident forced him to return to Killaloe and resume his education under the guidance of F. J. McRedmond, the parish priest and vicar general. When he left for Canada in April 1884, McRedmond informed his sponsor, Archbishop John Joseph Lynch* of Toronto, that the young man {d-0}has always been as pious and gentle as he is industrious and intelligent. I have no hesitation in forecasting that you will find him in every way an Excellent priest.{d-1} Minehan would fulfil this prediction and become one of the most successful of the last generation of Irish-born missionary clergy to serve the archdiocese.

In Canada he continued his studies at Lynch{apos}s summer home and the Grand Séminaire de Montréal. He was ordained on 20 December and appointed to St Luke{apos}s parish in Thornhill, Ont. Barely acclimatized, he threw himself into his work. During his first eight years he was a curate in Thornhill, Brockton (Toronto), Adjala, and Toronto, and a chaplain at the Ontario Reformatory for Boys in Penetanguishene and the Central Prison in Toronto. He worked in Adjala for the flamboyant Father Francis McSpiritt*, who would have demonstrated the power of Irish clergy over their parishioners and the need for mutual loyalty. In 1896, after three years as pastor in Schomberg, Minehan was moved to St Peter{apos}s mission church in Toronto, which he organized as a parish with a separate school, a new church, and a rectory. The single blemish on his record appeared in 1903, when he rallied parishioners over Archbishop Denis O{apos}Connor*{apos}s refusal to pay an assistant{apos}s salary to his brother, Father James Minehan. Apostolic delegate Donato Sbarretti y Tazza settled the matter, scolding the brothers but instructing O{apos}Connor to pay. Minehan{apos}s final posting, in 1914, was to the city{apos}s Parkdale area, where he built St Vincent de Paul into a powerhouse of Catholic life, despite wartime impediments. Between the laying of the cornerstone for a church in 1915 and its dedication in 1924, he had a rectory and a school constructed.

Despite his successes, Minehan was never fully satisfied with parochial duty. A forceful preacher, he had discovered early that he was equally at ease as a public speaker and that the press provided an excellent forum in an era when clerics spoke out on social or moral matters. In 1909 the Globe claimed Minehan{apos}s {d-0}priesthood did not cancel his citizenship.{d-1} He later remarked, {d-0}I have never discussed politics from the pulpit, but believe it was my right to do so from the public platform, where all could hear and reply to me.{d-1} In his many contributions to local newspapers, including the Catholic Register, he never shied away from controversy; always courteous, he could be devastatingly blunt and occasionally sarcastic as he defended Catholic teachings. During the Protestant reaction in 1911 to the Ne Temere decree on matrimonial law, he delivered a {d-0}red-hot sermon{d-1} in which, the Toronto Daily Star reported, he accused critics of {d-0}ignorant and brutal outbursts of bigotry that are a disgrace, not alone to Christianity whose name they usurp, but to humanity itself.{d-1} To the claim of the Methodist Christian Guardian that Catholics in mixed marriages had been commanded to break their vows and abandon their spouses, he replied that such attacks were wilfully or stupidly unjust. He usually left the politically charged separate-school issue to the bishops [see Fergus Patrick McEvay*], but the dispute over the qualifications of some teaching nuns and brothers had prompted him in 1906 to write (and thus court unpopularity) that they should have obtained proper certificates in the first place. He further pointed out that separate schools had difficulty attracting qualified teachers because the government denied these schools their fair share of taxes. He later wrote a brilliant critique of Ontario{apos}s legislation on taxes.

Minehan was more than an apologist. With a broad range of interests, he fashioned positions as a friend of the poor, a defender of both capital and workers{s-1-unknown} rights (but an ardent foe of Bolshevism), and a promoter of causes, among them the reform of the civil service and the militia department, wartime conscription, Victory Loans, a Canadian navy, women{apos}s suffrage, and Home Rule for Ireland. He supported the formation of the United Church of Canada in 1925 because he believed that, since it would contain most of the country{apos}s Protestants, it could facilitate the teaching of religion in public schools. His beliefs carried him into several organizations: he was a vice-president of the Moral and Social Reform Council, a founder of the Parkdale Ratepayers{s-1-unknown} and Progressive Businessmen{apos}s Association and the Neighbourhood Workers{s-1-unknown} Association, and a director of the Social Service Council of Ontario and the Penny Bank of Ontario, which encouraged thrift among the young. He introduced the first parish-based troop of Boy Scouts in the archdiocese and, alongside his parishioners, worked a plot of land on Yonge Street as an example of urban self-reliance. Minehan{apos}s social concerns drew him toward the Social Gospel movement, but with reservation. He found nothing in Salem Goldworth Bland*{apos}s The new Christianity . . . (Toronto, 1920), for instance, that had not already been voiced by Pope Leo XIII in the 1890s or by the American bishops in their pastoral letter of 1919.

Central to Minehan{apos}s role as a reformer was his prominence in the temperance movement. As a parish priest, he would have dealt with families ruined by alcoholism, but he was realistic enough to know that Prohibition would never prevail in a society where alcohol had always been present. The legacy of hotels with bar rooms had to be tolerated, he believed, but neighbourhood bars with no tradition behind them should be abolished; he worked to reduce with compensation the number of licensed establishments. A vice-president of the Ontario branch of the Dominion Alliance for the Total Suppression of the Liquor Traffic, he joined the wildly popular ban-the-bar movement led by Newton Wesley Rowell*, who became leader of the provincial Liberals in 1911. Minehan{apos}s greatest moment in the cause came on 25 June 1914, four days before a provincial election, when he chaired a major rally at Massey Music Hall in Toronto. During his emotional speech to a mainly Protestant audience, he claimed Catholics had suffered the most from the bar-room curse and scathingly referred to Catholic liquor merchants as knifers. The Conservatives retained power, but the campaign for Prohibition found new impetus during the war; in 1916 the government passed the Ontario Temperance Act. When the Conservatives moved to abandon it in 1927 in favour of government control, Minehan re-entered the fray.

The temperance movement had brought him into contact with many of Toronto{apos}s leading Protestant clergymen. Theological differences aside, and as long as the Orange lodge was not involved, they worked well together, a relationship that may help explain Minehan{apos}s ecumenical spirit. He defended the appointment of Anglican archdeacon Henry John Cody* as minister of education in 1918, he spoke in 1923 at West Presbyterian Church on the {d-0}ideals of citizenship{d-1} (an address praised by the Globe as {d-0}another body blow to old prejudices{d-1}), and in 1927 he offered the basement of his church to the congregation of Erskine United when it burned.

Lancelot Minehan died unexpectedly of a stroke three years later. Known and respected for his toleration and charity, he was described by Edwin Austin Hardy* of the Community Welfare Council of Ontario {d-0}as a man of lovable personality, of strong convictions and of the most devoted zeal in the service of his Lord and Master.{d-1}

Lancelot Peter Minehan delivered an address entitled {d-0}Civil service reform{d-1} to the Empire Club of Canada on 8 Nov. 1906 (Empire Club of Canada, Speeches (Toronto), 1906-7: 71-76).

Arch. of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Toronto, Clergy biog. and ministry database; Clergy personnel records fonds, Lancelot Minehan file; Rev. E. J. Kelly clergy journals, Minehan entry; L (Lynch papers), AA05.2047; LB (letterbooks), 01.319; ODS (O{apos}Connor - apostolic delegate papers), 05.07, 10, 23, 25(b); 07.10, 13, 21. Catholic Register (Toronto), 1906-7, 1917, 1931. Christian Guardian, 1911. Evening Telegram (Toronto), 1910, 1919, 1924, 1929, 1931. Globe, 1909-10, 1914, 1918-20, 1923-24, 1930. News (Toronto), 3 Nov. 1906. Toronto Daily Star, 1911, 1915-20, 1922-23, 1925, 1927, 1930. Richard Allen, The social passion: religion and social reform in Canada, 1914-28 (Toronto, 1971; repr. 1990). Canadian annual rev., 1907: 471; 1908: 317-18; 1910: 178; 1911: 326; 1912: 351; 1913: 736; 1914: 445; 1917: 412; 1918: 608; 1919: 237-38. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Kevin Condon, The Missionary College of All Hallows, 1842-1891 (Dublin, 1986). M. G. McGowan, The waning of the green: Catholics, the Irish, and identity in Toronto, 1887-1922 (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1999). J. S. Moir, {d-0}Canadian Protestant reaction to the Ne Temere decree,{d-1} CCHA, Study Sessions, 48 (1981): 78-90. St. Vincent de Paul parish: golden jubilee, 1915-1965 ([Toronto, 1965]).

Over the course of three decades, in spite of petty administrative annoyances and economic and budgetary crises, Montizambert brought Grosse Île to the front rank of North American quarantine stations. The installations were largely rebuilt and compartmentalized, the quarantine regulations were amended, and reception and service were brought into line with the steamship age. Much more important was the fact that, on Montizambert{apos}s initiative, the station rapidly and radically altered its scientific approach. From the 1880s, on the heels of major discoveries in microbiology, disinfectants and vaccination put an end to lengthy confinement. In 1892 a bacteriological laboratory was built on the island, enabling bacteria of infectious diseases to be quickly identified. In this way, serious illnesses could be distinguished from ordinary infections that could be treated at Quebec. In 1894, while remaining at Grosse Île, Montizambert was appointed by Ottawa to be superintendent of Canadian quarantine stations. As a result of this appointment, the stations on Lawlor Island near Halifax, Partridge Island in New Brunswick, and William Head on the Pacific coast soon adopted the technical and scientific procedures that had been developed on the St Lawrence.

An energetic, stubborn, and visionary physician who was resolutely bent on action, Frederick Montizambert is not usually recognized by Canadian medical historiography, mainly because he spent his whole career in the rarified atmosphere of the civil service. He tried to get his employers to recognize the professional status (and pay the salary) that he knew he deserved. In other countries - where he made a name for himself by taking part in international colloquiums, among other things - his work as a pathfinder and his experience in the field of public health did, however, bring him many distinctions. In 1891 he was elected president of the American Public Health Association. In 1893 France and Mexico also recognized the international scope of his pioneering work by making him an honorary member of the Société Française d{apos}Hygiène and the National Academy of Medicine of Mexico. He became a companion of the Imperial Service Order in 1903 and a companion of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1916.

Shortly before his death, Frederick Montizambert wrote a short article, {d-0}The story of fifty-four years{s-1-unknown} quarantine service from 1866 to 1920,{d-1} Canadian Medical Assoc., Journal (Toronto), 16 (1926): 314-19. His other writings, mainly annual reports to the minister of agriculture, are published in Can., Parl., Sessional papers, reports of the Dept. of Agriculture.

ANQ-Q, CE301-S61, 5 mars 1843, 15 juin 1865. LAC, MG 24, D16, 48: 38745; MG 26, A: 212656-759; H, 165, 228; MG 28, I, 75, 1(b), file 2.5 (mfm.); MG 29, C101; E18, 5: 75-77, 571-81; 11, file 10; RG 11, B1(a), 298; B2, 905, 1135, 1355, 1593; B2a, 1896; D4, 387, 3966; RG 17, A I, 18, no.1550; 27, no.2837; 46, no.4396; 61, nos.5804, 5843; 65, no.6278; A I.1, 15, files 1201-40; A I.5, 1631; A I.9, 1679; A 13, 1975, nos.1-5; RG 29, 4, nos.191525-26, 225273; 5, nos.126293, 233287; 19, file 10-3-1; RG 32, C2, 191, 683. Le Droit (Ottawa), 4 nov. 1929. Ottawa Citizen, 4 Nov. 1929. Geoffrey Bilson, {d-0}Dr Frederick Montizambert (1843-1929): Canada{apos}s first director general of public health,{d-1} Medical Hist. (London), 29 (1985): 386-400. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Le Jeune, Dictionnaire. André Sévigny, Étude polyphasique des aménagements de la Grosse-Île: 1832-1980 (Parcs Canada, Direction des lieux et des parcs hist., Travail inédit, [Ottawa], 1991; Rapports sur microfiches, no.477); {d-0}Frederick Montizambert, homme-relais de la bactériologie et pionnier de la santé publique au Canada{d-1} (copie dactylographiée, Commission des lieux et monuments historiques du Canada, report no.1998-14, Ottawa, 1998), 391-417. Martin Tétreault, {d-0}Frederick Montizambert et la quarantaine de Grosse Île, 1869-1899,{d-1} Scientia Canadensis (Thornhill, Ont., and Ottawa), 19 (1995): 5-28. Who was who . . a companion to {d-0}Who{apos}s who,{d-1} containing the biographies of those who died during the period [1897-2000] (10v. to date and an index, London, 1920-?), 3 (1929-40): 959.

Her father{apos}s encouragement of her interest in art enabled Charlotte Mount Brock Morrell to study in London in 1850-55 at Carey{apos}s School of Art. She also took lessons with John Rogers Herbert and instruction in anatomy from a Mr Scharf. In addition to exhibiting with the Royal Academy of Arts between 1855 and 1874, Charlotte illustrated editions of Edmund Spenser{apos}s The legend of the Knight of the Red Crosse (London, 1871) and Elizabeth Barrett Browning{apos}s The rhyme of the Duchess May (London, 1873). In 1875, newly married to her second cousin, Weymouth Schreiber of Toronto, who had three teenaged children, she immigrated to Ontario, locating in Deer Park (Toronto).

Within five years, Charlotte Schreiber{apos}s talent was recognized and she had attained a notable position in the province{apos}s artistic community. In 1876 she was elected to the Ontario Society of Artists; the following year she was the only woman on the board of the Ontario School of Art and from 1877 to 1880 its sole woman teacher. The first female member of the Royal Canadian Academy of Arts, having been appointed at its founding in 1880, she chose to retire in 1888 rather than resign over its prohibition of women attending meetings. Fearless and forthright, she never lost {d-0}the fire and enthusiasm of a young girl{d-1} ascribed to her at age 60.

Schreiber{apos}s singular achievements as a woman were supported by her ability to produce realistic, popular scenes from literature and everyday life. Paintings of animals, portraits, and romantic, sentimental, and historical depictions were typical. The croppy boy, her diploma painting of 1880 for the RCA and her most famous work (now in the National Gallery of Canada), illustrates a tragic moment from an Irish ballad. As a young patriot makes his confession, the priest reveals himself to be a British soldier in disguise, signifying certain death for the youth. Such compelling narrative scenes put Schreiber in the forefront of conventional Victorian aesthetics. She rejected Impressionism. {d-0}Every portion of the living body, the parts of a flower, are divinely beautiful,{d-1} the tall, white-haired artist would explain in an interview in 1895. {d-0}It is a joy to paint them as they are in reality.{d-1} She exhibited with the OSA from 1876 to 1890 and with the Toronto Industrial Exhibition, the Art Association of Montreal, the RCA, and the Women{apos}s Art Association of Canada, of which she was a founding member in 1890. She also showed works in American and European exhibitions and continued to illustrate books, among them a simple poetic prayer by Sabine Baring-Gould, Now the day is over (Toronto, 1881).

In 1884 the Schreiber family moved to its farm near Springfield (Mississauga) on the Credit River, where Charlotte set up a studio in her home, which she named Mount Woodham. She privately tutored such young artists as George Agnew Reid* and Beatrice Mary Walker, who had married one of her stepsons. Her favourite protégé, and sometime model, was Ernest Thompson Seton*, who would become famous as a naturalist writer and artist. Schreiber was also involved in the local community: she played the organ at St Peter{apos}s Anglican Church, helped decorate the sanctuary of a new building, and raised funds through the sale of pet animals and paintings.

[The most complete collection of documents pertaining to Charlotte Mount Brock Schreiber is in the possession of Mrs Beatrice Geary of Ottawa, who kindly shared her archive with the authors. This collection includes a pedigree of the Brock family, photographs of the Schreiber family, copies of magazine articles, newspaper clippings, and catalogues, copies of correspondence between Charlotte and Ernest Thompson Seton, and family correspondence about Charlotte. Margaret Fallis{apos}s {d-0}Charlotte Schreiber, R.C.A., 1834-1922{d-1} (MA thesis, Carleton Univ., Ottawa, 1985) contains a well-researched biography, an exhibition history, and an illustrated catalogue of 83 of Schreiber{apos}s works. The website of the National Gallery of Canada (Ottawa) also reproduces some of her work: www.national.gallery.ca. M.P.U. and V.B.]

National Gallery of Canada Library and Arch. (Ottawa), Artist file, Schreiber, Charlotte Mount Brock Morrell. Globe, 2 March 1895. Thompson Adamson, 175 years of history, 1825-2000: St. Peter{apos}s Anglican Church, Erindale, ed. Shirley Stoppard (Mississauga, Ont., [2000]). Betty Keller, Black Wolf: the life of Ernest Thompson Seton (Vancouver, 1984). H. G. Schreiber, {d-0}Schreiber pedigree{d-1} (typescript, [Toronto], 1960; copy in DCB library).

In 1851, at the age of 12, Antonin Nantel entered the Petit Séminaire de Sainte-Thérèse, where he would spend virtually all his life. When he was in his sixth year (Rhetoric), his father died. Antonin began to study theology in 1859 and was ordained priest in 1862. That year he joined the faculty of the institution where he had been educated and set up within it the Académie Saint-Charles, named in honour of Charles-Joseph Ducharme*, who had founded the Petit Séminaire. The academy invited the most gifted students of literature to develop their potential through the humanities. By 1863 Nantel had become prefect of studies in the seminary. He published pedagogical writings in the Montreal Revue canadienne, and would contribute other articles to La Semaine religieuse de Montréal. His Nouveau cours de langue anglaise selon la méthode d{apos}Ollendorff à l{apos}usage des écoles, académies, pensionnats et collèges, which he brought out in Montreal, probably in 1864, would go through several editions. His younger brothers Guillaume-Alphonse* and Wilfrid-Bruno*, who were both to have prominent political careers in the Conservative party, also attended the Petit Séminaire de Sainte-Thérèse.

A short man who had an authoritarian personality, Nantel had a vast store of knowledge and his orderly and methodical habits marked him for high office. It was no surprise when he became superior of the Petit Séminaire de Sainte-Thérèse in 1870. A tireless worker, he kept a tight rein on instruction by retaining the office of prefect of studies (until 1873 and again from 1879 to 1883), by continuing to teach courses in literature, history, and English, and by serving as director of the Académie Saint-Charles. In 1880 Nantel founded the Annales térésiennes, the seminary{apos}s official organ, which would be published until 1946. This periodical reflected the manifestly Christian vision of things by which Nantel judged all manner of events, the better to instruct his flock about them. He also wrote textbooks, some of which would be accepted as authoritative in educational establishments. In 1881 the college was destroyed by fire. Thanks to the wide support Nantel enjoyed in various influential circles in which many of his former colleagues and students participated, a new building opened in 1883. Nantel would be the seminary{apos}s superior until 1886, from 1889 to 1895, and again from 1900 to 1905.

At first glance, Nantel{apos}s view of education was a conservative one. He believed in the virtues of classical studies, and wanted to make his students leaders, but even more, convinced Christians and patriots. In 1874 he had accepted the ideas of Pierre-Auguste Leroy* with some enthusiasm. Interested in promoting school reform, Leroy criticized the classical courses for, among other things, not taking pupils{s-1-unknown} aptitudes into account and for putting too much emphasis on memorization. He recommended that the time devoted to the teaching of Greek and Latin be cut in half, in favour of practical subjects. While not accepting his condemnation of instruction of classical languages, Nantel introduced a program of commercial studies at the Petit Séminaire de Sainte-Thérèse.

Nantel held views similar to those of Joseph-Adolphe Chapleau* and the curé François-Xavier-Antoine Labelle* concerning the social and economic development taking place in northern Quebec. Nantel and Labelle{apos}s paths had crossed while they were students at the Petit Séminaire de Sainte-Thérèse and they had become friends in the 1870s. Their warm relationship was based partly on their priestly vocation and attachment to their alma mater, but also on their common desire to contribute to the progress of the north, the advancement of settlers, and the training of leaders. Nantel never missed an opportunity to praise Labelle{apos}s work as a colonizer. In 1882, along with his brothers Guillaume-Alphonse and Wilfrid-Bruno, he even founded a colony in Nominingue, where two other Nantel brothers, Jules and Maximien, settled with their families.

The essense of Nantel{apos}s political thinking is conveyed in the speech he gave at the celebration organized to mark the consecration of the new college in 1883. {d-0}What the church blesses and consecrates, the state respects and protects,{d-1} he said. Although he was an ultramontane, he did not identify with the {d-0}Castors{d-1}; he thought that cooperation between church and state gave the latter an area free of clerical intervention. In fact, he believed the state should leave the management of education to the church. In view of the excellence of the elite trained in educational institutions entrusted to the care of religious communities, the state had never, in his opinion, had cause to regret such a division of powers. In all other matters, the superior of the Petit Séminaire de Sainte-Thérèse relied on the leadership of politicians.

By family tradition, by temperament, and clearly by reason of his ecclesiastical status, Nantel{apos}s sympathies lay with the Conservative party. In 1872 he corresponded with Louis-Rodrigue Masson*. Like Labelle, however, he was closer to Chapleau; the latter, after his election by acclamation as the mla for Terrebonne on 12 March 1873, went with Premier Gédéon Ouimet* to Sainte-Thérèse-de-Blainville, where he was warmly received. Chapleau had great admiration for Nantel. For example, when the creation of a bishopric in Saint-Jérôme was under consideration in 1897, Chapleau, who was then lieutenant governor of Quebec, would propose Nantel as an ideal candidate for the mitre. Nantel{apos}s discreet political influence, while not as great as Labelle{apos}s, had nevertheless been significant. However, the superior of the Petit Séminaire had left participation in party politics to his brothers.

Throughout his life, Nantel had been interested in literature and history. In 1868 he had become a member of the Société Historique de Montréal. The following year, he had published in Montreal Les fleurs de la poésie canadienne. In 1877, according to Séraphin Marion*, he was invited to become a member of the Société Littéraire du Canada. In 1905, after completing his final term as superior of the Petit Séminaire, Nantel at the age of 66 set out for France to do further research. He returned to Canada in 1908, having published a scholarly work in Paris that year under the pseudonym of A. Berloin: La parole humaine: études de philologie nouvelle d{apos}après une langue d{apos}Amérique. Devoted mainly to the {d-0}language of the Algic tribes,{d-1} this work was reviewed, for the most part favourably, in a number of newspapers. Abbé Camille Roy*, the future rector of the Université Laval, wrote one of the reviews. Jointly with Benjamin Sulte, Nantel became the senior member of the Société Historique de Montréal in 1919. He was made a Roman prelate in 1923 and received an honorary doctorate of letters from the Université de Montréal the following year. He died at the venerable age of 89.

Antonin Nantel was renowned as a man of letters, but even more as a pedagogue. His writings, especially La parole humaine, impressed his contemporaries, yet they soon became dated because they were first and above all for instructional purposes. His work as an educator, on the other hand, left a lasting mark. Although a staunch supporter of classical education based on Christianity, Nantel unhesitatingly adapted his college{apos}s curricula to the needs of the developing industrial society, as his introduction of commercial studies and emphasis on the teaching of English show. It was, however, in shaping the future of the Petit Séminaire de Sainte-Thérèse over the greater part of his career that he made his principal contribution to the world of education. He is referred to as the second founder of that institution, which for many years had been the alma mater of much of the elite in the Laurentian region.

extracts from the Annales térésiennes and from various newspapers and magazines - in his Pages historiques et littéraires (Montréal, 1928). Several of Nantel{apos}s works are mentioned in the biography; for a more complete list, see Hamel et al., DALFAN, 1022.

Le Devoir, 31 juill., 9 août 1929. L.-P. Audet, {d-0}Le Québec à l{apos}Exposition internationale de Paris en 1878,{d-1} Cahiers des Dix, 32 (1967): 125-55. DOLQ, vol.1. Serge Laurin, Rouge, Bleu: la saga des Prévost et des Nantel: chronique d{apos}un siècle d{apos}histoire politique dans la région des Laurentides (Sainte-Foy, Qué., 1999). Séraphin Marion, {d-0}Origines de l{apos}Institut canadien-français d{apos}Ottawa et de la Société royale du Canada,{d-1} Cahiers des Dix, 39 (1974): 45-84.

Although André Nault{apos}s parents were of French Canadian origin, they had become integrated into the Métis community of the Red River settlement (Man.). As a young man, Nault accompanied his father on buffalo hunts to the Missouri plateau, excelling as a horseman and hunter. He obtained river lot 12 in St Vital and farmed there. On 17 May 1849, at age 19, he supported the Métis drive for free trade at the famous trial of Pierre-Guillaume Sayer* by marching {d-0}with a rifle at his shoulder.{d-1} Judge and historian Louis-Arthur Prud{apos}homme* states that this episode was his apprenticeship as a {d-0}defender of the rights and liberties of the country{apos}s population.{d-1}

The first event of the Métis resistance of 1869-70 to the transfer of Rupert{apos}s Land to the Canadian government was the stopping of the surveyors on 11 Oct. 1869. Oral history suggests that this event occurred on Nault{apos}s river lot in St Vital, but the notebook of surveyor Adam Clark Webbe would seem to indicate that it was on an adjoining lot. Nault{apos}s first name is not listed among those of the seven Naults who were present, but the one nicknamed Nanin is assumed to have been him. On the arrival of the surveyors, Nault is said to have gone for his first cousin Métis leader Louis Riel*, who spoke English. It seems likely that Nault played a significant role on this occasion since oral accounts of the event link it to his property.

According to Nault, at a meeting of the Métis on 21 Oct. 1869 Riel ordered him to construct a barrier at St Norbert to prevent the lieutenant governor designate, William McDougall*, from entering the Red River settlement or bringing in arms. Nault had about 250 to 300 men with him. On 1 November he and his brother Benjamin forced McDougall{apos}s representatives, Captain Donald Roderick Cameron and Joseph-Alfred-Norbert Provencher*, to return to Pembina (N.Dak.). The following day, under Riel{apos}s orders, he and his men captured Upper Fort Garry (Winnipeg) to prevent it from falling into the hands of John Christian Schultz* and his Canadian supporters. From 4 to 23 Dec. 1869 Nault occupied Fort Pembina, the HBC post just north of the international border, to watch the activities of McDougall. When McDougall headed back east, Nault returned to the Red River settlement.

Prud{apos}homme argues that in Riel{apos}s provisional government Nault was probably fourth in line of importance after Riel, Ambroise-Dydime Lépine, and Elzéar Goulet*. Nault was a member of the court martial that on 3 March 1870 tried Thomas Scott*, an Ontarian captured in mid February. Scott had proved to be a particularly troublesome prisoner and was sentenced to execution. Nault, who commanded the Métis firing squad, would report in 1923 to historian Auguste-Henri de Trémaudan that Scott {d-0}did not believe that we would have the pluck, as he called it, to go the whole length and to shoot him.{d-1} Scott {d-0}would pledge his word to keep the peace in order to be released, then break it as soon as he was free. We had no desire whatever to put him to death, he simply forced us to it.{d-1}

After troops arrived in August 1870 under the command of Colonel Garnet Joseph Wolseley*, numerous Métis suffered reprisals. In February 1871 Nault was attacked by soldiers at Pembina and left for dead. Prud{apos}homme observed that he carried the scar from this brutal incident until his death. Later in 1871 Nault played a significant role in obtaining information for Riel and the Métis on the movements of William Bernard O{apos}Donoghue*, who had asked Métis leaders, Nault included, for support in attacking Manitoba with a band of Fenians. Nault and Jean-Baptiste Lépine* went to Pembina on 2 October and returned four days later to report that O{apos}Donoghue was planning to attack Fort Pembina before approaching Fort Garry. The Métis under Riel stayed loyal to Canada and did not join O{apos}Donoghue.

In late 1871 Riel suggested the formation of an association of Métis to maintain their influence in the Red River parishes and he looked to Nault as one of the {d-0}principal Métis.{d-1} Nault was named a councillor of the new organization, the Union Saint-Alexandre. Despite the hopes of Métis leaders that their demonstration of loyalty in protecting the colony against the Fenians would help them obtain amnesty for acts carried out during the resistance, they remained disappointed. Nault was arrested in February 1874. He stood trial for the murder of Scott the following November, but the jury was unable to reach a verdict. He was in prison awaiting a second trial when the government of Alexander Mackenzie* granted a full amnesty to all except Riel, A. D. Lépine, and O{apos}Donoghue in February 1875. His imprisonment left him with heart and lung problems. After his release he returned to his St Vital farm, where he would live until age 94. He took no part in the events of 1885 in Saskatchewan [see Riel], but three of his sons did. He became a member of the Union Nationale Métisse Saint-Joseph du Manitoba, established in 1887 to preserve Métis heritage and culture. An example of his efforts to collect and document Métis history was his donation in 1910 of the original flag of the Union Nationale Métisse to the organization; it is now preserved in the Heritage Centre of the Société Historique de Saint-Boniface. The Métis and francophone communities of Manitoba and André Nault{apos}s numerous descendants continue to honour the memory of this man who was an eye-witness to, and participant in, many stirring events.

AM, MG 3, B18; NR 0157. {d-0}The execution of Thomas Scott,{d-1} ed. A.-H. de Trémaudan, CHR, 6 (1925): 222-36. A.-G. Morice, Dictionnaire historique des Canadiens et des Métis français de l{apos}Ouest (Québec et Montréal, 1908). L.-A. Prud{apos}homme, {d-0}André Nault,{d-1} RSC, Trans., 3rd ser., 22 (1928), sect.i: 99-111. Louis Riel, The collected writings of Louis Riel, ed. G. F. G. Stanley (5v., Edmonton, 1985). N. E. A. Ronaghan, {d-0}The Archibald administration in Manitoba - 1870-1872{d-1} (phd thesis, Univ. of Manitoba, Winnipeg, 1986). G. F. G. Stanley, Louis Riel (Toronto, 1963). A.-H. de Trémaudan, {d-0}Louis Riel and the Fenian raid of 1871,{d-1} CHR, 4 (1923): 132-44.

Wallace Nesbitt{apos}s father, a Scot, immigrated to Canada in 1837 with his Irish wife and settled on a farm in Oxford County. The youngest of 11 children, Wallace was raised there. After attending Woodstock College, he was articled as a law clerk and studied at Osgoode Hall in Toronto, where he won prizes. Following his call to the bar in Hilary term 1881, he practised with his brother John Wallace in Hamilton. In 1883 Britton Bath Osler* persuaded him to join his Toronto firm, McCarthy, Osler, Hoskin, and Creelman. During his nine years there Nesbitt acted in such notable cases as the suit between the Canadian Pacific Railway and the contracting company of James Conmee*. In 1887 he married the New Orleans-born widow of his one-time partner Thomas Street Plumb, and became the stepfather of two young children.

In 1892 Nesbitt left McCarthy Osler for the firm of William Henry Beatty*, which largely served the Gooderham and Worts business empire. The addition of Nesbitt (who would be named a federal qc in 1896), George Tate Blackstock, William Renwick Riddell*, and Hugh Edward Rose laid the foundation for the partners{s-1-unknown} emergence as a top litigation group. By 1898 (the year he married Beatty{apos}s daughter), Nesbitt had been involved, according to Henry James Morgan*, in {d-0}many important suits{d-1} and was {d-0}singularly successful{d-1} as a jury lawyer. In 1900 he represented the Canadian Copper Company in its opposition to duties on nickel exports [see Andrew Trew Wood*], and within a year he had aligned himself professionally with private companies in the emerging battle over the public ownership of hydroelectric development in Ontario. By 1902, with Beatty spending much of his time running the Gooderham and Worts businesses, David Fasken had assumed the management of the law firm. This shift does not seem to have sat well with many of its members, and they began to resign. The first to leave was Nesbitt.

On 16 May 1903, at age 45, he was named by Liberal prime minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier* to the Supreme Court of Canada. The appointment represented a break with the patronage appointments of the day since he was both a Conservative and a sound choice. As James G. Snell and Frederick Vaughan say in their history of the court, {d-0}Nesbitt had an outstanding reputation as counsel, and his nomination . . . was widely acclaimed.{d-1} Although he did not have time to produce a significant body of judgements - he would sit for only two years - his decisions, a number of them involving cases of negligence, reflected careful analyses. The support he often won from his fellow judges suggests that he had the respect of the bench, but it was not always mutual - some of his dissents were very critical of the majority.

On 4 Oct. 1905 Nesbitt resigned to return to private practice. He was the second justice to leave that year, Albert Clements Killam* having gone to the Board of Railway Commissioners. Their departures could indicate some unhappiness within the court, but Nesbitt stated simply that he was leaving {d-0}for reasons purely private.{d-1} Perhaps he wanted to assist his father-in-law, who was having a difficult year. George Gooderham* had died in May and Beatty had left his firm to assume the direct leadership of the Gooderham and Worts businesses. Beatty also found himself before the courts over the ownership of some property in northern Ontario, and Nesbitt may well have been asked to come to his aid; he would appear in court on Beatty{apos}s behalf in December. Even before his resignation, he had joined Beatty in business ventures. In June 1905, for example, both were appointed to the board of the Canadian Niagara Power Company, with Beatty becoming president.

Instead of returning to the Beatty firm, however, likely because of the rift with Fasken, Nesbitt rejoined McCarthy Osler and resumed his career as a trial and corporation counsel. One biographical account would note that as a former, and highly regarded, Supreme Court judge, {d-0}he took up a unique and enviable position which brought him a large clientèle and ultimately considerable wealth.{d-1} He acted in many high-profile cases, for example in opposition in 1912 to Ontario Hydro{apos}s powers of expropriation and as the nominee in 1918 of Mackenzie, Mann and Company and the Canadian Bank of Commerce in the Canadian Northern Railway arbitration [see Sir William Mackenzie]. No stranger to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in Britain, which he steadfastly defended as Canada{apos}s final court of appeal, he continued to argue there, appearing, among other causes, on behalf of the Dominion Iron and Steel Company in the coal case of 1908, for the dominion in a dispute over Quebec marriage law in 1912, and in the long-running reference over the constitutional authority of provinces to incorporate companies with interprovincial or international operations. In 1924 he was named to a commission to consider the Quebec act that had placed the education of Jews under Protestant school boards. In some situations, his corporate and legal interests overlapped; as president of Canadian Niagara Power, he had given way to Ontario Hydro and reached a settlement in 1916.

Nesbitt found time publicly to address matters of current interest. An opponent of reciprocity with the United States in 1911, he spoke eloquently of the need to strengthen Canada{apos}s imperial ties with Britain and its other colonies. One means, he had argued in 1910, was the formation of a permanent imperial council. A Presbyterian, freemason, and keen golfer, clubman, and fisherman, he also took a strong interest in the St John Ambulance Association, which made him a knight of grace for his service as president of its Ontario Council. The tall, bespectacled lawyer possessed a {d-0}wide knowledge{d-1} of English literature and, in the estimate of British chancellor Lord Sankey, a {d-0}genius for friendship.{d-1}

In the summer of 1929, while at his cottage on Wawataysee Island in Georgian Bay, Nesbitt suffered a stroke from which he never fully recovered. He died the next year at his home on Warren Road in Toronto and was buried in St James{s-1-unknown} Cemetery.

Wallace Nesbitt assisted W. H. Beatty in the preparation of The Boards of Trade General Arbitrations Act (1894) and rules of the Toronto Chamber of Arbitration: with notes and suggestions as to the conduct of a reference (Toronto, 1894). On his own, Nesbitt published The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council; a paper presented to the thirty-second annual meeting of the New York State Bar Association, held at the City of Buffalo, on the 28th and 29th of January, 1909 ([Toronto?, 1909?]), Reciprocity: an address delivered before the Canadian Club, Montreal, December 12th, 1910 ([Montreal?, 1910?]), and {d-0}Our country and its future{d-1}: speech . . . at the annual banquet of the Chatham Board of Trade, January 9th, 1911 ([Chatham, Ont.?, 1911?]).

AO, RG 22-305, nos.10412, 64362; RG 80-8-0-180, no.22220. Globe, 8 April 1930. Christopher Armstrong, The politics of federalism: Ontario{apos}s relations with the federal government, 1867-1942 (Toronto, 1981). Beatty v. McConnell (1905), Ontario Weekly Reporter (Toronto), 6: 882-85. Canada Law Journal (Toronto), 17 (1881): 99. Canadian annual rev. Canadian Bar Assoc., Proc. (Toronto), 15 (1930): 24-25. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). Curtis Cole, {d-0}McCarthy, Osler, Hoskin, and Creelman, 1882 to 1902: establishing a reputation, building a practice,{d-1} in Essays in the history of Canadian law, ed. D. H. Flaherty et al. (8v. to date, Toronto, 1981-?), 4 (Beyond the law: lawyers and business in Canada, 1830 to 1930, ed. Carol Wilton, 1990): 149-66; Osler, Hoskin & Harcourt: portrait of a partnership (Toronto, 1995). G. F. Henderson, {d-0}Wallace Nesbitt, k.c.,{d-1} Canadian Bar Rev. (Toronto), 8 (1930): 283-84. {d-0}The late Hon. Wallace Nesbitt,{d-1} Manitoba Bar News (Winnipeg), 2 (1929-30), no.9: 4. J. G. Snell and Frederick Vaughan, The Supreme Court of Canada: history of the institution ([Toronto], 1985). Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell), 1: 380.

Following Marian Newcombe{apos}s death shortly after childbirth in February 1891, Newcombe travelled to England with his three eldest children, who would remain there for several years. While in England, he pursued studies at the University of London and at the British Museum in various branches of natural history and he purchased modern photographic equipment. He returned alone to Victoria the following year and began to venture further afield, mostly by boat, to pursue his interests in marine biology by dredging for specimens; in addition, he collected fossils and native plants. He was a founding member of the Victoria Natural History Society in 1896.

During a period when many museums were competing to amass anthropological collections from the northwest coast, Newcombe succeeded better than most by developing and maintaining personal relationships with native people, scholars, and museum officials and by travelling where others would not. In the breadth and depth of the anthropological collections he provided various institutions and in the notes he recorded for individual artefacts, he is matched by few other researchers or collectors of the period. Important also are the many photographs he made of First Nations{s-1-unknown} villages, art works, and people during his expeditions, the best or only visual records of many traditional communities that were soon to change greatly or to disappear. Motivated by the anthropological interest of the time in osteology, he also collected skeletal material. He left a small body of published works, including a few articles and monographs on natural history, botany, and native artefacts.

The province of British Columbia purchased Charles Frederic Newcombe{apos}s personal collections from his heirs in 1961; these materials are now at the Royal British Columbia Museum (Victoria) and the BCA (MS-1077). The artefacts and specimens he purchased for others are housed in institutions throughout North America and abroad, including the Royal British Columbia Museum, the Field Museum of Natural Hist. (Chicago), the Canadian Museum of Civilization (Hull, Que.), the Brooklyn Museum of Art (New York), and the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology (Cambridge, Mass.).

Newcombe is the author of {d-0}Epileptiform seizures in general paralysis,{d-1} in West Riding Pauper Lunatic Asylum, Medical reports, ed. J. C. Browne and H. C. Major (6v., London, 1871-76), 5: 198-226; {d-0}Case of locomotor ataxy,{d-1} Brain (London), 2 (1879-80): 134-38; {d-0}The Haida Indians,{d-1} in Congrès international des américanists, XVe session, tenue à Québec en 1906 (2v., Quebec, 1907), 1: 135-49; Petroglyphs in British Columbia ([Victoria?], 1907); Guide to anthropological collection in the provincial museum (Victoria, 1909); The first circumnavigation of Vancouver Island (Victoria, 1914); {d-0}The McGill totem pole,{d-1} Ottawa Naturalist, 32 (1918-19): 99-103; and {d-0}The Haida totem pole at the Milwaukee Public Museum,{d-1} in Milwaukee Public Museum, Year book (Milwaukee, Wis.), 1922: 194-97. He co-authored The sea-lion question in British Columbia (Ottawa, 1918), was one of the compilers of the British Columbia Provincial Museum{apos}s A preliminary catalogue of the flora of Vancouver and Queen Charlotte islands, comp. W. R. Carter and C. F. Newcombe (Victoria, 1921), and, with John Forsyth, edited Menzies{s-1-unknown} journal of Vancouver{apos}s voyage, April to October, 1792 (Victoria, 1923).

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Geneal. Soc., International geneal. index. Biographical dictionary of American and Canadian naturalists and environmentalists, ed. K. B. Sterling et al. (Westport, Conn., 1997). Canadian Field-Naturalist (Ottawa), 38 (1924): 191-92 (obit.). Douglas Cole, Captured heritage: the scramble for northwest coast artifacts (Vancouver and Toronto, 1985). Jean Low, {d-0}Dr Charles Frederick Newcombe,{d-1} Beaver (Winnipeg), outfit 312 (1981-82), no.4: 32-39. Roll of the graduates of the University of Aberdeen, 1956-1970: with supplement, 1860-1955, comp. Louise Donald and W. S. Macdonald (Aberdeen, Scot., 1982).

NG MON HING (Wen Wuqing in Mandarin), lay missionary, teacher, and Presbyterian minister; b. 25 March 1858 in Chung-lau, Guangdong province (People{apos}s Republic of China); m. and had one daughter and two sons; d. 1921 in Canton (Guangzhou).

Born in China, Ng Mon Hing spent the early years of his life in Los Angeles. While aboard ship returning to China, he came into contact with two earnest Christians and the {d-0}mission-school teaching was borne in on him.{d-1} This intense contact resulted in his conversion and he was later baptized in the town of his birth. After a period spent teaching and proselytizing in southern China, he entered the Presbyterian Preachers{s-1-unknown} Training School in Canton. In 1895 he met the Reverend Alexander Brown Winchester, a Presbyterian minister from Canada who was in China to learn the language. That same year, on Winchester{apos}s strong recommendation, the Presbyterian Church in Canada extended a call to Ng as a lay missionary and teacher. On 28 March 1895 Ng arrived in Victoria, where he began a career among the Chinese in Canada that would last almost 25 years. A widower when he arrived, he would later be joined by his son Peter. Like most overseas Chinese, he supported family members in China. On a starting monthly salary of $40 plus $5 for rent, he sent money to an elderly aunt and uncle and to his children in Canton. At his retirement in 1916, his annual salary would be $684.

When Ng arrived in 1895 there were approximately 11,000 Chinese in Canada, most of whom were in British Columbia [see Chang Toy; Yip Sang]. His services as a Cantonese-speaking evangelist were therefore much in demand. In addition to preaching, he held prayer meetings, tended to the sick and elderly, and conducted evening school and Bible classes. On a regular basis he toured Chinatown (Vancouver), visiting businesses, boarding houses, and residences in an effort to attract new followers. His monthly reports made careful note of baptisms and new converts. In the early 20th century there were few Chinese women in Canada and the Presbyterian Church made a special effort to reach out to them. Ng{apos}s reports included a meticulous record of the number of women and children who attended church activities. In addition, he collected and sent moneys to China for various causes such as famine relief.

Ng was in a precarious position in the Chinese communities. Those who resisted Christianity saw his presence as an attempt by Canadian officials to monitor and reform their activities. While the Presbyterian Church praised him for his help in the {d-0}campaign against Chinese gambling,{d-1} some of his fellow countrymen responded differently, accusing him in 1902 of collaborating with the police and instigating raids against suspected gambling dens. Fearing for his safety, Ng asked the police for protection. A Vancouver magistrate refused to grant him permission to carry a revolver or a police whistle, but temporarily assigned a white police officer to protect him. Ironically, Ng{apos}s nationality made him a target for white Canadians{s-1-unknown} suspicions. During a routine effort to rid the city of gambling dens, Vancouver police raided his home, seizing money and Chinese-language manuscripts.

In 1906 Ng was asked to transfer to Ontario. He worked mostly in Toronto and at times preached in Hamilton, Ottawa, and other cities with Chinese communities. By 1909, at the request of a group in Vancouver for a Chinese preacher, he had returned to the west coast. In 1913 he was ordained and inducted into St Andrew{apos}s Church, becoming the first Chinese minister in the Presbyterian Church in Canada. His ordination had been delayed by his hesitation to remain in Canada. He had often considered retiring to China to live with his children. His son Peter, educated in Vancouver, had returned and by 1911 had a high-ranking government position in Canton.

In 1914, when Ng was 56, his colleagues began to express concern that he no longer possessed the vigour needed to work in the more populous missions. They considered replacing him with a more dynamic preacher. The next year a colleague suggested that he be transferred to Cumberland, but another was worried that he was not strong enough to {d-0}endure the necessary privations{d-1} of the remote location. In 1916 he resigned from his official duties. He continued to draw a salary and over the next three years he devoted much of his time to aiding church and police efforts to curtail gambling. For reasons that are unclear, he was now reluctant to leave Canada. The Reverend Robert Peter MacKay speculated that his change of heart was due to political upheaval in China. Ng had confided to MacKay that he feared anti-Christian persecution on his return. Ng{apos}s superiors were persuaded that his abilities could be put to better use in China. They felt that he was no longer {d-0}popular{d-1} and hence ineffective, but were uncertain as to how to encourage him to return to China without being {d-0}unfair or unkind.{d-1} According to one co-worker, {d-0}The poor man is loath to leave. . . . Meantime the Chinese . . . have had three farewells for him already.{d-1} When Ng finally departed on 18 Dec. 1919, he had not seen his homeland in 24 years. He continued his missionary work and lived with his son Peter in Canton until his death in 1921.

LAC, RG 31, C1, 1901, Victoria, subdist.D, subdiv.6. UCC-C, Fonds 122/12, dossiers 14-15, 72-74, 79-80, 84, 92-93, 119-20, 141. K. J. Anderson, Vancouver{apos}s Chinatown: racial discourse in Canada, 1875-1980 (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1991). A. B. Chan, Gold Mountain: the Chinese in the New World (Vancouver, 1983). Harry Con et al., From China to Canada: a history of the Chinese communities in Canada, ed. Edgar Wickberg (Toronto, 1982; repr. 1988). P. S. Li, The Chinese in Canada (Toronto, 1988). R. G. MacBeth, Our task in Canada (Toronto, 1912). S. S. Osterhout, Orientals in Canada: the story of the work of the United Church of Canada with Asiatics in Canada (Toronto, 1929). N. L. Ward, Oriental missions in British Columbia (Westminster [London], 1925). W. P. Ward, {d-0}The Oriental immigrant and Canada{apos}s Protestant clergy, 1858-1925,{d-1} BC Studies (Vancouver), no.22 (summer 1974): 40-55.

Although Walter Nichol{apos}s paternal grandfather, Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Nichol*, had served with distinction during the War of 1812 and had become a prominent politician, Walter{apos}s father did not enjoy much success as a lawyer. Walter received most of his education from his mother while the family lived in Hamilton. At age 12 he worked as a messenger in the law office of Britton Bath Osler*.

In 1881 Nichol became a reporter for the Hamilton Spectator under John Robson Cameron. There, he drew simple cartoons and demonstrated his literary skills by writing short poems and skits. He was just 15 when the first issue of Bicycle (Hamilton) appeared in September 1882. A small monthly journal devoted to cycling, it was the official organ of the Canadian Wheelmen{apos}s Association; Nichol was its editor and contributed humorous fiction. The journal seems to have ceased publication early in 1883. In 1886 Nichol left the Hamilton Spectator for Edmund Ernest Sheppard{apos}s Evening News (Toronto). The following year Nichol and Sheppard established a publication devoted to independent political criticism and social, musical, and theatrical commentary that promised to deal with the subjects {d-0}in a lighter vein than was habitual in the daily press.{d-1} With Sheppard as editor and manager, Nichol as assistant editor, and William E. Caiger as advertising manager they launched the weekly Saturday Night on 3 December. It was issued on Saturday evening because a municipal by-law prohibited publishing on Sunday. Differences soon arose between Sheppard and his partners, so Nichol and Caiger left to establish a rival, Life (Toronto), in February 1888. Under Nichol{apos}s editorship it was {d-0}a very witty and breezy sheet,{d-1} as Saturday Night would later acknowledge, but it ran for less than a year; the market could not bear two weeklies.

Returning to Hamilton in 1889, Nichol became a reporter for the newly established Hamilton Herald. Over the next seven years he rose from reporter to editor-in-chief. In 1896 he moved to London, Ont., where he was a founder of the News. The following year, excited by reports of mining booms in western Canada, he left the News and travelled to British Columbia. After spending about three months visiting the Kootenay mining district, he became editor of the Kootenaian (Kaslo) early in July. In mid August he accepted a post as editor of Hewitt Bostock{apos}s weekly Province (Victoria), which was modelled upon Henry Du Pré Labouchere{apos}s muckraking Truth (London, Eng.).

Nichol adopted an aggressive editorial approach. In October 1897 he described the opposing Daily Colonist (Victoria) as the {d-0}chief mouthpiece{d-1} of the administration of Premier John Herbert Turner, stating that its sole purpose was to {d-0}protect the Dunsmuirs [James Dunsmuir*; Robert Dunsmuir*] in the enjoyment of the money-making monopolies which they have secured from hypnotized and venal legislatures.{d-1} In December, Turner and Attorney General Charles Edward Pooley sued Nichol for libel after he wrote that they were guilty of {d-0}improper conduct{d-1} in allowing their names to be used to promote public companies in which they were directors. The case would drag on until October 1901, when Nichol would be found not guilty.

In late March 1898 a daily edition of the Province started in Vancouver with Nichol as its editor. A year later he claimed that its circulation of over 5,000 was {d-0}practically as great as that of all the other daily papers in the province put together.{d-1} With a loan from Thomas George Shaughnessy, president of the Canadian Pacific Railway, he was able to secure control of the paper in 1901. Although he was a Liberal, his support of the party was not unconditional. Accused of having {d-0}turned Tory{d-1} in May 1900 when he vehemently opposed the renegade Liberal Joseph Martin and supported his Conservative opponents, Nichol explained that he declined to {d-0}lend countenance to a person who, masquerading as a Liberal, has left no stone unturned to injure and embarrass the Liberal government both in public and in private.{d-1}

On 24 Dec. 1920 Nichol was appointed lieutenant governor of British Columbia, after Edward Gawler Prior died suddenly. On assuming office, he gave up all active connection with the Daily Province and in 1923 he sold controlling interest to William Southam*{apos}s firm for $1,000,000. In office he showed great interest in postgraduate education at the University of British Columbia and in 1925 established a travelling scholarship in French at the Université de Paris. For this gesture he received later that year one of the first honorary degrees conferred by the university and two years later he would be awarded the cross of the Legion of Honour from the French government. Although his term expired in December 1925, he remained in office until late February 1926 when his successor was sworn in. He retired to Miraloma, his country house in Sidney designed by Samuel Maclure. He died in Victoria less than three years later and left an estate worth over $2,700,000, much of it invested in government bonds.

AO, RG 80-5-0-247, no.9656. BCA, GR-2951, no.1928-09-397085; MS-1320; MS-2700. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1871, Bothwell, Ont., div.1: 46; 1901, Burrard, B.C., subdist.D: 30. Daily Colonist (Victoria), 20 Dec. 1928. Hamilton Herald (Hamilton, Ont.), 27 Dec. 1920. Vancouver Daily Province, 26-27 March 1899; 21 May 1900; 25 Oct. 1901; 28 Nov. 1903; 30 Sept. 1909; 20, 22 Dec. 1928; 7 March 1939. Vancouver Daily Times, 20 Dec. 1928, 4 Nov. 1968. Vancouver Daily World, 23 Sept., 20-21 Dec. 1897; 25 Oct. 1901; 18 Dec. 1920. Directories, Hamilton, 1878-80, 1882-87, 1890-97; London City and Middlesex County, Ont., 1896-98; Toronto, 1888-89; Vancouver, 1908. Canadian annual rev., 1925. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). S. W. Jackman, The men at Cary Castle; a series of portrait sketches of the lieutenant-governors of British Columbia from 1871 to 1971 (Victoria, 1972). Martin Segger, The buildings of Samuel Maclure: in search of appropriate form (Victoria, 1986). Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell). Who{apos}s who and why, 1915/16. Who{apos}s who in western Canada . . . (Vancouver), 1912-13.

Little is known of Frederic Nicholls{apos}s early years. Obituaries mention that he had been {d-0}good at billiards in his youth{d-1} and received {d-0}some education{d-1} in Stuttgart (Germany), though he does not seem to have had any professional training. In 1874 he came to Montreal and shortly thereafter he located in Ottawa; at the time of his marriage to the daughter of an official in the Department of Marine and Fisheries, he was a commission merchant. Ambitious, astute, and a born salesman, in June 1880 he launched the Industrial World and National Economist; he remained its manager after his move to Toronto the following year. Retitled the Canadian Manufacturer and Industrial World in January 1882, it would continue under his direction until 1894. In 1886 he became secretary of the Ontario Manufacturers{s-1-unknown} Association (renamed the Canadian Manufacturers{s-1-unknown} Association later that year) and he held the position until 1891.

During this period the Canadian Manufacturer became the official publication of the CMA. In keeping with the association{apos}s stance and his own Conservative leanings, Nicholls supported tariff protection to foster industrial growth. About 1886, with Henry Stark Howland*, he opened offices on Front Street called the Permanent Exhibition of Manufacturers and Commercial Exchange. Named a vice-president of the Toronto Press Club in 1889, he returned to the newspaper business in 1895-99 as owner of the Evening Star, an acquisition designed to support the Toronto Railway Company and its operation on Sundays. When the CMA was reorganized in 1900, he chaired the committee charged with launching its monthly, Industrial Canada.

Nicholls{apos}s affiliation with the Canadian Manufacturer, the CMA, and the Exchange brought him into contact with leading Toronto businessmen. Looking about for new chances, he decided that the nascent electricity business would be a growth industry [see John Joseph Wright]. His organization of a syndicate that included Wilmot Deloui Matthews* led first in 1889 to the Toronto Incandescent Electric Light Company Limited. Managed by Nicholls from his Front Street offices and based on steam generation, it took over Henry Mill Pellatt*{apos}s failing arc-light firm, Toronto Electric Light. In 1891 Nicholls became involved as well in Toronto Construction and Electric Supply. None of these firms developed proprietary products or services - they used franchises from American firms with proven technologies - but the resulting monopoly in the supply of power and lighting united the three men who were to dominate the industry in the city for the next decade: Nicholls, Pellatt, and William Mackenzie, whose Toronto Railway was the largest consumer of electricity in Ontario.

Nicholls{apos}s importance as a link between finance and engineering increased when he assumed management of Canadian General Electric, formed in 1892 to consolidate the Canadian business of Edison General Electric, Edison Electric Light, Thomson-Houston International Electric, and Toronto Construction and Electric Supply. At the same time CGE{apos}s head office was moved from Montreal to Toronto, where it supplied generators for the Toronto Railway. Engineer Edward Montague Ashworth remembered Nicholls as his {d-0}early idea of a Big Man,{d-1} whose telephone summonses caused department heads to jump. Although CGE was meant to be an American-controlled subsidiary, its Canadian investors purchased majority control in 1895 and about 1900 Nicholls became second vice-president as well as manager. An eloquent champion of electricity, he was president of the National Electric Light Association of the United States in 1896-97 and brought its annual convention to Niagara Falls, Ont., in 1897.

To meet the increasing demand for electricity in Toronto, Nicholls, Pellatt, and Mackenzie looked to Niagara for a vast new supply. In 1902, with Nicholls as manager and first vice-president, they had formed the Electrical Development Company of Ontario Limited, which early the following year secured a franchise from the province for development. Designed by Edward James Lennox*, the company{apos}s ornate generating station began sending power to Toronto in 1906. The monopoly over Toronto{apos}s electricity market had already led to agitation for public control, however, and that year, through the efforts of Adam Beck and others, the Hydro-Electric Power Commission of Ontario was organized. Considerable ill will emerged between the private companies on the one hand and the City of Toronto, Hydro, and the Niagara Falls Parks Commission on the other. Beck, for instance, refused in 1909 to accept the lowest tender for equipment, from CGE, because he wanted nothing to do with Nicholls. Ultimately, Hydro was ordered to arrange a contract that divided its business between CGE and Westinghouse. In 1922 years of wrangling ended when the hydro commissions of Ontario and Toronto purchased the power assets of Nicholls, Mackenzie, and Pellatt.

Nicholls negotiated a major reorganization of CGE in 1913, when it acquired the manufacturing and sales rights in Canada for the milling and mining equipment of Allis-Chalmers-Bullock (an American company) and formed Canadian Allis-Chalmers. He became president of both Canadian firms, CGE{apos}s plant in Peterborough was expanded, the Canada Foundry Company in Toronto was added, and the Stratford Mill Building Company was taken over for the production of some Allis-Chalmers lines. As president of CGE, Nicholls no longer enjoyed the obscurity of working through syndicates, and his hostility to organized labour and his reluctance to cooperate with the Imperial Munitions Board during wartime were exposed. Named a fellow of the Royal Colonial Institute in London in 1911, he was made an honorary lieutenant-colonel in October 1914 and served on the general council of the Canadian Patriotic Fund and the executive committee of the Toronto branch of the Canadian Red Cross Society. His long-time support of the Conservatives stood him in good stead with the government of Sir Robert Laird Borden*, which on 20 Jan. 1917 appointed him to the Senate, where he chaired a special committee on post-war trade. He continued to run CGE until the spring of 1921, when he stepped down to chair its board. In 1923, after his death, American General Electric repurchased most of CGE{apos}s common stock.

An inveterate worker, Nicholls had been accustomed to 16-hour days in the 1880s but he enjoyed more leisure later in life. Readily recognizable by his stockiness, glasses, and moustache, he had a summer home near Shanty Bay on Lake Simcoe and a farm north of Toronto, was apparently an expert rose gardener, and enjoyed the comforts of numerous clubs. In religion, he belonged to the Church of England and served on the boards of Trinity University and Havergal Ladies{s-1-unknown} College in Toronto and Ridley College in St Catharines. As well, he was a justice of the peace for York County, vice-consul for Liberia from 1887, and consul for Portugal from 1906.

Frederic Nicholls{apos}s speech of 19 Jan. 1905 to the Empire Club in Toronto was published as Niagara{apos}s power: past, present, prospective . . . ([Toronto?, 1905?], reproduced as CIHM, no.78710). A number of his other speeches are in his Conservation of Canadian trade (Toronto, 1918). An oil portrait of Nicholls by Robert Harris* is in the Univ. of Toronto Art Coll.

AO, RG 22-305, nos.21978, 44052; RG 80-5-0-48, no.1678; RG 80-8-0-360, no.2726; RG 80-8-0-804, no.6460. GRO, Reg. of births, Whitechapel (London), 22 Nov. 1855. Globe, 26 Oct. 1921. Monetary Times (Toronto), 27 Sept. 1913. Ottawa Free Press, 31 May 1875. World (Toronto), 28 April 1909. E. M. Ashworth, Toronto Hydro recollections (Toronto, 1955). Michael Bliss, A Canadian millionaire: the life and business times of Sir Joseph Flavelle, bart., 1858-1939 (Toronto, 1978). Canadian annual rev., 1901-17. Canadian Manufacturers{s-1-unknown} Assoc., The Canadian Manufacturers{s-1-unknown} Association ([Toronto, 1890?]); Souvenir, 1893 (Toronto, 1892). Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). Cyclopædia of Canadian biog. (Rose and Charlesworth), vol.3. Merrill Denison, The people{apos}s power: the history of Ontario Hydro ([Toronto], 1960). Directory, Toronto, 1882-1913. Encyclopaedia of Canadian biography . . . . R. B. Fleming, The railway king of Canada: Sir William Mackenzie, 1849-1923 (Vancouver, 1991). Industrial Canada (Toronto), August, October 1913. Herbert Marshall et al., Canadian-American industry: a study in international investment ([Toronto], 1976). Middleton, Municipality of Toronto. James Naylor, The new democracy: challenging the social order in industrial Ontario, 1914-25 (Toronto, 1991). R. T. Naylor, The history of Canadian business, 1867-1914 (2v., Toronto, 1975). H. V. Nelles, The politics of development: forests, mines & hydro-electric power in Ontario, 1849-1941 (Toronto, 1974). Ontario Manufacturers{s-1-unknown} Assoc., Report of the proc. of the . . . annual meeting ([Toronto?]), 1886-91. G. A. Seibel, Ontario{apos}s Niagara parks, 100 years: a history, ed. O. M. Seibel (Niagara Falls, Ont., 1985).

Frances Nickawa{apos}s people had long-standing connections with the fur trade around the major Hudson{apos}s Bay Company depot of York Factory (Man.). In the 1890s, however, York Factory lost importance. Around the time of Frances{apos}s birth, the Beardys moved inland to Split Lake. Frances{apos}s father died soon thereafter. On 2 April 1899 she was baptized by Cree Methodist minister Edward Paupanekis* in St John{apos}s (Anglican) Church at Split Lake as Fanny, the daughter of Jack and Betsy Beardy, although her adoptive mother would later refer to her father as Thomas Beardy.

In 1901 a staff member at the Methodist residential school in Norway House circulated her wish to adopt a Native child. The Reverend Charles George Fox, Church of England missionary at Split Lake, brought Fanny, with her mother{apos}s consent, to Norway House in October, but by then the teacher had adopted another. However, the school{apos}s sewing teacher, Hannah Tindall Riley, to whom Fanny had taken a liking, adopted her. Unmarried, English-born, and in her mid forties, she had joined the staff the previous year. On 25 Dec. 1901, Fox, Betsy Beardy, and Split Lake chief William Kitchekesik (Keche-kesik) signed an adoption agreement. The next month Hannah registered Fanny at the school as Frances Nickawa, using her mother{apos}s family name. She would later explain that a colleague had suggested the change because Beardy sounded like a nickname rather than a Native name. Hannah and Frances visited Winnipeg for the General Conference of the Methodist Church of Canada in September 1902. Frances read Psalm 2 to a large gathering in Grace Methodist Church and sang a hymn in Cree. Her self-possession and clear, ringing voice at age four much impressed the audience.

In June 1907 Riley took a position with the Alexandra Orphanage in Vancouver. Frances entered public school, where she experienced racial prejudice for the first time. The Reverend Egerton Ryerson Young, her biographer, would record, {d-0}Bravely she would say, {s-0}I{apos}m Indian; I{apos}m Cree to the core, and I{apos}m proud of it.{s-1-unknown} But her sensitive spirit was constantly harried by ignorant, brutal snobs.{d-1} Riley left the orphanage in 1910 and she and Frances moved to Port Kells. Neither was in good health; Frances endured several leg operations to treat an injury which had occurred at Norway House. She became a popular soloist and reader at church events. When she was 15, she and Riley moved to South Vancouver. There, she entered elocution contests held by the Woman{apos}s Christian Temperance Union and won medals in 1914 and 1916. Studying elocution with theatre director and elocutionist Harold Nelson Shaw, she paid her way with sewing, secretarial service, and dog walking. Shaw was keenly supportive of her talents. The remarkable career of performer Emily Pauline Johnson*, of Mohawk and English origin, who had died in Vancouver in 1913, was surely on his mind. Sometime later he would describe Nickawa as {d-0}unusually gifted in the interpretation of the legends and character portrayals of the Indian race, especially those by the late Pauline Johnson.{d-1}

In January 1919 Nickawa gave her first solo performance at Sixth Avenue Methodist Church in Vancouver. Then, invited to perform at a meeting of the British Columbia Conference in New Westminster, she recited from Johnson and others so effectively that many ministers asked her to visit their churches. In November 1919 she went on a three-month train tour with Riley, giving 18 recitals in cities from Vancouver to Winnipeg. Her style of presentation echoed Johnson{apos}s, but she did not compose her own works. The Manitoba Free Press described a typical program. First she appeared in a European-style white dress, reciting with {d-0}great versatility{d-1} pieces ranging from humorous to dramatic. Then she {d-0}donned Indian dress{d-1} that she had made herself, with {d-0}buckskin fringe and strings of gay beads,{d-1} to recite from Johnson{apos}s poetry, Longfellow{apos}s The song of Hiawatha, and other works.

From September 1920, Nickawa and Riley toured for months at a time. On 24 March 1921 they reached Toronto, where Nickawa won great acclaim. There Ernest M. Sheldrick, musical editor of the Christian Guardian, heralded her as {d-0}a second Pauline Johnson{d-1} and {d-0}the embodiment of the Indian of the yesterdays.{d-1} {d-0}A pure-blooded Cree of fine presence,{d-1} he noted, {d-0}she possesses a beautiful speaking voice, which she uses with superb artistry.{d-1} While in Ontario, she had her portrait painted by John Wycliffe Lowes Forster*.

On 28 July 1921, carrying a strong testimonial from the Toronto Conference, Nickawa and Riley sailed for Britain, where they spent the next year. The Reverend Samuel Dwight Chown*, general superintendent of the Methodist Church of Canada, arranged for her to perform at a large ecumenical conference. Recitals at churches and at the Canadian Club in London drew enthusiastic reviews, enhancing her fame in Canada when she returned in September 1922. In constant demand, she began to give several presentations a week. In February 1923 the Toronto periodical Saturday Night featured this {d-0}gifted interpreter of the poetry of her race,{d-1} commending the {d-0}exceptional platform success{d-1} of this {d-0}fullblooded Cree Indian . . . an original Canadian.{d-1} She received half the proceeds from each performance for income and expenses; the rest went for the support of church work.

Nickawa{apos}s only return to her homeland was in the summer of 1923. Methodist missionaries facilitated her travels to Norway House, Oxford House, and Cross Lake, where she performed with great effect, met relatives, and felt a range of emotions. {d-0}My life as a child came back slowly at first then . . . like a tornado uprooting all the works of civilization, where can your civilization fit in now? How does it make you feel toward your own people? It was like the tide rushing in on the sands of my life and washing away all signs of civilization that were not founded on Christ, that remained and stronger grew.{d-1}

Like Johnson and other aboriginal performers of her day, Nickawa faced endless public demands for idealized Indians of yesteryear. She shunned commercialism, using the stage to support Methodist goals for Native missions and aid. Her early death was much mourned; as her biographer wrote, {d-0}The light that was in her went out with startling suddenness.{d-1}

[The author is grateful to the late Harold Egerton Young, of North York (Toronto), for sharing a copy of an unpublished typescript written by his father, Egerton Ryerson Young, probably in the 1930s, entitled {d-0}From wigwam to concert platform: the life of Frances Nickawa{d-1} (n.p.; copy in the possession of J. S. H. Brown), as well as copies of documents and letters collected by E. R. Young. Most of this material has been deposited in the UCC-C, Fonds 3431. The author would also like to thank R. M. Shirritt-Beaumont, of Winnipeg, for use of his unpublished compilation {d-0}Nakawao or Brown family{d-1} (updated 27 Sept. 2004), tracing the family back to the early 1800s. In addition, the author would like to acknowledge the assistance provided by Lacey Sanders in obtaining copies of the registration of Nickawa{apos}s baptism and her mother{apos}s remarriage (Anglican Church of Canada, Diocese of Keewatin Arch. (Keewatin, Ont.), St John{apos}s Church (Split Lake, Man.), Reg. of baptisms, 2 April 1899; Reg. of marriages, 13 Nov. 1906). J. W. L. Forster{apos}s portrait, Frances Nickawa (Nyakawaya), is held by the Royal Ontario Museum (Toronto). j.s.h.b.]

BCA, GR-2951, no.1928-09-417422; GR-2962, no.1927-09-316920. LAC, RG 10, 4092, file 558902. Manitoba Free Press, 6 Dec. 1919. [E. M. Sheldrick], {d-0}A second Pauline Johnson: Frances Nickawa,{d-1} Christian Guardian, 6 April 1921: 16. {d-0}Frances Nickawa: Cree girl who is a gifted interpreter of the poetry of her race,{d-1} Saturday Night, 3 Feb. 1923: 12. Voices from Hudson Bay: Cree stories from York Factory, ed. and comp. Flora Beardy and Robert Coutts (Montreal, 1996).

John Northway{apos}s father was a poor farmer in Devon; his mother{apos}s once prosperous father had fallen into alcoholism and tenancy. John was looked to as the instrument of the family{apos}s rehabilitation. A wilful and mischievous boy, he was removed from school at nine and apprenticed to a tailor for nine years, attempting once to cut off his thumb to escape his lot. In search of work in London, he became interested in ladies{s-1-unknown} tailoring, design, and merchandising. Faced with another long apprenticeship, however, he fled to New York in 1869.

After being robbed and paid for some piecework in worthless Confederate money, he moved in 1870 to Hamilton, Ont., but it, and then Toronto and London, proved little better than New York. Discouraged, he took an assistantship to a tailor in the village of Embro, near Woodstock. The other assistant was Scottish-born Kitty McKay; spirited, intelligent in her trade, and canny in finance, she would play a major role in Northway{apos}s success following their marriage. Embro was well positioned for Northway to root himself in Ontario{apos}s southwest: his understanding that Cleveland (on the opposite shore of Lake Erie) had eclipsed Toronto in determining the region{apos}s fashions gave him an edge.

On a joint salary of $12 weekly, Kitty saved $100, and in April 1873 the Northways opened a tailoring shop in Tilsonburg (Tillsonburg), one of the southwest{apos}s most enterprising towns. A Baptist, {d-0}Brother John{d-1} attached himself to its leaders, especially the dominant Baptists and Liberals. His growing custom led him to add dry goods, and he absorbed the stocks of merchants hit by the depression of the 1870s. His credit rating rose. In 1886 he hired an assistant, Robert Marshall Anderson, who became his partner three years later when he bought a failing store in Orillia and left {d-0}R.M.{d-1} in charge at Tilsonburg. Northway{apos}s career centred on taking over ailing firms and turning them around; eventually he held stores at Tilsonburg, Orillia, Simcoe, Ingersoll, St Thomas, Ridgetown, Woodville, Toronto, Chatham, Brantford, Hamilton, and Stratford. He inspected them routinely, shifted his managers to enliven the retailing, convened regular consultations, fixed standards of staffing, purchasing, and merchandising, and skirted brokerage houses by buying in bulk in Europe and the United States, where he also sketched the latest fashions.

In 1893 Northway moved to Toronto in the hope of forming his own brokerage, the Merchant{apos}s Import Company. The move was premature, but when good times returned in 1895-96, he displaced the city{apos}s only maker of ladies{s-1-unknown} garments, Alexander and Anderson Limited; in 1898 he built a factory on Wellington Street, John Northway and Son Limited. There he designed and produced Northway mantles, coats, and (beginning in 1908) dresses and skirts, which he sold throughout Canada. He drew in his retail managers by granting them shares in the centralized firm chartered in 1900, the Northway Company Limited. In annual trips to the textile centre of Bradford, he observed the production methods and liberal employee policies of Sir Titus Salt and E. H. Gates and Company, two of Britain{apos}s most respected garment manufacturers. Northway{apos}s continued to grow. In 1903, on the urging of his partner-managers, he opened a retail outlet at 240-42 Yonge Street in Toronto. Although profits fell during a downturn in 1906-8, the store soon became a flourishing flagship. Because Northway specialized in womenswear, he did not consider himself to be in broad competition with the Eaton{apos}s and Simpson{apos}s department stores, but his strategy was plain: he countered Eaton{apos}s claim of {d-0}Big bargains developed by big business{d-1} with the {d-0}exclusive{d-1} quality of Northway{apos}s workmanship and fashions and the slogan {d-0}Style is a constant study in our designing rooms.{d-1} By 1911 he was beginning to exhibit a preference for fresh American styling.

Northway{apos}s rise led to his appointment to the northern Ontario, wholesale dry goods, and waterfront development committees of the Toronto Board of Trade. The influence of its president, his friend, stockbroker Alfred Ernest Ames*, was also a factor. Northway was named a director of the powerful Imperial Bank of Canada in 1915, and became a member of the Canadian Manufacturers{s-1-unknown} Association. As is evidenced by trips to Florida, club memberships, and the purchase of a Cadillac and a house in the exclusive Rosedale neighbourhood, he had moved into a different world, and he ruefully recognized it.

With his businesses in good condition by 1910 - two of his sons would become presidents, John Alexander of Northway and Son in 1913 and Arthur Garfield of the Northway Company in 1918 - Northway pursued the education he had been denied as a child. Ill at ease in large gatherings, he recorded that he possessed {d-0}knowledge far too limited to appreciate.{d-1} He began to read widely, religious studies at first and, later, works on the ancient world. In 1912 he and Kitty toured the Mediterranean and the Middle East; Egypt in particular caught his imagination. He made large contributions and endowed scholarships at McMaster, the Baptist university in Toronto, and at Brandon College in Manitoba, where he was counselled by President Howard Primrose Whidden*, a graduate of the liberal Chicago Theological Seminary and later chancellor of McMaster. In 1904 Mary Isabel Northway had married the Reverend Robert James Wilson, whose ministry and socially conscious training at the University of Chicago reinforced his father-in-law{apos}s growing theological and social liberalism. During a lengthy recuperation in 1920 from prostate surgery, Northway audited college courses in Florida and California on literature and history, including one on liberalism, socialism, and communism. He was ecstatic when the Tutankhamen finds in Egypt were announced in 1922. Northway had been intellectually and socially awakened.

These new interests led to his rupture with the fundamentalist preaching of Thomas Todhunter Shields* at Jarvis Street Baptist Church. In 1921 he joined the progressive Walmer Road Baptist, the pulpit of John MacNeill. Under the guidance of Whidden, MacNeill, and McMaster{apos}s Jones Hughes Farmer, another advocate of the Social Gospel and higher criticism of the Bible, Northway developed greater