Chevalier de Troyes, Journal (Caron). Documents relating to Hudson Bay (Tyrrell). HBRS, XXI (Rich). Ord. comm. (P.-G. Roy), II, 49–53, 56. Relation par lettres de l{apos}Amérique septentrionale, années 1709 et 1710, éd. Camille de Rochemonteix (Paris, 1904). P.-G. Roy, Inv. concessions, IV; “Le pilote canadien Pierre Allemand,” dans Les petites choses de notre histoire (3e série, Lévis, 1922), 145–54) (includes extracts from Allemand’s Mémoires); “Pierre Allemand,” BRH, XXI (1915), 129–33.

ANDIGNÉ DE GRANDFONTAINE, HECTOR D{s-1-unknown}, officer in the Carignan-Salières regiment (1665–68), governor of Acadia (1670–3); baptized 17 May 1627 at Ruillé-Froid-Fonds in Mayenne, son of Hector and Anne d’Andigné de Grandfontaine; d. 6 July 1696 at Brest.

Champlain normally calls him “Capt. Pierre,” and only once names him "Pierre Chavin.” But the latter{apos}s frequent dealings with Pierre de Chauvin de Tonnetuit and his sister about an inheritance lead us to suppose that his family name was indeed Chauvin, a very common name in Normandy, and that he was a relative of his namesake, the Sieur de Tonnetuit, with whom he must not be confused.

In the autumn of 1687, after the frequent incursions by the Iroquois against the colony had been resumed, the little parish of Saint-Louis was attacked. D{apos}Urfé narrowly escaped the massacre and could do nothing but bury the dead, among whom was his sole churchwarden, Jean de Lalonde, dit l’Espérance. In doing so he acted courageously, although according to his superiors he was not “particularly brave by nature.”

MARIAUCHAU D’ESGLY (d{apos}Esglis), FRANÇOIS-LOUIS, baptized 17 Dec. 1708 at Quebec, son of François Mariauchau d’Esgly and Louise-Philippe Chartier de Lotbinière; d. a bachelor 25 March 1736 in the Chickasaw country.

Jean-Pierre Roma is chiefly remembered for his activities in Île Saint-Jean (Prince Edward Island); little is known of his life elsewhere. He wrote in 1741 to the minister of Marine that in 1715 his fortune had been ruined by one M. Desmarets, that the Duc d{apos}Orléans had then frustrated his attempts to re-establish this fortune by reuniting to the royal domain a concession he had had on the south coast of Saint-Domingue (Hispaniola), and that in 1726 the French ambassador at Turin had prevented him from entering the employ of the king of Sardinia.

Roma{apos}s venture in Île Saint-Jean ended on 20 June 1745, when New England troops, sent by William Pepperrell from the victorious expedition to Louisbourg, destroyed his establishment. Roma, his son, daughter, and five servants escaped first to the woods, then to Quebec. At Quebec Roma was employed in the magazines but his records were kept in such an unorthodox fashion that many had to be redone. In 1752 he was considered for, but not appointed to, the post of subdelegate of the intendant in Île Saint-Jean, once again in French hands. From Quebec Roma went to Martinique where, in 1757, he was director of the domain of Guadeloupe.

Walter Bates is the author of Kingston and the loyalists of the “spring fleet” of A.D. 1783, with reminiscenses of early days in Connecticut: a narrative . . . , ed. W. O. Raymond (Saint John, N.B., 1889; repr. Fredericton, 1980); The mysterious stranger; or, memoirs of Henry More Smith; alias Henry Frederick Moon; alias William Newman: who is now confined in Simbury mines, in Connecticut, for the crime of burglary; containing an account of his . . . confinement in the gaol of King{apos}s County, province of New Brunswick . . . with a statement of his succeeding conduct . . . (New Haven, Conn., 1817), which was published in London the same year under the title Companion for Caraboo: a narrative of the conduct and adventures of Henry Frederic Moon, alias Henry Frederic More Smith, alias William Newman – now under sentence of imprisonment, in Connecticut, in North America, containing an account of his unparalleled artifices, impostures, mechanical ingenuity, &c. &c. displayed during and subsequently to his confinement in one of his majesty{apos}s gaols in the province of New Brunswick, with an introductory description of New Brunswick, and a postscript containing some account of Caraboo, the late female impostor, of Bristol (London, 1817); and A serious conference by letters on the subject of religious worship, and of the church of God, from a member of the established episcopal Church of England, in . . . New-Brunswick, to a member of the established congregational Presbyterian Church, in the state of Connecticut . . . (Saint John, 1826).

ANQ-M, CE1-51, 14 août 1848. ANQ-MBF, CE1-13, 29 janv. 1797. Arch. des Sœurs Grises (Montréal), Aliénés, historique; Ancien journal, I; Corr., J.-B. Thavenet; Dossier de la communauté de Saint-Hyacinthe; Dossier de sœur Marguerite Beaubien; Maison mère, corr., chapelle; Mémoire de sœur Saint-Jean-de-la-Croix; Notices biographiques (1741–1848); Reg. des affaires temporelles, I; Reg. des entrées, 1737–1889; Reg. des minutes du Conseil général. P.-G. Roy, Inv. concessions. É.-J. [-A.] Auclair, Histoire de Châteauguay, 1735–1935 (Montréal, 1935). Bellemare, Hist. de Nicolet. [Albina Fauteux et Clémentine Drouin], L{apos}hôpital général des Sœurs de la charité (Sœurs Grises) depuis sa fondation jusqu{apos}à nos jours (3v. parus, Montréal, 1916–).

ANQ-M, CE1-54, 9 oct. 1785, 6 sept. 1837; CN1-14, 12 oct. 1826, 26 juin 1832; CN1-68, 12 févr. 1817; CN1-96, 13 nov. 1812; 15 janv., 31 août, 22 oct. 1816; 3 janv. 1818; 15, 19 févr. 1820; 9 mars, 10 oct. 1821; 24 mars, 21 août, 13 oct. 1823; 7, 14 avril 1824; CN1-107, 9, 12 sept. 1813; CN1-173, 26 déc. 1833; CN1-273, 16 mai, 4 juill. 1813; 23 janv., 30 mars 1823; CN1-317, 5 mars 1820; CN1-334, 3 févr. 1815; CN1-375, 21 janv. 1815, 21 févr. 1821; CN1-383, 14 juill. 1816; CN1-391, 19 août 1817; CN2-79, 4 mars 1822; CN6-2, 12 févr. 1820; CN6-27, 1eravril 1819. MAC-CD, Fonds Morisset, 2, dossier René Beauvais, dit Saint-James. La Minerve, 14 sept. 1837. Émile Vaillancourt, Une maîtrise d{apos}art en Canada (1800–1823)(Montréal, 1920). Marius Barbeau, “Louis Quévillon; des Écorres,” Académie canadienne-française, Cahiers (Montréal), 9: 142–58. Gérard Morisset, “Louis Quévillon, fondateur de l’école des Écorres, 1749–1823,” La Patrie, 2 oct. 1949: 112.

AAQ, 12 A, H: 213v. ANQ-M, CE1-51, 13 août 1849. ANQ-Q, CE1-1, 24 juill. 1799, 15 mai 1827; P-144. ASQ, Fichier des anciens. PAC, MG 30, D1, 4: 1–3; RG 4, B8: 7764–70; RG 68, General index, 1651–1841. Le Canadien, 17 août 1849. La Minerve, 13 août 1849. F.-J. Audet, “Les législateurs du Bas-Canada.” F.-J. Audet et Fabre Surveyer, Les députés au premier Parl. du Bas-Canada, 36. Desjardins, Guide parl. Fauteux, Patriotes, 379–80. Le Jeune, Dictionnaire, 1: 145; 2: 318. P.-G. Roy, Les avocats de la région de Québec; Fils de Québec, 3: 100–1; Les juges de la prov. de Québec. Wallace, Macmillan dict. Michel Bibaud, Histoire du Canada et des Canadiens, sous la domination anglaise [1830–37], J.-G. Bibaud, édit. (Montréal, 1878). Chapais, Cours d{apos}hist. du Canada, 4: 15–20, 72–85, 115, 193, 225. F.-X. Chouinard et al., La ville de Québec, histoire municipale (4v., Québec, 1963–83), 3: 136. L.-M. Côté et al., Les maires de la vieille capitale (Québec, 1980), 1–3, 5. N.-E. Dionne, Pierre Bédard et ses fils (Québec, 1909), 161–217; Les trois comédies du ‘statu quo,’ 1834 (Québec, 1909), 46–47. Douville, Hist. du collège-séminaire de Nicolet. Alfred Duclos De Celles, Papineau, 1786–1871 (Montréal, 1905), 93–119. F.-X. Garneau, Histoire du Canada depuis sa découverte jusqu{apos}à nos jours, Hector Garneau, édit. (8e éd., 9v., Montréal, 1944–46), 8: 180; 9: 20–21, 32, 38, 109. Marcel Plouffe, “Quelques particularités sociales et politiques de la charte, du système administratif et du personnel politique de la cité de Québec, 1833–1867” (thèse de ma, univ. Laval, Québec, 1971), 113. F.-J. Audet, “Les maires de Québec,” BRH, 2 (1896): 13. Monique Duval, “Premier maire de Québec – Elzéar Bédard, digne fils du patriote Pierre Bédard,” Le Soleil (Québec), 2 juill. 1983: E-3. Antonio Perrault, “Le Conseil spécial, 1838–1841; son œuvre législative,” La Rev. du Barreau (Montréal), 3 (1943): 213–15. “Le premier Conseil municipal de Québec,” BRH, 69 (1967): 37–39. “Le premier maire de Québec,” BRH, 69: 37. Antoine Roy, “Les patriotes de la région de Québec pendant la rébellion de 1837–1838,” Cahiers des Dix, 24 (1959): 241–54.

Gilkison apparently came equipped with some capital and he entered into partnership with William Leaden, a retired army officer, to form D. Gilkison and Company. This business benefited from the cash trade provided by the Canada Company, which purchased supplies for the considerable number of its employees who were clearing the townsite and building company facilities, as well as for some destitute immigrants. Gilkison and Leaden also took advantage of the potential for water-power on the Speed River at Guelph. Their proposal to rent and eventually to purchase a grist-mill, to be built by the Canada Company, was rejected by the company{apos}s directors in London, England, but in August 1827 they purchased a good mill-seat for less than £10 and built a dam and a sawmill. Lumber was in great demand in the boom-town atmosphere and the mill operated day and night. But the town{apos}s rapid growth depended on the Canada Company{apos}s continued stimulation, which came to a sudden halt following Galt{apos}s dismissal in early 1829. The result was a severe local depression in which a number of businesses, including Gilkison{apos}s, failed. Although his store seems to have been continued by Leaden, the firm{apos}s remaining assets were seized by creditors.

For a few years following his unsuccessful venture in Guelph, Gilkison worked as a clerk at the store in West Flamborough Township of James Crooks, another associate of his father. An upturn in David{apos}s fortunes took place when his father decided to return from Scotland in 1832. He was unable to rescue his son{apos}s sawmilling operation, but he did purchase about 14,000 acres in Nichol Township in the fall of 1832 and at a superb mill-seat about ten miles northwest of Guelph he founded the town of Elora. William{apos}s sudden death in April 1833 put David, as the eldest son, in charge of the settlement project even though his father had planned to make a younger son, Jasper Tough*, the manager. Their father{apos}s property was divided equally among six surviving sons, but David seems to have sold land for all of them.

In superintending the development of the settlement, Gilkison provided a community infrastructure intended to make the village and the surrounding agricultural land desirable to potential purchasers of land. He appears to have settled in Elora about May 1833 and the combined house and store in which he first lived served as a community centre for religious and social occasions; he was later involved in the erection of an Anglican church. He also acted as a township commissioner and oversaw the building of some of the area{apos}s roads. He took a considerable interest in those to whom he sold land. George Elmslie, a member of a group of Scottish settlers who purchased land for a settlement named Bon-accord in the northern part of the township, wrote of his “kindness and attention” and that “his father{apos}s purchase here and his own exertion undoubtedly gave the first impulse to the settlement of this flourishing part of Canada West.” Gilkison nevertheless decided to leave Elora, perhaps because of the slowness of land sales, and in 1837 he auctioned off his farming equipment and some property, leaving his father-in-law, Andrew Geddes, in charge of his land interests. By September 1838 he was reported to have resettled in Elora, but soon thereafter he attempted, apparently without success, mercantile ventures in Queenston, Upper Canada, and Genesee (Geneseo), N.Y. Because of his wife’s poor health, he had moved to Toronto by October 1841 but as late as 1842 he and his brothers still owned more than 3,000 acres of uncleared land and 40 cleared acres in Nichol Township.

HWISTESMETXĒ{apos}QEN (meaning “walking grizzly bear”; also known as Shiwelean, Nicola, N’Kuala, and various spellings of Nicholas), head chief of the Okanagans; fl. 1793–1859.

Much of what is known about Hwistesmetxē{apos}qen, who was called Nicola by the early fur traders, comes from the folklore and oral history of the Okanagan Indians, one of the Interior Salish people of present-day British Columbia. These legendary accounts, which preserve the Okanagan toponymy and appellation, have been collected by anthropologists and local historians and despite their lack of precision present a remarkably consistent portrait of the major events that marked his life. Nicola was descended from a long line of Okanagan head chiefs and, according to legend, was born at the fortified encampment established by his father, Pelkamū'lôx (which means “rolls over the earth”), near the junction of the Similkameen and Okanagan rivers (Wash.). When Nicola was still a young boy PElkamū’lôx took his people north to Fish Lake (B.C.), where he settled near the band of his brother Kwoli{apos}la at Chapperon Lake. PElkamū’lôx at times went to the plains through the Flathead country to hunt buffalo and the legends speak of his meeting two North West Company traders, Finan McDonald and a certain Lagacé, at Hell’s Gate Pass (near Helena, Mont.). This meeting would have been some time after 1807, the year McDonald arrived in the Columbia region with David Thompson. For the Okanagan Indians the meeting was their first contact with whites, and PElkamū’lôx , known as a great orator, returned to his country to recount the story of men with white skins and blue eyes, of sticks that made thunder, smoke, and fire and that could kill birds in flight, and of an animal, the horse, that could run faster than the buffalo. At one of the feasts called to hear these tales a Lillooet chief declared that such things could not exist and that PElkamū’lôx was a liar. The head chief rose to defend his honour but was struck down by two arrows fired by his accuser. Before he died, PElkamū’lôx made his son Nicola head chief and confided him to the care of Kwolī{apos}la, exhorting the young boy to avenge his death.

MARTIN, GEORGE (known in Mohawk as Shononhsé:se{s-1-unknown}, meaning “he is of the long house” or “the house is too long for him”), Mohawk chief and interpreter; b. 23 Dec. 1767 in Canajoharie (near Little Falls, N.Y.); d. 8 Feb. 1853 in Salt Springs, near Brantford, Upper Canada.

Poor was also instrumental in the choice of gauge for the Canadian trunk line. By the mid 1840s Boston entrepreneurs in Maine used a gauge of 4’6”. To ensure Maine’s independence, Poor favoured a broad gauge of 5{foot}6". In 1847 he journeyed to Montreal and helped persuade the Canadian government to overrule its earlier commitment to the Boston interests and to accept the broad gauge. Again in 1851 he appeared before a parliamentary committee in Toronto and helped influence the choice of the broad gauge for the Great Western Railway. After his death, and at great cost, the Grand Trunk Railway adopted the narrow gauge of the American railroad system.

Perhaps drawn by the prosperity of the Welland Canal, Simpson moved first to the entrance to the second Welland Canal at Port Dalhousie, where he worked as a foreman at the shipyard and dry dock of Donaldson and Andrews, and then to nearby St Catharines. There, during the winter of 1863–64, he established his own yard, on the pond by lock 5, in competition with the town’s major shipbuilder, Louis Shickluna. The following spring about a thousand people witnessed the first launch at Simpson’s new yard, of the barque Jessie Drummond, a typical canal-sized vessel of 142{foot} x 26{foot} x 11{foot}9".

[This biography is based on the author’s book Barker VC: William Barker, Canada{apos}s most decorated war hero (London and Toronto, 1997), which contains an exhaustive list of the documentation consulted: military files in the archives of Great Britain, Canada, and the United States, personal papers, logbooks, monographs, newspaper and magazine articles, as well as interviews with relatives and military personnel.   w.r.]§

Warren Franklin Hatheway’s publications include a poetry chapbook published under the pseudonym R. Belmont as God and the doubter; At Partridge Island; Sunset on Nerepis River; and other verses ([Saint John, 1896]), as well as several pamphlets and books issued under his own name: Canadian nationality; The cry of labor; and other essays (Toronto, 1906); The reciprocity agreement: its effect on New Brunswick ([Saint John], 1911); Injustice to New Brunswick: a few facts for thoughtful, impartial, liberal Liberals (n.p., [c. 1908]; copy in the New Brunswick Museum, Saint John); Mr. W. Frank Hatheway{apos}s speech in support of the more complete education for the mechanic and farmer, given in the House of Assembly, Fredericton, N.B., March 19th, 1912 ([n.p., 1912]); Why France lost Canada, and other essays and poems (Toronto, 1915); Trade after the war: a resume of trade conditions in France, Italy and Great Britain before 1915, with suggestions as to expansion of Canada{apos}s trade after the war ([Saint John, 1917]); and Labor{apos}s just and reasonable demands: . . . should not these demands be granted? A review of what Australia and other countries have done, and what Canada must do (Saint John, 1919). A selection of his writings edited by James Keith Chapman has been published under the title Hair from a black stallion{apos}s tail (Fredericton, 1986), and reissued, without the frontispiece photograph of Hatheway, as Frank Hatheway{apos}s highways & byways: tales from 19th century wanderings in New Brunswick, the Gaspe, and Cape Breton (Fredericton, 1986). Hatheway also contributed articles to several periodicals, including Atlantic Monthly (Boston), Canadian Magazine (Toronto), Contemporary Rev. (London and New York), Empire Rev. (London), and New England Magazine (Boston).

The first part of Gabrielle Roy{apos}s life, which would provide her with a rich source of unforgettable memories and images as a novelist, was spent in Manitoba, to which her parents, both natives of the province of Quebec, had come at the end of the 19th century. Léon Roy had acquired a homestead in the so-called Pembina Mountain district in 1883. In 1886 he married 19-year-old Mélina Landry; the Landrys, who were originally from the Joliette region, had settled in the west a few years earlier. Soon after their marriage, Léon went into business, and he became increasingly active in the Liberal Party, an involvement that got him into trouble within his community. When Wilfrid Laurier finally came to power in Ottawa in June 1896, Roy was hired as a government agent to welcome newly arrived settlers at Immigration Hall in Winnipeg and help them get established on the lands made available by the Department of the Interior. In 1897 he and his wife therefore moved to St Boniface, near Winnipeg, a town with a largely francophone, Catholic population that was the centre of French Canadian life in western Canada. When they settled in St Boniface, the Roys had five children: Joseph (b. 1887), Anna (b. 1888), Agnès (b. 1891), who would die of meningitis when she was 14, Adèle (b. 1893), and Clémence (b. 1895). Four others soon followed: Bernadette (b. 1897), Rodolphe (b. 1899), Germain (b. 1902), and Marie-Agnès (b. 1906), who died four years later, shortly after Léon Roy had a fine large house built for his family on Rue Deschambault in a new section of St Boniface.

Gabrielle Roy, born in this house and baptized in the cathedral at St Boniface, was thus the youngest of Léon and Mélina{apos}s family. As there were a number of years between her and her brother Germain and the older children had already left home, she had a rather solitary childhood, with an ageing father whose work with the settlers often took him far away from his family, and a mother who coddled her as if she were an only daughter, especially since {d-0}Little Miss Misery{d-1} - as she was nicknamed - was never in robust health. While not wealthy, the Roys were relatively well-off, although their circumstances were somewhat compromised when Léon lost his job and his government salary in 1915. But even then, the family did not experience real poverty, since Roy managed to earn a decent living through various minor jobs and business deals. It was also in 1915 that Gabrielle began her schooling. She enrolled in the Académie Saint-Joseph, which was run by the Sisters of the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary and was close to her home. In the 12 years she spent there, she officially was given an anglophone education, in accordance with the laws passed by the provincial parliament in the spring of 1916 under which English became the sole language of instruction in Manitoba public schools. Gabrielle Roy was thus introduced to the major authors in the British literary tradition, but the sisters also found ample time for instruction in the French language and the Catholic faith. Initially a rather poor student, she quickly became one of the school{apos}s brightest pupils, distinguishing herself in composition and elocution, and winning medals and other school prizes every year, awarded, in particular, by the Association d{apos}Éducation des Canadiens Français du Manitoba.

Once she had her grade 12 diploma, like many other gifted young women of the time Roy decided to become a teacher, a career that was both honourable and well paid. In September 1928, a couple of months before her father{apos}s death, she enrolled in a one-year course at the Provincial Normal School in Winnipeg. The following spring, even before obtaining the teacher{apos}s certificate that she was awarded on 27 June 1929, she went to work for a few weeks as a supply teacher in Marchand, a remote village in eastern Manitoba. But her first real appointment was to a rural school in Cardinal, a village in the region where her parents had been married and where her Landry uncles and aunts still lived. She taught there for the 1929-30 school year. In the fall of 1930 she was hired by the St Boniface School Board to teach at the Institut Collégial Provencher, a school for boys run by the Marianists, who gave her one of the first-year classes. She taught solely in English and would stay there for seven years.

It did not take long for Gabrielle Roy to make up her mind: she would go to Europe to perfect her art. Even though it would mean depriving her elderly mother of the moral and financial support she badly needed, the young teacher began putting money aside for her trip. Having sought and obtained a leave of absence from the St Boniface School Board, in 1937 she took a summer teaching job in the Waterhen region, a remote community 500 kilometres north of Winnipeg, in order to augment her savings. No sooner was she back than it was time to say goodbye to her friends and set out on her voyage of discovery to the {d-0}old countries.{d-1} Roy was 28.

Apart from the new freedom (particularly in religious matters) that Gabrielle found by living away from home, far removed from her native setting, her stay in England was marked by two notable events. First, she met a young Canadian of Ukrainian origin with whom she had her first real experience of passion. Their relationship did not last, however, for psychological reasons - Gabrielle was frightened by the physical and emotional dependence involved, which in her view ran counter to her desire for personal fulfilment. Perhaps there were ideological ones too, since the Stephen in question belonged to a network of Ukrainian nationalists engaged in a struggle against Joseph Stalin{apos}s Union of Soviet Socialist Republics that made it necessary for him to be away frequently and, in the context of the period, rendered him an {d-0}objective{d-1} ally of the Nazis. Gabrielle{apos}s sympathies, formed in the Manitoba of the 1930s, were rather with social-democratic and liberal ideals. She also reached a turning point in her career, a choice that would shape the rest of her life. In the summer of 1938, having resigned herself to the fact that she had neither the talent nor the voice to become an actress, Roy - as she would relate in her autobiography - discovered her true vocation. Staying in the little town of Upshire, in suburban London, at the home of her new friend Esther Perfect, who cared for her every need, she settled down seriously to write, and to write in French, which henceforth would be the sole language of her literary career. Initially, she produced only brief, inconsequential texts, short stories that she filed away and accounts based on her European experiences, some of which were published in a St Boniface newspaper. However, the fact that three of her articles were accepted by a well-known Parisian magazine convinced her that she had made the right choice and that her talent was real. She knew then that she would be a writer and she would never deviate from her path.

The timing was propitious, since Montreal was then experiencing an exciting time of change; conditions brought about by World War II and the advent of Adélard Godbout*{apos}s Liberal Party to power combined to produce a lively climate receptive to new ideas and lifestyles, along with a rapid expansion of the press and the publishing industry. Thus it was as a freelance journalist and author of short-stories that Gabrielle Roy made her debut as a writer. Living in small rented rooms, mixing unobtrusively with artists and journalists located downtown, getting bit parts in radio dramas, she endeavoured to place her articles in various periodicals, to both earn her keep and have time for engaging in a more ambitious project. Having got a regular column on the women{apos}s page of the Montreal weekly Le Jour, of which Jean-Charles Harvey* was the editor, she published short stories in La Revue moderne, a Montreal magazine whose literary editor, Henri Girard, became her patron (and maybe her lover). But it was above all as a reporter that Roy began to be noticed, when the Montreal periodical Le Bulletin des agriculteurs, having published a few of her pieces, commissioned her to write major series of articles that were spread over several issues and drew an increasingly wide audience. Four series based on documentary research but especially on personal observation appeared in this journal between 1941 and 1945: {d-0}Tout Montréal{d-1} (1941, four articles), a striking portrait of life in that city in its most varied and contemporary aspects; {d-0}Ici l{apos}Abitibi{d-1} (1941-42, seven articles), in which the journalist accompanied a group of Madelinots who had resettled in the Abitibi region of northwestern Quebec; {d-0}Peuples du Canada{d-1} (1942-43, seven articles), a series of sketches of small communities she visited during a trip to western Canada, when she saw her mother for the last time; and finally {d-0}Horizons du Québec{d-1} (1944-45, fifteen articles), depicting the social and economic life of various regions of the province.

Roy{apos}s contributions to Le Bulletin des agriculteurs allowed her to indulge in her love of travel and brought her the financial security to live more comfortably - sometimes at the Ford Hotel in Montreal, sometimes in Rawdon, in the house of a lady who took her in as a boarder. They also gave her time to work on a novel she had begun by 1941 or 1942, and a first version of it was completed in the summer of 1943 in the Gaspé, where she usually spent her holidays. Its title was Bonheur d{apos}occasion. Set in the Saint-Henri district of Montreal during the winter and spring of 1940, the plot focuses on the story of a French Canadian family, the Lacasses, and especially on the mother, Rose-Anna, and her daughter Florentine. More broadly, the novel paints a striking picture of working-class life, as the people in Saint-Henri struggle against unemployment, poverty, and rootlessness; ironically, it is the war that offers them a chance to escape.

Published in June 1945 by the Société des Éditions Pascal, Bonheur d{apos}occasion was enthusiastically received by both the general public and the Montreal and Toronto critics, who praised the novel{apos}s realism and the quality of her writing as heralding a renewal of Canadian literature. But very quickly, its success spread much further. The English translation, brought out in New York in 1947 under the title The tin flute, was selected as book-of-the-month by the Literary Guild - an American book club - in May that year, with a print run of 700,000. Then a Hollywood company bought the cinema rights for $75,000 (but the script was never turned into a film, and years later the rights were acquired by a Canadian producer whose movie did not come out until 1983). Republished in France by Flammarion in the autumn of 1947, Bonheur d{apos}occasion became the first Canadian novel to win a major prize on the Parisian literary scene when it was awarded the Prix Femina, and as a result would be translated into ten other languages in years to come. For Gabrielle Roy, these events constituted a far greater reward than she could ever have imagined for her years of effort to produce a work of quality and earn a place in the literary world. Above all, the success of Bonheur d{apos}occasion completely transformed her life. Once an obscure journalist working for a farm magazine, she had become, overnight, a celebrity, showered with honours and money, hounded by interviewers, admired by thousands of readers, and hailed by the critics as a novelist of the first rank.

After reaching Paris early in the fall of 1947, they stayed first at the Hôtel Trianon Palace, and then at the Hôtel Lutetia, before settling down, the following autumn, in a middle-class boarding house in Saint-Germain-en-Laye. Initially the Carbottes led a fairly active social life, enjoying excursions, outings with friends, in particular Jeanne Lapointe, Cécile Chabot, and Judith Jasmin*, and all kinds of parties. It was at one of these evening receptions that Roy met the Jesuit Pierre Teilhard de Chardin (whose thinking would influence her profoundly and help persuade her at the time of the second Vatican Council some 15 years later to return to the Catholic faith). Then life resumed its normal course, and the novelist - who was often on her own, far away from Paris - began work on her second book, which gave her much difficulty. At first, she tried to write something fairly similar to Bonheur d{apos}occasion, but she soon abandoned the effort. Then, one day when she was visiting Chartres, the landscapes and the ambience of her summer in the Waterhen district in 1937 came back to her. The three stories thus inspired constituted her next book, La Petite Poule d{apos}Eau, which was published in Montreal in 1950 and had a rather cool reception. Toronto critics were enthusiastic, hailing the work as a masterful illustration of Canadian culture. (Its publication happened to coincide with the royal commission on national development in the arts, letters and sciences, or Massey-Lévesque commission.)

When she moved to Quebec City, Roy was only 43; yet it could be said that the essential part of her biography was over, in the sense that no major event would change the course of her life in any striking or significant way. Of course, she continued to travel a great deal, with trips to France (1955, 1963, 1966, 1973-74), Louisiana (which she visited in 1957 with her friend the painter René Richard and his wife), Arizona (1964, 1970-71), Florida (1967-68, 1968-69, 1978-79), Saskatchewan (1955), and, above all, Manitoba, since, after her sister Bernadette died in 1970, she was frequently called back to her native province to care for her other sister, Clémence, who could not look after herself. But these were uneventful journeys, undertaken solely to escape the rigours of winter or maintain family ties. The rest of her time was divided between the apartment in the Château Saint-Louis and a little house she had acquired in 1957 in the Charlevoix region, at Petite-Rivière-Saint-François, where she spent every summer, enjoying the mountain and the river, and writing. Of course she had many friends and correspondents (including Jean-Paul Lemieux and his wife, Adrienne Choquette*, Madeleine Bergeron, and her translator, Joyce Marshall); but these were strictly private, untroubled relationships. Certainly, she took an interest in contemporary social and political developments in the province of Quebec. She was delighted to witness the Quiet Revolution, educational reforms, and the emancipation of women, but was deeply disturbed by the rise of the sovereignist movement, especially during the 1970 October Crisis and on the eve of the referendum of 20 May 1980. On the other hand, she was sceptical about political engagement on the part of writers, and took care not to intervene in public debates except on one occasion, during the visit of French president Charles de Gaulle, whose speech she condemned in the press. A similar discretion marked Roy{apos}s relations with the literary world. She kept up with new books as they appeared, read the reviews of her own work, and corresponded with fellow writers and her readers, but she avoided social gatherings, refused most requests for interviews, and never made public appearances. In short, her daily concerns and worries were of a strictly domestic and private nature, and she conducted her life on a single principle - to preserve her health and serenity so she could be free to focus on the only thing that mattered to her: the books to be written, the stories and the creatures of her imagination. All in all, there was something monastic about her existence; she was a woman determined to keep apart from the world, whose life was completely bound up with her endeavour to produce a carefully crafted body of work.

Taken as a whole, this oeuvre is one of the finest in Canadian and Quebec literature. Written in a fluid, spare style, it is distinguished by lively narration and a keen sense of observation, and approaches the world and people with clear sight and compassion. A substantial achievement built up gradually over the years, owing little to changing literary fashions, Roy{apos}s work is one of the most original in Canada, as varied as it is cohesive. After La Petite Poule d{apos}Eau, she returned to a novel with a Montreal setting that she had begun and then abandoned during her second stay in France, finally settling on the definitive form of what, after much effort, became Alexandre Chenevert; the story of a bank clerk torn between his personal troubles and the fate of humanity, it came out in Montreal in 1954. Then she took up the threads of her Manitoban past once more in 1955 and published Rue Deschambault (first in Paris and then in Montreal). Its central character, Christine, in some ways a fictional alter ego of Roy herself, would reappear in 1966 in a similar work brought out in Montreal, La route d{apos}Altamont. Meanwhile, in 1961, La montagne secrète, a novel describing the adventures and the inner maturing of an artist, Pierre Cadorai, which was based loosely on the life of the painter René Richard, was also published there. Then she returned to social realism in La rivière sans repos (published in Montreal in 1970), a work set in Ungava illustrating the conflicts experienced by the Inuit, torn between their loyalty to traditional ways and the new ideas which modern progress brings. Two years later, Cet été qui chantait paid a moving tribute to the landscapes and people of Charlevoix, where she spent half the year; it was quickly followed in 1975 by Un jardin au bout du monde, a collection of four short stories set in the Canadian west, in which the characters are immigrants. The last two works were brought out in Quebec City and Montreal respectively.

In her final works, as in the last years of her life, Gabrielle Roy focused on themes of remembrance. Ces enfants de ma vie (Montréal, 1977) drawn on the years she spent teaching in Cardinal and St Boniface. Then Fragiles lumières de la terre (Montréal, 1978) gathered together a number of reportages and essays published in various places between 1942 and 1970. The culmination of this autobiographical strain was La détresse et l{apos}enchantement, which Roy began to write around 1976. Knowing she had not long to live, she undertook in this final work to tell the story of her whole life, concentrating not so much on recounting historical facts as on recreating her inner feelings and thoughts over time. By evoking the people and events that had influenced her, with the sorrows, joys, and dreams she had known, she portrays herself both as she was and as she wanted to be, as if the work was to be a summation of her life and a preparation for leaving it. The work envisaged was to be in four parts, covering all her years, but she had time to write only the first two parts and the beginning of the third, dealing with the period from her Manitoban childhood until the composition of Bonheur d{apos}occasion. It was published posthumously in Montreal in two volumes, La détresse et l{apos}enchantement in 1984 and Le temps qui m{apos}a manqué in 1997.

Gabrielle Roy died on 13 July 1983 at the Hôtel-Dieu in Quebec City after a heart attack, having made a will leaving her estate to her husband (who would die six years later) and various children{apos}s aid organizations. Her ashes were laid to rest in what is now the Parc Commémoratif la Souvenance in Sainte-Foy, near Quebec City. Although there were periods when her work was relatively out of fashion (notably in the 1960s and the early 1970s), Roy{apos}s literary reputation has remained constant ever since the publication of Bonheur d{apos}occasion, making her one of Canada{apos}s and Quebec{apos}s most highly respected, widely read, and studied authors, both in Canada and elsewhere. A three-time winner of the Governor General{apos}s Award (in 1947, 1957, and 1978), she received, among other distinctions bestowed for her work as a whole, the Prix Duvernay of the Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Montréal (1956), the Prix David of the Quebec government (1971), the Molson Prize of the Canada Council for the Arts (1978), and a diplôme d{apos}honneur from the Canadian Conference of the Arts (1980). She was made a doctor honoris causa of the Université Laval in 1968 and a companion of the Order of Canada in 1967.

For additional information about Gabrielle Roy, her autobiographical writings are useful, including certain parts of Fragiles lumières de la terre and particularly Roy{apos}s posthumous works, La détresse et l{apos}enchantement, Le temps qui m{apos}a manqué, and Le pays de {d-0}Bonheur d{apos}occasion{d-1} et autres récits autobiographiques épars et inédits, François Ricard et al., édit. (Montréal, 2000). Also worth consulting are five volumes of Roy{apos}s correspondence: Ma chère petite sœur: lettres à Bernadette, 1943-1970, François Ricard et al., édit. (1re éd., Montréal, 1988; 2e éd., 1999); Mon cher grand fou -- lettres à Marcel Carbotte, 1947-1979, Sophie Marcotte, édit. (Montréal, 2001); Intimate strangers: the Gabrielle Roy-Margaret Laurence correspondence, ed. P. G. Socken (Winnipeg, forthcoming); In translation: the Gabrielle Roy-Joyce Marshall correspondence, ed. Jane Everett (Toronto, forthcoming); and Lettres à ses amies, Ariane Léger et al., édit. (Montréal, forthcoming). A complete and detailed biography, François Ricard, Gabrielle Roy, une vie: biographie (2e éd., Montréal, 2000), contains a chronological bibliography of all of Roy{apos}s works, as well as an inventory of the archives that hold documents pertaining to her, the most important being the collection made up of LMS-0082 (Gabrielle Roy fonds) and LMS-0173 (Gabrielle Roy and Marcel Carbotte fonds) in Library and Arch. Canada (Ottawa).

Among the bibliographies of critical writings devoted to both the works and the person of Gabrielle Roy, attention should be drawn to those of Marc Gagné, in Visages de Gabrielle Roy, l{apos}œuvre et l{apos}écrivain (Montréal, 1973), of François Ricard, in Introduction à l{apos}œuvre de Gabrielle Roy (1945-1975) (2e éd., Québec, 2001), of P. [G.] Socken, {d-0}Gabrielle Roy: an annotated bibliography,{d-1} in The annotated bibliography of Canada{apos}s major authors, ed. Robert Lecker and Jack David (8v. to date, Downsview [North York], Ont., 1979-?), 1: 213-63, and of Lori Saint-Martin, Lectures contemporaines de Gabrielle Roy: bibliographie analytique des études critiques, 1978-1997 (Montréal, 1998). Also worth consulting is the website of the Groupe de Recherche sur Gabrielle Roy, at the Département de langue et littérature françaises of McGill University, at the following address: ww2.mcgill.ca/gabrielle_roy.

Not only Bonheur d{apos}occasion, but almost all of Roy{apos}s works have been translated into English; these are the titles, in chronological order: Where nests the water hen [translation of La Petite Poule d{apos}Eau], trans. H. L. Binsse (Toronto and New York, 1951); The cashier [translation of Alexandre Chenevert], trans. H. [L.] Binsse (Toronto and New York, 1955); Street of riches [translation of Rue Deschambault], trans. H. [L.] Binsse (Toronto and New York, 1957); The hidden mountain [translation of La montagne secrète], trans. H. [L.] Binsse (Toronto and New York, 1962); The road past Altamont [translation of La route d{apos}Altamont], trans. Joyce Marshall (Toronto and New York, 1966); Windflower [translation of La rivière sans repos], trans. Joyce Marshall (Toronto, 1970); Enchanted summer [translation of Cet été qui chantait], trans. Joyce Marshall (Toronto, 1976); Garden in the wind [translation of Un jardin au bout du monde], trans. Alan Brown (Toronto, 1977); Children of my heart [translation of Ces enfants de ma vie], trans. Alan Brown (Toronto, 1979); The fragile lights of earth [translation of Fragiles lumières de la terre], trans. Alan Brown (Toronto, 1982); and Enchantment and sorrow [translation of La détresse et l{apos}enchantement], trans. Patricia Claxton (Toronto, 1987).

The following should be added to Roy{apos}s works mentioned in the biography: Ma vache Bossie (Montréal, 1976) and Courte-queue (Montréal, 1979), which were both published in Contes pour enfants (Montréal, 1998) and translated by Alan Brown as My cow Bossie (Toronto, 1988) and Cliptail (Toronto, 1980); De quoi t{apos}ennuies-tu, Éveline? (Montréal, 1982); and L{apos}espagnole et la pékinoise (Montréal, 1986), published also in Contes pour enfants and translated by Patricia Claxton as The tortoiseshell and the Pekinese (Toronto, 1989).

Maurice Richard came from a family of modest means. His parents, who were born in the Gaspé, moved to Montreal after their marriage. Maurice grew up in the Bordeaux district, near Ville Saint-Laurent, and got his start in hockey there, first with his school team, and then with the neighbourhood one. While he was studying at the Montreal Technical School to become a machinist, Maurice played on the Parc Lafontaine teams. He had such obvious talent that a number of other sides wanted to get the left-winger for their ranks. Since he could not be on more than one team in a given year, he decided to use various names - that way, he could play hockey every day. The world of junior hockey discovered him in 1937-38. He was then playing on Paul-Émile Paquette{apos}s team, with Georges Norchet (who would become his brother-in-law) as captain and Paul Stuart as coach. Stuart advised his colleague Arthur Therrien, the trainer of the Verdun Maple Leafs, to meet the young player, with the result that Richard was able to make his mark with this team during the 1938-39 and 1939-40 seasons.

During the 1950s the Canadiens reigned supreme in the NHL and the Rocket{apos}s popularity soared. The Montreal club was in the Stanley Cup finals ten years in a row, and won it six times. The advent of television enabled both French- and English-speaking Canadians, who all knew Richard, to see him in action and breaking records. On 8 Nov. 1952, for example, he scored the 325th goal of his career against Chicago, beating the record of 324 set by a former Maroons player, Nelson Robert Stewart. In 1953-54 he also wrote a hockey column for the Montreal weekly Samedi-dimanche. In one of his pieces, he commented on what he considered an unfair decision by Clarence Campbell*, president of the NHL, with regard to Bernard (Boom Boom) Geoffrion. The pressure exerted by Campbell - who for many people represented the Montreal English-speaking and anti-French establishment - to stop Richard from writing his column had its effect. On the eve of the most important event in the Rocket{apos}s career, the tension between the two men reached its peak.

On 13 March 1955, during a game in Boston, a fight broke out between Richard and Harold Richardson Laycoe. When Richard saw that his head was bleeding, he was furious, and he rushed at Laycoe, brandishing his stick. The linesmen intervened, and one of them, Clifford B. Thompson, held Richard from behind while Laycoe continued to hit him. In an effort to break loose, Richard turned and struck the linesman. Richard said afterwards that he thought it was a Bruins player who was holding him. Such a mistake was possible because the officials at that time wore beige sweaters that were similar to the Bruins{s-1-unknown} yellow ones. In fact, as Richard later admitted, he knew who was holding him, but he was not prepared to let himself be pushed around. The following season, the officials wore striped sweaters.

In Montreal the next game of the regular season, scheduled for 17 March, between the Canadiens and the Red Wings, thus promised to be stormy. The mayor of Montreal, Jean Drapeau, even urged Campbell not to attend, fearing that his presence might provoke people{apos}s anger. A crowd had gathered at the entrance to the Montreal Forum before the game started. Many people were carrying placards denouncing Campbell. Shortly after the puck was dropped, Campbell arrived with his secretary (and future wife). Things were thrown at them. When Campbell stood up at the end of the first period, a spectator tossed a tomato, which hit him in the face. A few seconds later, a tear-gas bomb went off near him. The crowd rushed for the exits. Campbell took refuge in the referees{s-1-unknown} dressing room, where he met the Rocket. He asked Frank J. Selke, the general manager, to close the Forum and declare the game defaulted. The contest, which the Canadiens lost 4-1, was the shortest in the history of the NHL. Outside, a riot broke out. The windows of the Forum were smashed and the crowd swarmed into Rue Sainte-Catherine, where they vandalized a number of stores. Only the Rocket{apos}s statement on the radio the next morning cooled the anger of his fans. A number of scholars maintain that this exceptional demonstration of national pride was the prelude to the Quiet Revolution. In the playoffs, the Canadiens bowed to the Red Wings, who won the Stanley Cup in seven games. As for Richard, he lost his last chance to win the title of high scorer for the regular season, which went that year to Geoffrion.

The Canadiens began the 1955-56 season with a new coach, Toe Blake, who replaced James Dickenson Irvin, and a new recruit, Henri Richard, who was the Rocket{apos}s brother. Another brother, Claude, would also try to join the Canadiens, but without success. Until 1959-60 the team would dominate the NHL in an extraordinary way, with five successive Stanley Cups and four Prince of Wales Trophies, awarded to the team finishing first in the NHL overall. Richard played an active part in these victories, but was slowed down again by injuries. During these years of triumph, there were few changes in the team{apos}s makeup; 12 players - nicknamed the 12 Apostles - remained at their posts, as did their coach. On 19 Oct. 1957, in a game against Chicago, Richard outmanoeuvred goalie Glenn Henry Hall to score his 500th career goal. He dedicated it to Dick Irvin, who had died a few months earlier.

On 15 Sept. 1960 Richard officially announced his retirement. His heart was no longer in it and his body was tired. Nevertheless, the list of his NHL records - nearly 20 - is impressive: most career goals (544), most goals in one season (50), most playoff goals (82), and most career hat tricks (26). The Rocket still holds two records that even Wayne Gretzky did not equal: most overtime goals (6) and most winning goals in playoff games (18). These exploits show what a dominant player the Rocket had been at critical moments, especially in the two series that then made up the Stanley Cup playoffs, which the Canadiens had won eight times during the years when Richard was on the team. It was certainly because of his talent and determination that the Rocket had such success, but the cooperation of his many team-mates - Lach, Blake, Jean Béliveau, Geoffrion, Richard Moore, his brother Henri - also worked in his favour. Defencemen Émile (Butch) Bouchard and Doug Harvey, as well as goalies William Arnold Durnan and Jacques Plante, who concentrated on stopping an opponent, made Richard{apos}s attacks easier.

Richard launched into business. First he bought a pub in downtown Montreal, and then he sold it three years later for twice what he had paid for it and reinvested the money in a fishing-line business, which he set up in his basement. As a celebrity, he was asked to participate in various sporting and other events in Canada, the United States, and sometimes Europe. During the 1980s he would write a sports column for Montreal{apos}s La Presse.

In 1971 the World Hockey Association was founded to compete with the NHL. One franchise, the Nordiques, was granted to Quebec City the following year. Marius Fortier, one of the six founders of the team, offered Richard a job as its coach. The Rocket, who saw this as a chance to fulfil a long-standing dream, accepted, but with the proviso that he would be able to spend every fall hunting. He reached an agreement with the Nordiques whereby Maurice Filion would run the training camp and he would take over as coach at the beginning of the regular 1972-73 season. The famous former player showed up on 11 October for the first game in the club{apos}s history, against the Crusaders at Cleveland, Ohio. The Nordiques lost, 2-0. Realizing that he did not have the temperament required, he handed in his resignation, but was persuaded to stay on for one more game. And so, Richard{apos}s coaching career ended two days later, after the Nordiques{s-1-unknown} first home game, against the Alberta Oilers. The Nordiques won 6-0.

The Rocket received many honours. He was inducted into the Hockey Hall of Fame in 1961, although a player usually had to wait five years after retirement to be given such recognition. Furthermore, the Canadiens immediately retired the number 9. Richard was the second player in the club, after Howarth William Morenz*, number 7, to earn this mark of esteem. Among his other distinctions were the opening of an arena named after him in Montreal in 1962 (a museum devoted to his career would be inaugurated there in 1996) and his election to Canada{apos}s Sports Hall of Fame and to the Panthéon des Sports du Québec. A plaque bearing his name has even been installed in the hall of fame of Madison Square Garden in New York. He was named to the Queen{apos}s Privy Council for Canada in 1992 and became an officer of the Order of Canada in 1967 and a companion in 1998; in 1985 he was made an officer of the Ordre National du Québec. He also inspired numerous works, including a biography by Jean-Marie Pellerin, a song by Pierre Létourneau, and a memoir by Roch Carrier.

On the morning of 27 May 2000 Maurice Richard lost his fight with cancer. The Molson Centre in Montreal became a chapel of rest where some 100,000 people came to pay homage to him. The funeral, held on 31 May in Notre-Dame basilica, was attended by thousands of admirers. Former team-mates, including his brother Henri, carried the Rocket{apos}s coffin, while veterans of the Canadiens, prominent politicians, and former opponents, such as Gordon Howe and Robert Blake Theodore Lindsay, who had played for Detroit, followed the funeral procession. But the man for whom all these people had come together had always said, throughout his life, that he was just a hockey player, nothing else.

Soc. de Généalogie de Québec, Fichier Drouin, Saint-Denis (Montréal), 6 août 1921. Le Soleil (Québec), 28 mai 2000. Gérard Binette, Mariages de Notre-Dame du Très Saint-Sacrement (Montréal), 1926-1990 (Montréal, 1992). Roch Carrier, Our life with the Rocket: the Maurice Richard story, trans. Sheila Fischman (Toronto, 2001). Chrys Goyens et al., Maurice Richard, reluctant hero (Toronto, 2000). {d-0}Maurice Richard talks about . . . the Rocket,{d-1} Les Canadiens: Hockey Magazine (Montreal), 9 (1993-94), no.7: 22-66. Claude Mouton, Toute l{apos}histoire illustre et merveilleuse du Canadien de Montréal (2e éd., Montréal, 1986). Andy O{apos}Brien, Rocket Richard (Toronto, 1961). Rolland Ouellette, Les 100 plus grands Québécois du hockey (Montréal, 2000). J.-M. Pellerin, L{apos}idole d{apos}un peuple: Maurice Richard (Montréal, 1976). Total hockey: the official encyclopedia of the National Hockey League, ed. Dan Diamond (Toronto, 1998).

BESSETTE, ALFRED, named Brother André, lay brother of the Congregation of Holy Cross and charismatic figure; b. 9 Aug. 1845 in the parish of Saint-Grégoire (Mont-Saint-Grégoire), Lower Canada, son of Isaac Bessette and Clothilde Foisy; d. 6 Jan. 1937 in Notre-Dame-de-l{apos}Espérance hospital in Ville Saint-Laurent, Que.

Alfred Bessette was the ninth of 13 children (four of whom died in infancy). He was so frail when he was born that the curé baptized him {d-0}conditionally{d-1} the following day, completing an emergency ritual performed at his birth. In the fall of 1849 Isaac Bessette sold his property in Saint-Grégoire and bought a parcel of land nine miles to the southeast, in Farnham, near the Rivière Yamaska. As the father of a family living in poverty, he worked at various trades: joiner, carpenter, cooper, cartwright. On 20 Feb. 1855 a tree he was chopping down fell on his chest and killed him. Left alone with her children, Clothilde made sure they had a Christian education and passed on to them the traditional veneration of the Holy Family of Jesus, Mary, and Joseph. Still suffering from the shock of her husband{apos}s death, she wasted away and died of tuberculosis on 20 Nov. 1857.

Alfred was 12 years old. He was taken in by his maternal aunt Marie-Rosalie and her husband Timothée Nadeau, who lived in Saint-Césaire. He took lessons in catechism, and was confirmed by the first bishop of Saint-Hyacinthe, Jean-Charles Prince, on 7 June 1858. Because of his poverty and delicate health, his studies were cut short; he would only be able to sign his name and read printed characters. To earn a living, Alfred worked at transporting construction materials. When his uncle Timothée set out for California in search of gold in 1860, the mayor of Saint-Césaire, Louis Ouimet, took the youth in to work on his farm. After that, Alfred engaged in various trades in Farnham, Saint-Jean (Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu), Waterloo, and Chambly. In 1862 he was back in Saint-Césaire, employed as an apprentice baker and cobbler. This wide variety of work experiences did nothing to improve his condition. According to witnesses, he could not digest anything, but he was always praying. Since his early childhood in Farnham, Alfred{apos}s behaviour had worried his acquaintances. In spite of his weak condition, he denied himself dessert and he wore a leather belt studded with iron points around his waist. He would kneel in prayer frequently, intensely, and for long periods at a time; he could be found with his arms stretched out at his sides, in front of a crucifix, at church, in his room, or in a barn.

Hoping to find work fitting his constitution, Alfred took the train to New England in October 1863. Thousands of his fellow compatriots, attracted by its prosperity, had gone there already, including some of his brothers, sisters, and acquaintances. The young 18-year-old, who found factory work almost more than he could bear, shifted between jobs in cotton mills and work on farms. He was hired in Connecticut (Moosup, Putnam, Hartford, and Killingly), Massachusetts (North Easton), and Rhode Island (Phenix). Alfred was reserved by nature and, worn out after a day{apos}s work, would shut himself up in his room and pray.

On 22 Nov. 1870 Bessette showed up at the Collège Notre-Dame, in Côte-des-Neiges (Montreal), where the Congregation of Holy Cross had recently opened its noviciate. Provençal had written a letter of recommendation the previous month to the master of novices, Julien-Pierre Gastineau, telling him that he was sending a saint to his community. On 8 December Pope Pius IX declared St Joseph to be the patron saint of the universal church. On 27 December Bessette took the name of André, in honour of Father Provençal, and he and another postulant donned the religious habit. He was appointed the school{apos}s doorman, a position he would hold until mid July 1909. He also had to keep the premises clean, do the shopping, and give alms to the poor. In addition, he acted as barber and as nurse to sick students, handled the mail, and transported parcels for the students, whom he sometimes accompanied on the days when they went on outings. The congregation{apos}s superiors hesitated, however, to accept him into the religious life in 1872 because of his poor health. When Bessette had a conversation with Bishop Ignace Bourget of Montreal, who had himself brought the congregation to Canada [see Joseph-Pierre Rézé*; Jean-Baptiste Saint-Germain], he was reassured. Soon afterwards, the new master of novices, Amédée Guy, recommended him by saying: {d-0}If this young man becomes unable to work, he will at least be able to pray well.{d-1} Permitted to take his temporary vows on 22 Aug. 1872, Brother André made his final vows on 2 Feb. 1874, at the age of 28 years and six months.

Some of the visitors whom Brother André, as doorman, welcomed at the school asked him to pray for them in their illnesses. Others invited him to visit them at home. He would pray with them, and give them a medal of St Joseph, to whom he had early sworn a particular veneration, as well as a few drops of the olive oil that was burning before the saint{apos}s statue in the school chapel, advising them to rub it on themselves confidently. More and more people began declaring that they had been entirely or partly cured in this way. The first known account, written by Désiré-Michel Giraudeau, named Brother Aldéric, who reported his own cure as well as that of several others, was published in Paris in 1878 in the Annales of the Association de Saint-Joseph. The little brother{apos}s reputation - he was barely five feet tall - as a saintly miracle worker spread by word of mouth. The school authorities eventually began to worry about the growing flood of visitors. Parents, colleagues, and even the school physician complained to the town{apos}s religious and health authorities about the presence of sick people so close to the students. Some called Brother André a charlatan, a mere anointer. Around 1900 he was asked to see the sick in a shelter that had been built across from the school, at the streetcar stop, for the students{s-1-unknown} parents. He took his visitors to pray before a statue of St Joseph that he had set up in a niche on Mount Royal. The land, which had been purchased in 1896 by the Collège Notre-Dame, was named Parc Saint-Joseph; the lower part was cultivated and the upper part was used for recreational purposes. Brother André{apos}s cherished project was to build a chapel to St Joseph there. With the support of his friends - a number of whom had had their wishes granted after praying with him - he finally obtained permission to build it. The school authorities and Archbishop Paul Bruchési of Montreal stipulated, however, that any expenses incurred should be borne by those seeking help. Thanks to spontaneous donations in cash and in kind (for example, statues, vases, liturgical vestments, a bell), the rudimentary sanctuary was inaugurated on 16 Oct. 1904.

From 1905 to 1908 the ceremony of Ascension Thursday and a September procession marked the opening and closing of the pilgrimage season. After meeting a number of times in 1907, the zealous supporters of St Joseph{apos}s Oratory constituted themselves a committee on 9 Sept. 1908, naming it the Comité de l{apos}Oratoire Saint-Joseph de la Côte-des-Neiges. The flood of pilgrims was so great that the chapel would have to be enlarged four times between 1908 and 1912. Each time, the generosity of the public would make it possible to pay for the work in full and on time. The committee remained in existence until mid July 1909, when the authorities of the Collège Notre-Dame took over the administration of the oratory, with Brother André as its custodian. A religious association, the Confrérie de Saint-Joseph du Mont-Royal, was officially constituted by Archbishop Bruchési on 21 Nov. 1909, and it included laity, both men and women, friends of Brother André, and contributors to St Joseph{apos}s Oratory and its works. They were convened by the rector of the oratory, provincial superior Georges-Auguste Dion, for an hour of prayer on the third Sunday of every month at 3:00 p.m. This was the occasion for reporting on the affairs of the sanctuary: letters received, requests for prayers or masses, cures, various small items about the development and activities of the oratory. By 1910 Brother André had a secretary to answer the mail addressed to him.

In 1912 the board of St Joseph{apos}s Oratory was organized, consisting of three priests and three Holy Cross brothers, including Brother André. The monthly magazine Annales de Saint-Joseph began publication in Montreal that same year. Its purpose was to promote the veneration of St Joseph, publicize the work of the oratory and the missions of the Congregation of Holy Cross in Bengal, and comment on the social concerns of the day. An English edition would come out in 1927. A team of brothers and priests wrote articles and columns, while a group of selected authors, such as Félix Leclerc*, Guy Mauffette, Alfred DesRochers*, Françoise Gaudet-Smet [Gaudet*], and Marie-Antoinette Grégoire-Coupal, as well as the illustrators Edmond-Joseph Massicotte, Jacques Gagnier*, and Gui Laflamme, would add their contributions later. The magazine was still being published in the early 21st century under the name L{apos}Oratoire. From 3,600 in 1912, the circulation would grow to 122,000 in 1932.

By 1915 Brother André{apos}s superiors were letting him take a short rest twice a year. He used the time to visit relatives and friends in Sutton, Saint-Césaire, and Quebec City, but also in the United States (especially New England) and in Ontario (Toronto, Sudbury, and Ottawa). His reputation as a saint and miracle worker preceded him. Stationmasters announced his arrival and crowds gathered as he got off the train and at the doors of the hotels or presbyteries where he was staying. Each time, cases of healing were reported in the local newspapers. He always came back with offerings given in gratitude for favours received. There was a growing popular demand that the plan for a basilica should be acted on, and in 1927 Gauthier authorized a financial campaign to raise the necessary funds. Meanwhile, work continued on developing the land, building roads and parking lots, and providing service facilities.

The wonders that were worked at St Joseph{apos}s Oratory aroused the interest of the press, especially the English-language papers. In 1922 George Henry Ham, a lobbyist for the Canadian Pacific Railway Company, published in the Toronto magazine Maclean{apos}s a report he had written after visiting Brother André and meeting people whom he was said to have healed. The article aroused so much interest that Ham immediately followed it by publishing in Toronto the first biography of Brother André, The miracle man of Montreal, which was translated at once by Raoul Clouthier and published in Montreal as Le thaumaturge de Montréal. In the same year, Arthur Saint-Pierre* was commissioned to write the history of the sanctuary; L{apos}oratoire Saint-Joseph du Mont-Royal, which came out in Montreal, would go through numerous editions.

After showing a great deal of reluctance towards his project of a shrine, Brother André{apos}s superiors were finally won over by the sincerity, simplicity, and conviction of the man who based his cause, not on any claim to miracles or visions, but only on his veneration for St Joseph. To this special devotion were added the love of God, constant reading of the Gospel, and worship of the Holy Family and the Sacred Heart. He used to tell the story of the Passion of Christ to his intimate friends with such emotion that they were moved and transformed by it. He prayed and walked through the stations of the cross with them. He asked them all to pray. Among those who accompanied him diligently were Jules-Aimé Maucotel, whom he called his counsellor and who actively assisted in organizing ceremonies; Azarias Claude, a wealthy merchant who became his right hand and chauffeur; and Joseph-Olivier Pichette, who at 25 had been told by his physician that he would soon die, and who attributed his recovery to long prayers with the miracle worker.

Years before his death, Brother André was already the symbolic figure of St Joseph{apos}s Oratory. His charisma, his smiling face, wrinkled and radiating kindness, and his simple humour could win over even the most indifferent. He showed good judgement with his visitors, but also boundless charity; he welcomed everyone who came, regardless of social condition or religion. Although he liked to laugh, he also had moments of impatience, especially when someone gave him the credit for favours received. {d-0}It is not I who heals,{d-1} he would say, in tears. {d-0}It is St Joseph.{d-1}

Alfred Bessette died on 6 Jan. 1937. His body lay in state in the oratory - which was kept open day and night - until 12 January. An initial funeral service was held in the cathedral in Montreal, and a second one at St Joseph{apos}s Oratory. More than a million people came from all over to pay tribute to him, to weep for him, and to pray beside him. Brother André was beatified by Pope Jean-Paul II on 23 May 1982.

The most complete bibliography for Brother André can be found in Étienne Catta, Le frère André (1845-1937) et l{apos}oratoire Saint-Joseph du Mont-Royal (Montréal et Paris, 1965). Denise Robillard, Les merveilles de l{apos}oratoire: l{apos}histoire de l{apos}oratoire Saint-Joseph du Mont-Royal, 1904-2004 (Montréal, forthcoming), updates Catta{apos}s work by adding the titles which have appeared in the last 40 years. For supplementary information, the most recent biography of Brother André is useful: Laurent Boucher, Brother André: the miracle man of Mount Royal (Montreal, 1997).

ASSELIN, OLIVAR (baptized Joseph-François-Olivar), journalist, polemicist, newspaper editor-in-chief and owner, office holder, real estate agent, soldier, and philanthropist; b. 8 Nov. 1874 in Saint-Hilarion-de-Settrington (Saint-Hilarion), Que., son of Rieule Asselin and Cédulie Tremblay; m. 3 Aug. 1902 Alice Le Boutillier (Le Bouthillier) in L{apos}Anse-au-Griffon (Gaspé), Que., and they had four sons; d. 18 April 1937 in Montreal.

Olivar Asselin was the fourth child of Rieule Asselin, a master tanner, farmer, churchwarden, and mayor of Saint-Hilarion-de-Settrington, and his third wife, Cédulie Tremblay. The couple had a high regard for education and books. A Liberal in politics, the master tanner was personally involved, as a witness for the prosecution, in the famous 1876 trial for {d-0}undue influence{d-1} on the part of the clergy, following the defeat of the Liberal candidate Pierre-Alexis Tremblay by the Conservative Hector-Louis Langevin [see Sir Adolphe-Basile Routhier*]. This was a time when it was risky to declare oneself a {d-0}rouge{d-1} in a remote village in Quebec where the curé, Jean-Baptiste-Ignace Langlais, controlled parish and community life. Although Olivar was only two years old when these events occurred, as a result of the family{apos}s persistent retelling of them they would determine his subsequent battles as a polemicist against clerical interference in the public life of his day.

After four years of all kinds of harassment by Father Langlais and his Conservative allies, Rieule Asselin moved to Sainte-Flavie, on the south shore of the St Lawrence. There were six children in the family when their father set up his new tannery there. Olivar and his elder brother Raoul distinguished themselves academically at the local school. Encouraged by the curé Charles-Godefroi Fournier, the Asselins enrolled their two sons in the Séminaire de Rimouski. From the time he arrived there in 1886, Olivar attracted attention because of his precocious talent, his insatiable intellectual curiosity, and his outstanding performance in every subject, including sports. Although he was small, he already had a visible influence over his schoolmates. Given his admiration for Napoleon, he was nicknamed {d-0}the little corporal.{d-1} The coadjutor and future bishop of the diocese of Rimouski, André-Albert Blais, having newly arrived in 1889, soon took him under his wing. Year after year, his studies were crowned with success until he reached his sixth year (Rhetoric). In 1890 Olivar learned that his father{apos}s tannery had been destroyed by fire and that he would no doubt have to abandon his schooling in order to help support his family. Shortly thereafter, like hundreds of their fellow citizens from the lower St Lawrence region, the Asselins chose exile and the cotton mills of Massachusetts.

Fall River, where the family settled in 1892, was then considered the centre of French life in New England. Despite their revulsion, Olivar and the older family members were soon at work in nearby factories. Compulsive in his reading, frustrated in his intellectual ambitions, and affected by his father{apos}s death the following year, Olivar took some steps towards becoming a Jesuit. At this point he discovered piles of newspapers from France in the basement of the parish church. He was thunderstruck: he would be a journalist - and a pamphleteer, like the very Parisian Henri Rochefort, Marquis de Rochefort-Luçay.

In 1894, after some of his writing had attracted attention, Asselin was hired by Adélard Lafond of Le Protecteur canadien. Assigned to cover municipal affairs, he became aware of the extreme urban poverty that was rife in Fall River. He spent time with the disadvantaged and shared with them his meagre salary of $12 a week. Having worked briefly that year at Le National in Lowell and in 1895 at Le Jean-Baptiste in Pawtucket, R.I., in 1896 he moved up to be editorial secretary of the Woonsocket La Tribune. In its pages he urged French Canadian émigrés to take out American citizenship, denounced the assimilationist designs of the Irish bishops in New England, condemned Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier{apos}s {d-0}treason{d-1} in the settlement of the Manitoba separate schools crisis, and attacked the partisan policy shifts of Laurier{apos}s organizer, Joseph-Israël Tarte.

In 1898 the Spanish-American War distracted {d-0}the little corporal{d-1} from his editorials and dazzled him with prospects of military glory. Asselin abruptly enlisted in the United States army, but too late to reach the combat zone. Once the war was over, he was demobilized in August with a modest rank - as a corporal!

Asselin arrived in Montreal in 1900. Montreal journalist Robertine Barry, who was the mentor for poet Émile Nelligan* and whom he had met in 1894, persuaded him to join the team that began to publish Les Débats in December 1899. This was a vigorous weekly in the literary and artistic avant-garde that was put by its youthful founders at the service of the new nationalist leader, Henri Bourassa*, who had just broken with Sir Wilfrid Laurier{apos}s party in protest against Canada{apos}s participation in the South African War. Asselin contributed poetry and commented on the literary soirées held at the Château Ramezay. He also wrote about the attack on the premises of the Université Laval in Montreal by students from McGill University, who had gone there to punish their French Canadian colleagues for refusing to take part in the war; he assailed the attitude of Archbishop Paul Bruchési, who was ready to try any and all means to restore good relations, and the bias shown by the English-language newspapers in the whole affair. He entitled his reports {d-0}Guerre de race.{d-1} The editorial position of Les Débats, however, lasted less than a year in the face of Tarte{apos}s manoeuvring to get the paper purchased by supporters of Laurier. Meanwhile, the tanner{apos}s son had been frequenting the École Littéraire de Montréal and had become involved with the St Vincent de Paul Society of Montreal to help homeless people in the downtown area.

In 1901, then, Asselin was unemployed. Wanting to marry and settle down, he accepted a position as secretary to Lomer Gouin, minister of colonization and public works in the provincial Liberal cabinet of Simon-Napoléon Parent*. He married Alice Le Boutillier in L{apos}Anse-au-Griffon on 3 Aug. 1902. The next year, totally caught up in the nationalist movement, he helped found the Ligue Nationaliste Canadienne. He organized the speaking tours that Bourassa undertook in order to explain the league{apos}s main principles: the greatest possible autonomy for Canada with respect to Great Britain in economic, political, and military matters; the greatest possible autonomy for the Canadian provinces with respect to the federal government; and the adoption by the federal and provincial governments of an essentially Canadian policy of economic and intellectual development.

The following year, judging a newspaper indispensable for propagating the league{apos}s ideas, Asselin gave up his job and joined with other shareholders, including Henri Bourassa and his father, Napoléon*, in founding Le Nationaliste. This Montreal weekly assembled a brilliant team of young contributors, including Éva Circé*, Jules Fournier, Omer Héroux*, Arthur Laurendeau, and Armand La Vergne. For four years, with Asselin as editor, Le Nationaliste engaged in every federal and provincial debate. Along with his career as an editorialist, the polemicist would soon become an essayist and begin to publish his famous {d-0}Feuilles de combat{d-1} himself. From 1909 to 1933 he would write some 20 of these booklets, dealing with the most varied controversial topics, including nationalism, education reform, emigration, the French language, the bishops and World War I, intellectual life, the political legacy of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the writings of Abbé Lionel Groulx*, and the failure of the Canadian confederation.

In 1904 Asselin ran as the Nationaliste candidate for the riding of Terrebonne in the provincial general election. The seat was won by his opponent, Jean Prévost. The journalist{apos}s debts piled up and libel suits multiplied. He served his first jail term in 1907, and went to prison again in 1909 for slapping the face of the minister of public works and labour, Louis-Alexandre Taschereau*, on the floor of the Legislative Assembly.

In January 1910, secretly embarrassed by Asselin{apos}s outbursts and wanting to have a daily newspaper that would be under his own control, Bourassa founded Le Devoir in Montreal. But he could not do without the support of his fiery lieutenant. After a few months of uneasy collaboration, during which Bourassa kept for himself the editorial department and the burning issue of the navy while the former editor of Le Nationaliste was relegated to the city desk, Asselin and his friend Jules Fournier walked out. By now the father of four boys, Asselin was out of work again.

To support his family, Asselin became a real estate agent. He contributed occasionally to L{apos}Action, which Fournier founded in Montreal in 1911. That year he ran as the Nationaliste candidate for the riding of Saint-Jacques in the federal election, and was defeated. In 1912 Asselin temporarily left his job at the Crédit Métropolitain and went to Europe on behalf of the new federal Conservative government of Robert Laird Borden, which had commissioned him to do a study on immigration. In the midst of the fight against Regulation 17 in Ontario [see Sir James Pliny Whitney], he found himself pressed into the presidency of the Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Montréal in 1913 and 1914. He organized the fundraising campaign of Sou de la Pensée Française to contribute towards the survival of the newspaper Le Droit, published in Ottawa since the beginning of 1913 to champion the school rights of Franco-Ontarians, which were under attack. The campaign raised $15,000, enough to guarantee the stability of the newspaper, which was still being published in 2004.

When World War I broke out, Asselin was deeply distressed by the occupation of France and the suffering there. In November 1915, after much hesitation, he decided to volunteer. The minister of militia and defence, Sir Samuel Hughes, invited him to raise a battalion of French Canadian infantry in Montreal. Asselin, who had been out of work because of growing difficulties being experienced by the Crédit Métropolitain, and whose eldest son, Claude, had just died, hastened to accept. The members of the nationalist movement, who had protested in 1899 against Canada{apos}s participation in the South African War, became openly opposed to enlistment in 1915 and denounced his action. Settling for the rank of major and the title of second in command, Asselin entrusted the command of his unit to a career soldier, Lieutenant-Colonel Henri DesRosiers. He himself proved a respected and admired leader of the 33 officers and the 860 men and non-commissioned officers whom he recruited over the winter.

After a few months of training in Bermuda, where the 163rd Infantry Battalion, known as the Poil-aux-Pattes, arrived in May 1916, it was sent to England on 17 November and disbanded by the British high command on 8 Jan. 1917. Asselin was stunned. His precious recruits were dispersed into other battalions. While finishing his training as an officer, Asselin immediately applied for a transfer to Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas-Louis Tremblay{apos}s 22nd Infantry Battalion, the only French-speaking unit to fight on the front line in France [see Henri Chassé*]. His request was granted at the end of February 1917, in time for him to take part as a lieutenant in the attack on Vimy Ridge, in France. He was awarded a special citation for his acts of bravery. As a result of having lived with death and experienced the unspeakable horror of being under fire, he rediscovered his faith and began practising his religion again. An unfortunate attack of trench fever in May led to his temporary withdrawal from the front. Stormy disagreements with Tremblay about disciplinary matters made his return to the 22nd highly improbable. In the course of the last months of 1918 he finally obtained a transfer to the 87th Infantry Battalion (Canadian Grenadier Guards) and took part in the liberation of villages on the border between France and Belgium. Soon after the armistice, Asselin was offered a position as adviser to the federal minister of justice, Charles Joseph Doherty, who represented Canada at the peace conference. The Treaty of Versailles, which was signed at its conclusion, would be a great disappointment to Asselin, an ardent francophile who, as a lowly civil servant, feared above all else Germany{apos}s rearmament.

After his demobilization in the summer of 1919, Asselin returned to Montreal, with no job prospects and debts of $15,000. The Liberal newspapers, outraged by his spirited contribution to Laurier{apos}s defeat in 1911, closed their doors to him. He deliberately did not apply to the only independent newspaper that might have found room for a Nationaliste, Le Devoir. One small consolation: he was made a knight of the Legion of Honour by the French government. He soon found a position as a publicist with the investment brokerage firm of Versailles, Vidricaire, Boulais Limitée. For a salary of $6,000 a year, he wrote an information bulletin sent out free of charge to all clients: La rente: guide de l{apos}épargne et du placement. He used it to promote French Canadian economic nationalism and to denounce social injustices, American lack of culture, and deficiencies in the written language of advertising and newspapers. He would hold this position until 1925, when he moved to the brokerage of L. G. Beaubien et Compagnie Limitée.

For the gagged polemicist, his time at La rente was like a long journey across the desert. It did not prevent Asselin from indulging his taste for literature. He and Thérèse Fournier (the widow of Jules, who had died in 1918) prepared a posthumous edition of the manuscript of Anthologie des poètes canadiens and he wrote the preface. The volume came out in Montreal in 1920. In 1922, also in Montreal, they published Mon encrier . . . , a two-volume collection of Fournier{apos}s best political and literary articles. Again it was Asselin who did the preface. He corresponded regularly with the literary critic and former priest Louis Dantin (pseudonym of Eugène Seers), who was living in exile at Harvard University, near Boston. He contributed to L{apos}Action française, the Montreal journal founded and edited by the historian and priest Lionel Groulx. Shaped by the ultramontane tradition of Jules-Paul Tardivel, Groulx, through his classes, lectures, and articles, was beginning to make a name for himself among Bourassa{apos}s disciples, who were disappointed by their leader{apos}s disengagement from politics. Despite his decidedly Liberal roots, Asselin also soon recognized that the young priest would be the next leader of nationalist thought. Asselin wrote detailed articles for L{apos}Action française, almost all of them based on the need for economic independence as the inescapable road to political independence.

Truly obsessed by the cause of the poor, at a time when he was going through an intense period of spiritual development, Asselin involved all his acquaintances in the fundraising activities of the shelter. Senator Joseph-Marcellin Wilson, a major financial backer of the Liberal Party and one of the charity{apos}s benefactors, became literally infatuated with him. In 1930 he saw Asselin as the leader of men, the prestigious journalist, the only one capable of reviving the party{apos}s organ, Le Canada, which had been without an editor since Fernand Rinfret had left four years earlier. Overlooking the insult he had suffered in 1909, Taschereau - who had become premier of Quebec in 1920 - invited his former attacker to become editor-in-chief of the Montreal newspaper. At the same time, he made an offer that the born polemicist could not resist: to fight the rise of the populist leader Camillien Houde*, who had become head of the provincial Conservative Party in 1929. Asselin agreed to take on an unlikely challenge - to reconcile the newspaper{apos}s partisan allegiance with his own fiercely independent spirit. He would not be particularly successful.

Asselin did, however, radically change the paper{apos}s appearance, moved the editorials to the front page, and recruited some talented young people. He was looked up to as a mentor by journalists such as Willie Chevalier, Eustache Letellier de Saint-Just, Odette Oligny, Ernest Pallascio-Morin, Robert de Roquebrune, and Edmond Turcotte. He was inflexible in the matter of correct use of language. He supported the Taschereau government in the priorities it accorded free enterprise and in the distaste it showed for state intervention, even in the area of natural resources. Here Asselin distanced himself from the positions he had taken before the war in Le Nationaliste. When the Action Libérale Nationale began to make its presence felt, he would apparently transfer to Paul Gouin* the half-hearted confidence he had previously placed in his father, the former Liberal premier Sir Lomer Gouin.

Less closely tied to the party line in culture than in politics, the Liberal paper under Asselin was, indeed, innovative in its treatment of the arts and literature. He gave ample space to columns on the cinema and the theatre. He discussed books and essays that were often regarded with suspicion by the clergy. In 1934, worn out by its long stay in power, the Taschereau government was flagging, and Asselin, no longer feeling as justified in supporting it with his pen, handed in his resignation. Now 59 years old, he again dreamed of having his own newspaper. This would be L{apos}Ordre, a Montreal political and literary daily, which he founded enthusiastically on 10 March 1934.

Asselin proved to be in full possession of his editorial skills and his gift for recruiting young talent, including a number of his former colleagues at Le Canada. His brilliant team included such names as Jules Bazin, André Bowman, Berthelot Brunet, Gérard Dagenais*, Dollard Dansereau, Lucien Parizeau, and Albert Pelletier. Among the other noteworthy contributors who joined them were Jovette-Alice Bernier*, Alfred DesRochers*, Françoise Gaudet-Smet [Gaudet*], Jean-Charles Harvey*, Marie Le Franc, Clément Marchand, Brother Marie-Victorin [Kirouac*], and Gérard Morisset*. In keeping with the personal evolution of its founder, L{apos}Ordre preached a nationalism that was expressed more in the defence of the French language and the promotion of a true national education than in the field of political activism. In the midst of an economic crisis, he was suspicious of the distorted workings of the parliamentary system, but especially of state intervention, the dreaded source of centralized power in the hands of the federal government. In economic matters, he now put his trust in free enterprise to ensure a return to prosperity.

The particularly liberal positions taken by Asselin{apos}s newspaper on culture and education were often questioned by the bishops, who were quick to let it be known. Clerical influence, along with chronic financial difficulties, caused the newspaper to cease publication on 11 May 1935. In the final issue the editor-in-chief announced the forthcoming appearance in Montreal of a new political and literary weekly, La Renaissance. Not drawn to the alternative potentially offered by the opposition of Paul Gouin with the Action Libérale Nationale, or that of Maurice Le Noblet Duplessis* with the Union Nationale, Asselin opted in the new publication for {d-0}the lesser evil{d-1} by giving vague support to the Liberal Party. Despite its high literary content and the quality of its contributors - most of whom had formerly worked at L{apos}Ordre - La Renaissance published only 26 issues before it also succumbed in December.

On 11 June 1936, shortly before his party was defeated by the Union Nationale, Premier Taschereau resigned and handed the reins of power to his minister of agriculture, Adélard Godbout*. On the same day, Godbout hastily appointed Asselin chairman of the Quebec Old Age Pensions Commission, which had been set up the previous day by the Taschereau government. After his party{apos}s victory on 26 August, the new premier, Duplessis, agreed to keep the former nationalist leader, now weakened and chronically in need, in this office, but on 12 Feb. 1937 Asselin, who was suffering from arteriosclerosis, was forced to resign. His application for a pension was rejected.

A bibliography of the works of Olivar Asselin has been published in the first two volumes of the author{apos}s biography of him, Hélène Pelletier-Baillargeon, Olivar Asselin et son temps (2v. parus, [Montréal], 1996-?). These volumes contain an exhaustive list of all the newspapers and publications to which he contributed, as well as a list of the {d-0}Feuilles de combat{d-1} that he published on his own account. A third and final volume, which will cover the years 1919 to 1937, is in preparation.

Asselin{apos}s personal papers are at the Ville de Montréal, Section des archives, BM55. His war correspondence (1915-19) with his family and relatives forms part of a private collection held by his grandson, A.-P. Asselin (Montreal).

The annotated bibliography found in the author{apos}s volumes also contains a list of works that bring together some of Asselin{apos}s texts, such as Joseph Gauvreau, Olivar Asselin, précurseur d{apos}action française: le plus grand de nos journalistes, 1875-1937 (Montréal, 1937), in which there are three articles published on 23 and 30 April and 7 May 1937 in Le Progrès du Golfe (Rimouski, Qué.), and Olivar Asselin, Pensée française: pages choisies (Montréal, 1937), Trois textes sur la liberté (Montréal, 1970), Liberté de pensée: choix de textes politiques et littéraires (Montréal, 1997). The bibliography also lists biographies of Asselin: Hermas Bastien, Olivar Asselin (Montréal, 1938), and M.-A. Gagnon, La vie orageuse d{apos}Olivar Asselin (2 tomes en 1v., Montréal, 1962) and Olivar Asselin toujours vivant (Montréal, 1974).

There are a number of photos of the subject in A.-P. Asselin{apos}s private collection; a large proportion appear in M.-A. Gagnon, Olivar Asselin toujours vivant, as well as in the author{apos}s volumes. Other photos, fewer in number, are available at the Bibliothèque Nationale du Québec (Montréal), the Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Montréal, and the Royal 22nd Regiment Museum (Quebec).

Arch. Nationales du Québec, à Québec, CE304-S8, 8 nov. 1874. Soc. de Généalogie de Québec, Fichier Drouin, L{apos}Anse-au-Griffon (Gaspé, Qué.), 3 août 1902 (mfm). Le Devoir (Montréal), 19 avril 1937.

In addition Armstrong had a busy medical practice. He took a keen interest in public health and served on the provincial Board of Health from 1897 to 1899. He also held a provincial appointment as district health officer. In this post he dealt with a serious outbreak of diphtheria in 1899, tracing contacts and ensuring that cases were isolated. The next year, to further his expertise in hygiene and infectious diseases, he studied at Guy{apos}s Hospital in London, England. In 1910 he was appointed inspector of health by the Department of Indian Affairs for the South Lake Manitoba area; in addition he served as health officer for the town and rural municipality of Westbourne. To meet the demands, he kept fast horses and had permission to use a velocipede car on the railway. He also made an agreement with the Canadian Northern Railway to obtain a pass in exchange for free advertising in the Gladstone Age. His first automobile was delivered on 12 June 1909.

In 1907 Armstrong had been elected to the Legislative Assembly for the Liberal party in the constituency of Gladstone. He would be re-elected in 1910, 1914, 1915, and 1920. Especially after the election of 1910, he took a major part in debates, in opposition to the administration of Rodmond Palen Roblin*. In 1915 the Liberals came to power during a scandal over the construction of the Legislative Building. Armstrong was appointed provincial secretary with responsibility for municipal affairs and the Board of Health in the government of Tobias Crawford Norris*. Among the many pieces of reform legislation brought in by the new government in 1916 were measures which he had supported while in opposition, such as the Manitoba Temperance Act and the School Attendance Act. Presenting amendments to the Public Health Act on 29 Jan. 1916, Armstrong announced that the Board of Health would be reorganized with a permanent staff in order to carry out an active campaign against tuberculosis and infant diseases, increasing prevention in the rural areas. With this extended mandate, the board hired public health nurses, the first in Canada. Speaking to the board{apos}s report during the session of 1918, Armstrong was able to point to favourable results after only one full year of operation. Deaths of children under two years caused by diarrhoea and enteritis had dropped from 424 to 277. The nurses had examined 12,179 children.

Curling and shooting were among Armstrong{apos}s favourite pastimes. In retirement he managed his business interests and enjoyed golfing. While in Victoria in early 1928 Armstrong took ill and returned to Winnipeg, where he passed away.

AM, P 2187-92. Man., Legislative Library (Winnipeg), Biog. scrapbooks; Hansard scrapbooks, Manitoba Free Press (1907-20), Winnipeg Telegram (1907-20). Private arch., R. A. [Stevens] Malaher (Winnipeg), Family bible; Geneal. research done by Merle Armstrong of Waterloo, Ont. Gladstone Age (Gladstone, Man.), 21 Feb., 7 March 1907; 17 June 1909; 20 May 1915. Manitoba Free Press, 29 Jan. 1916, 9 Feb. 1918. CPG, 1907-22. Gladstone{apos}s glory years, 1901-1910, comp. A. E. MacLennan (Gladstone, 1981). Ross Mitchell, Medicine in Manitoba; the story of its beginnings ([Winnipeg, 1955?]). W. L. Morton, Manitoba: a history (Toronto, 1957). Record of the graduates of Acadia University, 1843-1926, arranged by classes, ed. A. C. Chute (Wolfville, N.S., 1926). F. H. Schofield, The story of Manitoba (3v., Winnipeg, 1913).

Thomas H. Best{apos}s parents immigrated from Newry (Northern Ireland) and settled on a farm in the Port Hope area of Upper Canada. In the 1850s the family moved to a farm near Dunedin, south of Collingwood. At 18 Thomas travelled to Chicago and Buffalo, N.Y., where, as a department store employee, he gained experience in retailing, marketing, and advertising. By 1871 he had returned to the family farm and was working as a store clerk, likely in Collingwood. Eventually he became manager there of the region{apos}s largest store, the Melville Fair Company. In 1876 he married the daughter of a local dry goods merchant; by 1891 he had his own merchant tailoring business. An active participant in the civic and religious life of Collingwood, he served on the town council, the public school board, and the board of managers of the Presbyterian church. He also held the positions of secretary of the Collingwood Reform Association and superintendent of the Mechanics{s-1-unknown} Institute library. {d-0}Ever of a literary turn, a persistent reader and a lover of books,{d-1} according to a local history, he devoted a good deal of time to the library.

In 1891, for reasons that are not clear, Best moved to Toronto, where he established a tailoring business with John Stone on Yonge Street. By this time he had become interested in making Canadians more aware of public affairs and the literary contributions of their compatriots. In March 1893 he helped launch the monthly Canadian Magazine of Politics, Science, Art and Literature under the editorship of James Gordon Mowat. It was published by the Ontario Publishing Company Limited, an enterprise organized expressly for this purpose, with Best as managing director, and formally incorporated in May. Notwithstanding the fact that at the beginning its president, James Colebrooke Patterson, was the minister of militia and defence, and one of its vice-presidents, Thomas Ballantyne*, was the speaker of the Ontario legislature, the key to the magazine{apos}s solvency and longevity would be advertising support and effective business practice, areas in which Best excelled. For the next 35 years the world of publishing and printing would be his focus.

The late 19th century was an inauspicious time for publishing a magazine in Canada. As Best undoubtedly knew, home grown magazines were unable to compete with American journals in Canada, they had limited access to markets in the United States, and increasing customs duties made production expenses prohibitively high. The Canadian Magazine cost 25 cents an issue, a comparatively high price but the same as that of such American models as Scribner{apos}s (New York) and Harper{apos}s (New York). The Canadian Magazine{apos}s founders promised at the outset that {d-0}timely articles on political and other public questions of interest to the Canadian people will appear every month from the pens of leading statesmen and writers of various shades of political opinion.{d-1} Furthermore, the magazine intended to follow the policy of {d-0}cultivating Canadian patriotism and Canadian interests.{d-1}

The subsequent mixture of plentiful advertisements, line drawings, quality reproductions of photographs and paintings, articles on politics, travel, science, and art, and selections of poetry and fiction contributed to the survival of the Canadian Magazine, which developed what literary historian Carl Klinck terms a {d-0}reliable formula.{d-1} Its first volume offered readers the broad range of topics that would become characteristic of the magazine, including pieces by Ontario Publishing director James Wilberforce Longley on coal and fruit-growing in Nova Scotia, John Joseph Mackenzie on bacteria, William Hamilton Merritt* on domestic steel production, George Monro Grant* on the National Policy, the Reverend William Schenck Blackstock on criminology and regeneration, and James Laughlin Hughes* on humour in the classroom.

In 1897, during the editorship of John Alexander Cooper* and after some hard bargaining, likely by Best, Ontario Publishing took over Massey{apos}s Magazine (Toronto) [see Walter Edward Hart Massey*] to encourage {d-0}one strong and purely Canadian magazine.{d-1} Following this buyout, which doubled the circulation of the Canadian Magazine, Best ({d-0}in view of this increase in power{d-1}) announced a 50 per cent increase in advertising rates on 1 June 1897. In return, he believed, the takeover would make the Canadian Magazine the dominion{apos}s {d-0}best advertising medium,{d-1} which could boast more artistry and foreign advertising {d-0}than any other two publications in Canada.{d-1} In addition, small promotional booklets would be issued to solicit {d-0}judicious advertising{d-1} and to highlight the authors and topics in upcoming volumes. Subsequent issues would feature advertising from a wide range of clients, including banks, insurance companies, schools and colleges, brand-name producers, and railways.

With the Canadian Magazine running smoothly, Best began to consider other efficiencies. In 1901 Ontario Publishing took on the publication of the Canada Lancet (Toronto), the country{apos}s most prestigious medical journal. As well, an office was opened in London, England. Best also examined the savings to be gained from in-house printing. In 1911, by which time his son Thomas Wilbur had joined the business as a traveller, Ontario Publishing bought the printing firm of Newton and Treloar and renamed it the T. H. Best Printing Company. Guided by Best{apos}s decision to run the two companies as separate entities, Best Printing branched out into business apart from the journals, a move that brought the company into conflict with what Best saw as the printing cartel run by Hugh Cameron MacLean* and William Southam*. Best{apos}s venture was saved by the Macmillan Company of Canada Limited when it contracted with Best Printing to produce all of its textbooks.

Thomas H. Best{apos}s sense of business and his appreciation for culture had enabled him to become the driving force behind one of the few successful popular magazines in Canada, as well as the owner of one of Ontario{apos}s largest printing houses, which would be handed down through two generations. An innovator in methods of business and salesmanship, Best represented that sector of the business class to whom financial gain was the reward for the virtues of efficacy, thrift, public benefit, and progress.

AO, RG 22-305, no.60383; RG 80-5-0-60, no.9889. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1871, Nottawasaga Township, Ont., div.1: 30; 1891, Collingwood, Ont., div.2: 28. North York Central Library, Canadiana coll., John Alexander Cooper papers. Daily Mail and Empire (Toronto), 2 Aug. 1928. Globe (Toronto), 2 Aug. 1928. Canadian Magazine, March 1893-September 1924. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Canadian Printer and Publisher (Toronto), December 1895: 1; May 1958: 75. Dict. of Toronto printers (Hulse). Directory, Toronto, 1892-1928. Huron Institute, Papers and records (3v., Collingwood, Ont., 1909-39), 2: 18. Ontario Gazette (Toronto), 1893: 626. G. L. Parker, The beginnings of the book trade in Canada (Toronto, 1985). {d-0}Profile,{d-1} Quill & Quire (Toronto), 25 July 1969: 4-5. Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell), vol.2. H. E. Stephenson and Carlton McNaught, The story of advertising in Canada; a chronicle of fifty years (Toronto, [1940]). Fraser Sutherland, The monthly epic: a history of Canadian magazines, 1789-1989 (Markham, Ont., 1989).

Robert Bickerdike{apos}s ancestors, of Norman descent, hailed from one of the oldest families in England, the de Bickers, who had settled in Yorkshire late in the 11th century. In memory of Robert Bickerdike, who was executed for his Roman Catholic faith in 1585, the eldest son of every branch of the Bickerdike family was named Robert.

In 1893 Dominion Abattoir was reorganized. With the exception of Bickerdike, the original partners left and were replaced by cattle exporter Louis Delorme and accountant Wellington E. Bell. The firm{apos}s capital, now $250,000, could be expanded to $1,000,000 and the company obtained the right to issue bonds, acquire other firms, and construct waterworks. Seven years later it was renamed Robert Bickerdike and Company Limited. Meanwhile, Bickerdike{apos}s involvement in insurance became an increasingly important part of his business activities. He was appointed branch manager of the Western Assurance Company, a general insurance company, in 1900 and he would continue with this firm until 1924. In addition he acted as branch manager for the Quebec Fire Assurance Company in 1900 and 1901, and would serve in the same capacity for the Union Marine Insurance Company of Halifax, Nova Scotia from 1901 to 1912. In 1910 he began to appear on the boards of various insurance companies; he served as a director of several well-known firms, including the Canada Life Assurance Company from at least 1912 to 1917.

Bickerdike had left the cattle export trade in 1911. He would continue alone in Robert Bickerdike and Company in insurance and finance until 1919. His knowledge of finance had led him to serve from 1891 to 1911 as vice-president of the Banque d{apos}Hochelaga. In 1911, with Conservative mp Rodolphe Forget*, he founded the Banque Internationale du Canada, an institution which focused on attracting investment from France. Over a year later tension between French and Canadian investors brought the institution to bankruptcy.

An important contributor to Montreal{apos}s rise as the dominant Canadian urban centre in the early 20th century, Bickerdike had been president of the Montreal Board of Trade in 1896. A member of the Montreal Harbour Commission from 1896 to 1906, he served for a time as acting chairman. He invested much time and energy in building up the harbour and as an mp he defended its interests in the House of Commons. Bickerdike pier remains a lasting monument to his important contributions.

While a resident of Saint-Henri, Bickerdike had sat for a few months in 1875 on its town council. His principal foray into municipal politics, as pro-mayor of Summerlea (Lachine), took place in 1895-96, soon after he moved there. He departed from his family{apos}s long-standing affiliation with the Conservatives and entered provincial politics in 1897 as a Liberal, winning in Montreal, Division No.5. In 1900 he began a 17-year stint in federal politics. He was easily elected under the Liberal banner for St Lawrence, a Montreal riding with a large French Roman Catholic population and a smaller Jewish one. As a politician, he was best known for his stand on important social issues, but his parliamentary record also includes several short speeches aimed at furthering economic interests closely related to his business endeavours, including the cattle export trade. A man the Ottawa Citizen once described as a {d-0}pillar{d-1} of the Liberal party, he sat in the house through much of Sir Wilfrid Laurier*{apos}s tenure as prime minister. Although he was a lifelong friend of Laurier, he broke with his leader during World War I over Laurier{apos}s position against conscription. His letter of resignation in 1917 mentioned the military service of his sons and grandsons.

Most noteworthy were the positions Bickerdike took as a politician on some of the dominant social and cultural issues of the early 20th century. A champion of the linguistic and confessional rights of minorities, he once referred to Quebec as a model with regard to its treatment of the English Protestant minority. A member of the Protestant committee of the Council of Public Instruction from 1911 to 1923, he felt that Quebec{apos}s record vis-à-vis its minorities was particularly strong with regard to schooling. In 1905, on the controversial question of linguistic and confessional school rights for the French Catholic communities in the newly created provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan [see Laurier], he had pleaded in favour of the minorities. He warned against those who sought to promote conflict in order to gain political advantage.

Throughout his political career Bickerdike demanded equal rights for all citizens regardless of denomination. In 1910 he moved that the protection provided to young Protestants and Catholics under the Juvenile Delinquents Act of 1908 be extended to include all others, especially Jews. On another occasion, he expressed concern that denominational quotas might be used in educational institutions in Canada. In 1912 he proposed to have removed from Queen{apos}s University{apos}s charter the reference to its {d-0}distinctively Christian{d-1} character and the requirement of {d-0}the profession of Christianity{d-1} for hiring purposes. In 1917 he urged that the vote be extended to {d-0}the loyal women of Canada{d-1} and that they receive the same political rights and privileges enjoyed by men. Over the course of his political career, Bickerdike was an outspoken supporter of the poor and the disenfranchised and a standard-bearer for liberal ideals. Many of his spirited speeches evinced righteous indignation at the prevailing attitudes and laws of the day. Whether pushing for prison reform, lobbying on behalf of religious minorities, or advocating the prohibition of cigarette sales to minors, he worked tirelessly.

For Bickerdike, the abolition of capital punishment was an imperative and to some extent his life{apos}s mission. Few spoke as loudly or as eloquently as he did for this reform. In 1914 and again in 1916 he introduced a bill to replace the death penalty with a life sentence. He opposed capital punishment on many grounds, considering it an insult to Christianity and religion in general and a blot on any civilized nation. {d-0}There is nothing,{d-1} he stated in the house, {d-0}more degrading to society at large . . . than the death penalty.{d-1} He also spoke of class disparities, pointing out that the punishment was administered to the poor far more often than to the wealthy. He refuted the notion that state-sponsored killing acted as a deterrent to murder and cautioned against the possibility of mistake. Though he never stopped fighting for this cause, he did not live to see it realized; capital punishment would not be abolished in Canada until 1976.

In private life Bickerdike was a founder and president of the National Prison Reform Association, established in 1916. Three years later it merged with the Honour League of Canada to become the Canadian Prisoners{s-1-unknown} Welfare Association. This body lobbied against capital punishment, helped care for prisoners{s-1-unknown} families, and sought employment for offenders following their release. Bickerdike would serve as honorary president until his death. In the commons he called attention to the awful conditions in Canadian penitentiaries. His strong Christian faith underpinned his demands for prison reform. In 1917, in the midst of World War I, he moved a resolution in the house to grant all prisoners the opportunity to enlist for active service, and thereby give them the opportunity to redeem themselves while aiding the cause of their country.

Bickerdike was a leader in community works. His contributions to hospital activities included service as governor of the Royal Victoria Hospital starting in 1896, as life governor of the Montreal General Hospital from 1898, and as both governor and president for a time of the Western Hospital of Montreal. He was president of the St George{apos}s Society in 1912. His interest in recording Canada{apos}s heritage led to his involvement in the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Montreal. Known for his personal generosity, he had established, according to an obituary, an {d-0}understanding with the minister of his church [in Lachine] that no one was to go hungry.{d-1}

Cyrus Birge{apos}s father came from Hartford, Conn., about 1840 and settled in the Oakville area; in 1842 he married Helen Ainslie of nearby Nelson Township. Despite his father{apos}s death in 1855, Cyrus was able to spend several years at local schools, including the Oakville Grammar School. At age 18 he started to learn the dry-goods business but three years later he decided to enrol in medicine at Victoria College in Cobourg. After only a year, ill health prompted him to return to Oakville, where he worked for a dry-goods merchant. He opened his own grocery store in Stratford in 1870, and then one in Chatham. Two years later he joined the Great Western Railway as an accountant in its engineering department. Initially he worked in Hamilton but he also spent some time in London. In 1882 he left to become manager of the Canada Screw Company, a financially troubled firm in Dundas that had been purchased in 1876 by the American Screw Company of Providence, R.I. Birge put the firm back on its feet. As part of the trend to use female labour in factories, it hired young women to run new American screw-making machinery. In 1883 Birge formed a partnership with American industrialist Charles Alexander to operate the factory, which was coaxed with tax incentives to move to Hamilton in 1887. Birge was vice-president and managing director from 1883 to 1898, when he bought out the American investors and became president. In 1907 his company merged with another large Hamilton operation, the Ontario Tack Company, which had also been started by American investors. The new company, which kept the name Canada Screw and Birge as president, moved to a large, technologically sophisticated plant in Hamilton{apos}s growing industrial east end.

Birge{apos}s interest in the iron industry had already brought him into another important project. In 1895 he and a group of other local businessmen, including Andrew Trew Wood*, William Southam*, John Henry Tilden, and John Milne, established the Hamilton Blast Furnace Company Limited to take over the smelting operations of the Hamilton Iron and Steel Company Limited, which had been incorporated in 1893 but had been hit by extreme depression in the iron trade. Birge served on the board of Hamilton Blast Furnace until a union in 1899 with the Ontario Rolling Mills Company, also of Hamilton, created the Hamilton Steel and Iron Company Limited. In 1910 a much larger merger brought together iron and steel plants across central Canada (Birge{apos}s Canada Screw, Hamilton Steel and Iron, Montreal Rolling Mills, Canada Bolt and Nut of Toronto) to create the Canadian Steel Corporation Limited. Immediately renamed the Steel Company of Canada Limited [see Wilmot Deloui Matthews*], it would eventually include Dominion Wire Manufacturing of Montreal as well. Though Birge was close to retirement, he had participated in the negotiations and his substantial capital in the new venture brought him the position of vice-president. However, he took no active part in the new firm{apos}s operations, which were left largely in the hands of Robert Hobson.

Brusque and opinionated, Birge had also taken a leadership role in the broader business community. He had been a member of the Canadian Manufacturers{s-1-unknown} Association for some 20 years and an executive member before the association undertook a complete reorganization in 1900 to make it a more effective lobbying force. Birge must have played a prominent role in this reconstruction since he was chosen as vice-president for Ontario in 1900, national vice-president in 1901, and president in 1902. In these capacities he was expected to promote the interests of manufacturers in the all-important areas of tariff, transportation policy, and industrial relations. During his term as president the CMA followed the recommendation of a special committee and struck a vigorous anti-union stance, specifically directed against any pro-labour legislation. In his presidential address of 1903 Birge proclaimed that the employer {d-0}must be free to purchase without interference such labor as he requires{d-1} and attacked the growing links between Canadian unions and their American counterparts. In subsequent years, he served on the CMA{apos}s important tariff committee. When a branch of the CMA was organized in Hamilton in 1909, he joined its executive, and in 1912-13 he served as chair.

Birge was a staunch Methodist who believed that a business leader should take an active role in the organizational life of his church. At Hamilton{apos}s Wesley Methodist Church, he was Sunday school superintendent for 17 years and a steward and trustee for 28. He also attended the General Conference of the Methodist Church of Canada and served on its church union committee. Yet he became uncomfortable with the progressive Social Gospel movement that was percolating through this church early in the 20th century. At the General Conference of October 1918, in Hamilton, he was one of only four delegates to oppose a report calling for the shift of economic life {d-0}from a basis of competition and profits to one of co-operation and service.{d-1} He was more comfortable with paternalistic charity. In 1907 he had donated $50,000 to Victoria University in Toronto to match the sum American industrialist Andrew Carnegie had provided to endow its library. In 1915 he became chair of Hamilton{apos}s branch of the Canadian Patriotic Fund, set up to provide for wives and children of men serving in the armed forces, and he later sat on the organization{apos}s national executive.

AO, RG 80-5-0-7, liber 6, f.108; RG 80-5-0-302, no.9193. LAC, MG 28, I 230, 16: 1909-10, 1912-13. Hamilton Spectator (Hamilton, Ont.), 14 Nov., 14 Dec. 1895; 14 Dec. 1929. Richard Allen, The social passion: religion and social reform in Canada, 1914-28 (Toronto, 1971; repr. 1990). Annual financial rev. (Toronto and Montreal), 1904: 54; 1908: 60; 1910: 26; 1914: 98; 1916: 404; 1923: 114. Can., Statutes, 1896, c.48. Canada Gazette, 11 June 1910: 3900; 25 June 1910: 4129. Canadian annual rev., 1902-28/29. Canadian Engineer (Toronto and Montreal), 7 (1899-1900): 141. Canadian history makers . . . (Montreal, 1913). Canadian Machinery and Manufacturing News (Toronto), 11 (January-June 1914): 92. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Canadian Mining Rev. (Ottawa), 14 (1895): 82. Canadian Patriotic Fund, Hamilton and Wentworth Branch, Five years of service, 1914-1918 ([Hamilton?, 1920?]). S. D. Clark, The Canadian Manufacturers{s-1-unknown} Association: a study in collective bargaining and political pressure (Toronto, 1939). Directory of directors (London, Eng.), 1912, pt.i, 25. Encyclopaedia of Canadian biography . . . , vol.2. Industrial Canada (Toronto), 4 (1903-4): 111; 5 (1904-5): 328; 6 (1905-6): 204-6; 7 (1906-7): 266-68. Iron Age (New York), 61 (January-June 1898): 12. William Kilbourn, The elements combined: a history of the Steel Company of Canada (Toronto and Vancouver, 1960), 42-43, 59, 71-73, 75. Newspaper reference book. Ont., Statutes, 1895, c.67; 1896, c.80. Victor Ross and A. St L. Trigge, A history of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, with an account of the other banks which now form part of its organization (3v., Toronto, 1920-34), 3. Who{apos}s who and why, 1921.

Grace Blackburn was born in Quebec City, possibly when her father, the publisher of the London Free Press, was there on political or newspaper business. After schooling in Hellmuth Ladies{s-1-unknown} College in London, she taught in the United States in the 1890s. She had begun writing in 1894 for the Free Press, then under the direction of her brother Walter Josiah, and in 1900 she became its literary and drama critic. She spent some time in New York studying criticism and in 1906-10 was in Europe with her sisters, immersing herself in cultural affairs. In 1918 she assumed the position of assistant managing editor, which she would hold until 1928. For three decades she was a leading figure in the cultural life of London. Her manner of commentary ranged from imperiousness, which she could turn on London (a city that {d-0}has not believed sufficiently in herself{d-1}), to firm appreciation, of such masterworks as Romney{apos}s paintings of Emma Hart, Wordsworth{apos}s poetry, and Venice{apos}s ducal palace.

Although nepotism can be reasonably inferred from Blackburn{apos}s career at the Free Press - her sister Susan May was also a staffer and a shareholder - a fair assessment of her output (often under the name Fanfan) would have to acknowledge her productivity and intellectualism. In addition to her criticism, she contributed essays, travelogues, editorials, and poems. The demands of daily journalism imposed some limits on her literary effort and gave occasion to such awkward items in the Free Press as her approving (but now embarrassing) description of Helen Keller in 1913 as the {d-0}High Priestess of the Blind{d-1} and her farewell in 1924 to Middlesex County writer Peter Gilchrist McArthur as {d-0}a son of the soil and a gentleman; such a gentleman as perhaps only a son of the soil can be. The immediate soil of which he was the son, is the soil of Canada.{d-1} In a later account of Blackburn, Professor James Albert Spenceley of London credits her with stronger literary and lyrical sensibilities.

Blackburn produced, in addition to her work for the Free Press, dozens of poems, two known plays, and a novel. From her verse, some of it superficial, certain typical devices and themes emerge: sudden shifts from satire to tragedy, a gift for aphorisms, and a fondness for archaic language, exotic locales (Renaissance France for example), tortured aesthetes, and doomed love. Her two one-act plays, preserved in the University of Western Ontario Archives, are {d-0}Seal of confession,{d-1} a drama set in a priest{apos}s home in France, and {d-0}The little gray,{d-1} a farce set in a New York dress shop. The former explores Blackburn{apos}s motif of noble self-sacrifice; the latter shows her love of dialect, humour, and satire aimed at her own class; both are full of clumsy staging.

Blackburn{apos}s writing about World War I is superior to her other work. In {d-0}Christ in Flanders,{d-1} one of the four poems by her included in John William Garvin*{apos}s Canadian poems of the Great War (Toronto, 1918), the wounds of a female survivor resemble those of the crucified Christ. Her most successful endeavour, posthumously published, is The man child (Ottawa, 1930), which deserves renewed attention. Written about 1916, it begins in a fictionalized version of London and area during the 1890s and moves to the trenches of France, where the young Canadian hero, Jack Winchester, will be killed. Like many Canadian novels on the war, it explores the {d-0}right stuff{d-1} among volunteers and, resorting to popular symbolism, likens Canada to David fighting the Teutonic Goliath. The novel gathers force as the trials and triumphs of Jack{apos}s widowed mother give way to the imminence of conflict. Blackburn{apos}s love of drama is apparent in the way her characters articulate different points of view over the gathering storm. Striking too is the realization that her most intelligent characters appear, at first, appalled at the thought of England fighting its natural ally, Germany, and siding with dissolute France. Once the war begins, Jack and a friend leave medical school, whose dean plays a role in the story, to enlist. When the novel shifts to an epistolary mode, Jack{apos}s friend sends a letter home asking, {d-0}Do you remember that poem of Walt Whitman{apos}s the Dean is so fond of,{d-1} and quoting from Whitman{apos}s {d-0}The compost.{d-1} This may have been unusual content for a letter from the front but not for a novel set in London (where Richard Maurice Bucke*{apos}s enthusiasm for Whitman was well known) and written by Blackburn (who gave a paper in 1916 comparing Whitman to Rodin). Following a scene with the two youths lost and under fire in No Man{apos}s Land, the closing line ({d-0}What rites! What obsequies!{d-1}) sounds a Whitmanesque note. One of Blackburn{apos}s great friends, fellow Anglican and poet Robert Winkworth Norwood*, appears in the novel thinly disguised as the Reverend Norman Brooks. Like him, Norwood, the rector of Cronyn Memorial Church in London from 1912 to 1917, was a modern thinker and dynamic preacher who saw the war as an opportunity for everlasting peace.

Grace Blackburn{apos}s determination to honour Canada{apos}s war dead led her to support the proposed erection near London of a monument of perpetual light. Although her backing was not sufficient to raise the $10,000 it would have cost, she was involved in a more modest memorial completed in 1926. Tall, charming, and full of humour, she was active in London{apos}s theatre and many clubs and associations; she was a founder in 1910 of the local Women{apos}s Canadian Club and its president in 1918-19, and in 1921-23 she served as president of the London Women{apos}s Press Club. It is difficult from a modern viewpoint not to feel some scepticism about the grand claims made for Blackburn in her lifetime, but her intellect and commentary were much lauded. In 1916 J. W. Garvin praised her in an anthology as {d-0}a writer with a large brain and a big, warm heart: a twentieth century thinker, with the individuality of original thought and expression; a poet just beginning to realize her gift.{d-1} In 1924 novelist Arthur John Arbuthnott Stringer recognized her sharp critical sense. Such approval continued after her death. In December 1930 the London Advertiser (owned by the Blackburns from 1926) quoted the estimate of Canadian Homes and Gardens (Toronto) that The man child was {d-0}a very beautiful contribution to Canadian literature and perhaps to literature generally.{d-1}

One of the few traces of Blackburn{apos}s contributions in London is the historical plaque outside the home at 652 Talbot Street where she lived for 16 years with three of her sisters. As a Canadian woman in the early 20th-century newspaper business who produced one good, interesting novel and had a strong command of vocabulary, Grace Blackburn may find new friends in this century.

Victoria Grace Blackburn is the author of Fanfan{apos}s poetry (the collected poetical works of Victoria Grace Blackburn), ed. E. H. Jones (London, Ont., 1967).

AO, RG 22-321, no.18961. St Paul{apos}s Anglican Cathedral (London), RBMB. Univ. of Western Ont. Arch., J. J. Talman Regional Coll. (London), Blackburn fonds, writings of Victoria Grace Blackburn. London Advertiser, 20 Dec. 1930. London Free Press, 22 Feb. 1913, 29 Oct. 1924, 3 Feb. 2002. Canadian poets, ed. J. W. Garvin (Toronto, 1916), 383-88. Nancy Geddes Poole, The art of London, 1830-1980 (London, 1984). M. L. Lang, Women who made the news: female journalists in Canada, 1880-1945 (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1999). Flora MacDonald [Merrill (Denison)], {d-0}Miss Grace Blackburn,{d-1} Sunset of Bon Echo (Toronto), 1 (March 1916-April/May 1920), no.3: 19. Michael Nolan, Walter J. Blackburn, a man for all media (Toronto, 1989). Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell). F. B. Ware, History of Cronyn Memorial Church, London, Ontario, 1873-1949 ([St Thomas, Ont., 1949]). Who{apos}s who in Canada, 1922.

George Tate Blackstock{apos}s childhood was marked by hardship and uncertainty. His father was a Wesleyan Methodist minister of Scottish-Irish descent, and for many years the family led a migratory life on the ministerial circuit. Despite frugal domestic management, they often struggled, living on credit and accepting food and other commodities in lieu of salary, which many poorer communities could not afford. Sometimes the children stayed with relatives of their mother, a member of a prominent family in Oshawa, Ont. A knowledge of the Bible, Shakespeare, and classical literature was assiduously cultivated by William Blackstock in his children. Following the Blackstocks{s-1-unknown} move to Goderich, George briefly attended grammar school there. Largely owing to his mother{apos}s inheritance and the assistance of her family, in 1871 he was admitted to Upper Canada College in Toronto, where he studied rhetoric. Intent on a career in law, he entered Osgoode Hall in 1874 and graduated four years later.

Called to the bar in 1879, Blackstock worked initially with the Toronto firm of Rose, Macdonald, and Merritt, and rapidly established a reputation as an accomplished civil lawyer. Said to have possessed a commanding physical presence in the courtroom, he was described as {d-0}a dark-haired, good looking fellow, with an easy and friendly gift of conversation and an entire freedom from restraint or nervousness on social occasions.{d-1} In 1880-81 he lectured at Osgoode Hall on the Statute of Frauds as part of a series organized by the school{apos}s Legal and Literary Society. He joined Wells, Gordon, and Sampson in 1882 but soon left to open his own practice, where he would handle both civil and criminal litigation. As counsel for the Canadian Pacific Railway between 1881 and 1894, he participated in the arbitration proceedings between the railway and the dominion government in connection with western development. One of the first trustees of the York County Law Association in 1885, on 2 Dec. 1889 he was appointed a federal qc. In 1890 his skilful, though unsuccessful defence of Reginald Birchall* in a sensational murder trial considerably enhanced his standing as a pre-eminent trial lawyer.

In 1892 Blackstock joined Beatty, Blackstock, Nesbitt, and Chadwick, a firm that was strongly rooted in Toronto{apos}s Conservative establishment, and where his brother, Thomas Gibbs Blackstock, and David Fasken were both successful corporate lawyers. As one of the first partners with a barrister{apos}s practice, George helped establish its reputation in litigation. Blackstock was secured for many important actions, both as a defence counsel and as a crown prosecutor. He was involved in two high-profile cases of alleged combines: in 1909 he unsuccessfully prosecuted the Dominion Wholesale Grocers{s-1-unknown} Guild, which he denounced as {d-0}an iron heel on the neck of the people,{d-1} and in 1913 he found insufficient evidence to prosecute the Stamped Ware Association, which included the firm of John McClary. One of his most notable moments as a crown counsel occurred in Hamilton in 1909 during the inquest into the murder of Ethel Caroline Kinrade, which aroused intense national coverage in the media. The chief witness, the victim{apos}s sister, was subjected to a gruelling cross-examination by Blackstock that was dramatically punctuated by her fainting after he had implicated her in the crime. Upon returning from one of his annual trips to England in May 1913, Blackstock and four other lawyers left Beatty Blackstock to form a new firm, Blackstock, Galt, and Gooderham.

A Conservative and passionate advocate of imperial unity, Blackstock had been encouraged to enter politics by his uncles Thomas Nicholson Gibbs* and William Henry Gibbs, both of whom served in the government of Sir John A. Macdonald*. During the 1880s Blackstock and Macdonald corresponded on a variety of issues; on three occasions, for example, Blackstock interceded unsuccessfully on behalf of William Albert Reeve* for a judgeship in Manitoba. He was returned in neither of the constituencies in which he ran: the provincial seat of Lennox (1884, 1885) and the federal riding of Durham West (1887, 1891). Macdonald{apos}s death and the decline of the party seem to have put an end to his ambitions, though he remained active on party committees and distinguished himself as a tireless campaigner for the Conservative cause.

Blackstock was renowned for his eloquence and wit as an orator and was frequently invited to banquets, political rallies, and prominent society gatherings in Canada, Britain, and the United States. {d-0}I am feted everywhere,{d-1} he wrote from New York in 1903, {d-0}dinners and luncheons all the time. . . . They all say I am the best known private foreigner in the U.S.{d-1} His speeches and articles in the press, generally on political themes, were widely quoted. Addressing the Canadian Manufacturers{s-1-unknown} Association in September 1907, he appealed for {d-0}a loftier conception of Imperial duty{d-1} and criticized Canada{apos}s poor contribution to the maintenance of the British armed forces and the burdens of empire. A speech to the Canadian Club in Toronto earlier the same month was hailed by Saturday Night as {d-0}the wittiest and most entertaining of the year and the one most direct in its appeal, which was for high ideals of Canadian citizenship and statesmanship.{d-1} In March 1911 he founded, with Alexander Whyte Wright* and mla Arthur Clarence Pratt, the Canadian branch of the Imperial Mission, an English association, and was elected its first president. The branch decided to promote imperial unity by fighting against reciprocity, then being championed by the government of Sir Wilfrid Laurier*. Blackstock{apos}s reputation in England was prodigious; he had been in great demand as a speaker for the National Conservative Union during the British election of 1910, and he later declined several invitations to run for parliament.

Blackstock suffered illnesses that forced him on occasion to neglect his legal career, and these were complicated by his personal circumstances. In the 1890s he had become increasingly distraught over {d-0}domestic worries.{d-1} He confided to a friend that {d-0}when waiting for his turn to address the court the perspiration would drop off his finger-ends.{d-1} Medical specialists in New York and Toronto, among them Dr Daniel Clark*, diagnosed him as a {d-0}chronic, hysterical hypochondriac,{d-1} and he spent time in several American institutions. His wife divorced him on 1 Oct. 1896 in Newport, R.I., on the grounds of non-support, though it remains unclear, as a history of Beatty Blackstock puts it, {d-0}whether his family problems were the source or the result of his personal difficulties.{d-1} Eventually, failing health and impaired eyesight obliged him to withdraw from active practice altogether.

Prior to the outbreak of World War I, he again fell ill, in England, and he eventually returned to Canada, where he was cared for by two of his sisters. He lived in Buffalo, N.Y., for some time after the war. Following his death at his Toronto home, he was widely eulogized. One friend, a prominent member of the New York bar, eloquently captured the loss felt by many when he said, {d-0}It is an example of the utter prodigality of nature to have endowed this man with so many brilliant and engaging qualities and then to have wrecked his physical power and left him so helpless in the prime of life.{d-1}

George Tate Blackstock is the author of {d-0}Canada and the Venezuelan settlement,{d-1} Canadian Magazine, 8 (November 1896-April 1897): 170-75.

AO, RG 22-305, no.44453. Bay City Daily Tribune (Bay City, Mich.), 26 Feb. 1880. Daily Mail and Empire, 2 Oct. 1896, 28 Dec. 1921. Evening Telegram (Toronto), 28, 30 Dec. 1921. Globe, 3 Oct. 1896; 30 Oct. 1905; 25 July 1906; 27 Sept. 1907; 9 Jan., 11-13 March, 5 May 1909; 28, 30 Dec. 1921. Toronto Daily Star, 28 Dec. 1921. World (Toronto), 2 Oct. 1896, 30 Oct. 1905. Frank Arnoldi, {d-0}George Tate Blackstock,{d-1} Canadian Magazine, 58 (November 1921-April 1922): 424-35. C. M. Blackstock, All the journey through (Toronto, 1997). Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). C. I. Kyer, {d-0}The transformation of an establishment firm: from Beatty Blackstock to Faskens, 1902-1915,{d-1} in Essays in the history of Canadian law, ed. D. H. Flaherty et al. (8v. to date, [Toronto], 1981- ), vol.7 (Inside the law: Canadian law firms in historical perspective, ed. Carol Wilton, 1996): 161-206.

After studying at the Collège Sainte-Marie in Montreal from 1870 to 1878, Joseph Blain entered the noviciate of the Society of Jesus in Sault-au-Récollet on 30 July 1878. He pronounced his vows there in 1880 and embarked on the study of arts. He then took three years of philosophy, spending 1882-83 at the Collège Sainte-Marie and the next two years at Stonyhurst College in England. In 1885 he was sent with the first contingent of Jesuits to the Collège de Saint-Boniface in Manitoba, which Archbishop Alexandre-Antonin Taché* had recently entrusted to the Society of Jesus. After teaching various subjects there until 1889, he studied theology for four years (1889-93) at the scholasticate on Jersey, under the direction of Jesuits from Paris, and for another year (1893-94) at the Scolasticat de l{apos}Immaculée-Conception in Montreal. On 3 Sept. 1893 he was ordained to the priesthood in Montreal by Archbishop Édouard-Charles Fabre*. He undertook theological studies in Sault-au-Récollet in 1894-95, and taught philosophy at the Scolasticat de l{apos}Immaculée-Conception from 1895 until 1898.

Blain was an honest, upright man, and his advice was highly regarded. While he lived in St Boniface (Winnipeg), he contributed to the town{apos}s intellectual life by giving lectures on literary, religious, and scientific topics. He also wrote occasional poems in French and Latin. His scientific interests, combined with his nationalistic convictions - {d-0}the language guardian of the faith; the faith guardian of the language,{d-1} he would declare in 1916 in a lecture on the French Canadian parish - led him to take part in expeditions that would result in the discovery of Fort Saint-Charles on Lake of the Woods. The first expedition, undertaken in 1890, was unsuccessful. It was followed in 1902 by a second, headed by Archbishop Adélard Langevin*, during the course of which the Société Historique de Saint-Boniface was founded, with Blain as one of its charter members, for the purpose of highlighting the contribution of francophones in the Canadian west. It was necessary to wait for the expeditions that took place in the summer of 1908 before the anticipated results were achieved; excavations then made it possible to identify Fort Saint-Charles and the remains of Jean-Baptiste Gaultier* de La Vérendrye and his companions, including the Jesuit priest Jean-Pierre Aulneau*, who were killed in 1736. Father Blain undertook to photograph the bodies and the objects unearthed. He and Father Julien Paquin gave a lecture on these discoveries on the occasion of the blessing of the new cathedral in St Boniface in 1908.

Blain was interested in astronomy and in 1908 he became a member of the Royal Astronomical Society of Canada, before which he read a number of papers. The following year he installed western Canada{apos}s first seismograph in the Collège de Saint-Boniface. He was the director of the college{apos}s seismographic observatory for more than ten years. This observatory, which formed part of the Jesuit Seismological Service, would unfortunately be destroyed when the college burned down in 1922. In 1909 he helped found the Association des Anciens Élèves du Collège de Saint-Boniface, becoming its first chaplain.

In 1911, after a year{apos}s rest in Fort William (Thunder Bay), Ont., Blain was sent to Edmonton, along with Father Gustave Jean, to conduct negotiations for the founding of the Jesuit Collège d{apos}Edmonton, which would enrol its first students in 1913. He then returned to his position as a teacher at the Collège de Saint-Boniface and he remained there until 1920, when he left to teach philosophy at the Collège d{apos}Edmonton until 1925.

Throughout his time at the Collège de Saint-Boniface, Blain took a keen interest in its development. With regard to the college{apos}s difficult financial situation in the second decade of the century, he deplored the fact that there were four colleges in St Boniface. In 1914, when the question arose of requesting that the college become independent from the University of Manitoba (to which it had been attached since the establishment of the latter in 1877), Blain, as his institution{apos}s representative on the university{apos}s commission on studies, recommended that the college have some degree of autonomy within the university. When the government of Tobias Crawford Norris* amended the Public Schools Act in 1916, abolishing bilingual schools in Manitoba, he came to the defence of the classical colleges. The University of Manitoba granted him an honorary lld in 1922.

Joseph Blain is the author of three articles: {d-0}Au fort Saint-Charles,{d-1} Les Cloches de Saint-Boniface (Saint-Boniface [Winnipeg]), 13 (1914): 177-79; {d-0}Centenaire de l{apos}église de Saint-Boniface; sonnet à S.G. Mgr Arthur Béliveau, archevêque de Saint-Boniface: in veritate et charitate,{d-1} Les Cloches de Saint-Boniface, 17 (1918): 173; and {d-0}Le givre,{d-1} Le Manitoba (Saint-Boniface), 11 févr. 1914. He may also have written {d-0}Au lac des Bois: découverte du site de l{apos}ancien fort Saint-Charles,{d-1} La Presse, 27 déc. 1902.

ANQ-M, CE604-S14, 30 oct. 1859. Arch. de la Compagnie de Jésus, Prov. du Canada Français (Saint-Jérôme, Qué.), BO-17 (Joseph Blain). Le Devoir, 19 sept. 1925. La Liberté (Saint-Boniface), 8 févr., 28 mars 1916; 23, 30 sept. 1925. Le Manitoba, 9 août 1908, 2 nov. 1910, 10 févr. 1915, 24 mai 1922. Manitoba Free Press, 22 Oct. 1910, 13 May 1911. La Semaine religieuse de Québec, 1er juin 1922. {d-0}À la mémoire du R.P. Blain, s.j.,{d-1} Les Cloches de Saint-Boniface, 24 (1925): 214. J.-B.-A. Allaire, Dictionnaire biographique du clergé canadien-français (6v., Montréal et Saint-Hyacinthe, Qué., 1908-34), 2: 61. T. J. Campbell, {d-0}Out of the grave: the discovery of Fort St. Charles in 1908,{d-1} Soc. Hist. de Saint-Boniface, Bull., 5 (1915). Canada ecclésiastique, 1899-1911. {d-0}Découverte historique - 1908,{d-1} Les Cloches de Saint-Boniface, 78 (1979): 34. {d-0}Ding! Dang! Dong!,{d-1} Les Cloches de Saint-Boniface, [9] (1910): 128; 17 (1918): 212. {d-0}Feu le R.P. Joseph Blain, s.j.,{d-1} Les Cloches de Saint-Boniface, 24: 185-87. {d-0}Former college teacher honored,{d-1} Pennant (St Boniface), 1 (1922): 19. Gérard Jolicœur, Les jésuites dans la vie manitobaine (1v. paru, Saint-Boniface, 1985-?). L.-A. Prud{apos}homme, {d-0}Découverte historique: le fort Saint-Charles retrouvé,{d-1} Les Cloches de Saint-Boniface, 7 (1908): 205-34; {d-0}La littérature française au Nord-Ouest,{d-1} RSC, Trans., 3rd ser., 9 (1915), sect.i: 247-64. {d-0}Le R.P. Joseph Blain, s.j.,{d-1} Les Cloches de Saint-Boniface, [9]: 281-82. {d-0}Le R.P. Joseph Blain, s.j., ll.d.,{d-1} Les Cloches de Saint-Boniface, 21 (1922): 115-16. Soc. Hist. de Saint-Boniface, Bull., 1 (1911).

Harry Woodburn Blaylock was born into the family of a priest of the Anglican diocese of Quebec. He was only 10 when they moved to Danville in the Eastern Townships, where his father had been called to carry on his ministry. He studied at Bishop{apos}s College School and Bishop{apos}s College in Lennoxville, graduating with a ba in 1897. Like many young men of social standing, Blaylock served in the non-permanent militia. He spent the year 1898 with the 54th (Richmond) Battalion of Infantry, whose first company was based in Danville. Military life apparently held little attraction for him, however, and he remained an acting lieutenant for less than a year. In 1900 he enrolled in the faculty of law at McGill University and he completed his bcl with distinction in 1903. During this period he also worked for George Alexander Drummond*, an industrialist in the sugar trade and leading figure in the Bank of Montreal who in addition was an influential senator. Drummond entrusted him with the preparation of legal documents related to his real estate transactions. On receiving a Macdonald scholarship from McGill, Blaylock decided to spend a year studying international law in Paris, in 1903-4. On his return he settled in Montreal, where he embarked on a law career that would prove undistinguished.

Up to this point, Blaylock{apos}s career had not risen to the heights that a brilliant education and excellent family and political connections might have suggested. It was through an accident of history that his predisposition to action was fully revealed. For some years Blaylock had been acquainted with Lady Drummond [Grace Julia Parker*], Sir George Alexander{apos}s second wife, who was one of the most active women in the Canadian Red Cross Society. When World War I broke out, he offered his services to this organization and served for a few months in its London office along with Lady Drummond. The untimely death of its chief commissioner, Lieutenant-Colonel Jeffrey Hale Burland*, in October 1914, and his replacement by his deputy, Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Alfred Hodgetts, opened the way for Blaylock to become deputy commissioner.

In this capacity Blaylock was put in charge of the society{apos}s operations in France. His duties included supervising the transport of humanitarian aid and providing services for Canadian soldiers (and occasionally for French civilians). The Red Cross made a wide range of services available and distributed all sorts of goods, from cigarettes, clothing, and food to medical instruments and supplies, and complete equipment for dressing stations. It even set up ambulance convoys, an especially important initiative since evacuation of the wounded, which had previously been neglected, changed considerably during World War I, thanks largely to the Red Cross. The rapid and comfortable transfer of wounded men from the front line to the rear would be one of the decisive factors in significantly reducing the mortality rate.

Blaylock based his task of logistical supervision on a simple maxim: {d-0}When help [is] needed it must be given and given speedily.{d-1} During the first months of the war, he administered aid from the Canadian public through his charitable agency as did others at the time, though on a much larger scale. The work of the Red Cross took a more dramatic direction, however, when the second battle of Ypres began in April 1915. In this first large-scale engagement, Canadians were shelled and gassed, and they suffered heavy losses. The medical posts behind the front lines had no morphine, and it was Blaylock{apos}s organization that would bring 10,000 injectable units up to the front. It was shortly after this experience that the horror of trench warfare was first revealed to him. Victims of gas attacks, men who had lost limbs, and others who were seriously wounded arrived by the hundreds and soon were occupying every available bed in Boulogne, France. Operations during the next 18 months would bring new contingents of suffering humanity. Blaylock was deeply affected by what he saw, but at great personal sacrifice he continued his efforts to ease the suffering of modern war, to the point that he was overcome by fatigue and psychological shock. As a result, he had to stay at Hospital No.14 in Boulogne for three weeks, and then to take three more weeks of rest cure at the end of 1916 and the beginning of 1917 for his nervous prostration.

Once he had recovered, Blaylock resumed his work with vigour and dedication and with a zeal that took him closer to the front than was strictly necessary from any administrative need. When the Red Cross was advised that a large-scale attack was imminent early in April 1917 (it was to take Vimy Ridge), he headed for the main clearing station, where thousands of wounded men soon began to arrive. He was profoundly moved. {d-0}Words fail one in trying to describe the horror of it all, but one noticed with wonder and admiration the cheerfulness and self-sacrifice of the wounded. No one seemed so badly hurt but that, in his opinion, the chap next to him was worse, and needed attention first. Men with arms hanging limp were struggling to help men whose legs were wounded; everyone seemed to be thinking of his neighbour.{d-1}

When Blaylock was asked to replace Hodgetts as chief commissioner of the Canadian Red Cross overseas in April 1918, his experience made him ready to take on this office. He went back to London, where a much wider range of services was offered than in France. There were, for instance, five hospitals administered by the Canadian Red Cross, a convalescent home for officers, and a rest home for nurses in and around London. Blaylock remained in England after the armistice to put the affairs of the Red Cross in order and wind up the society{apos}s wartime activities. In June 1919, however, this man of average build (at five feet ten and one-half inches and 155 pounds) found his health threatened again, this time by an attack of pleurisy that confined him to bed.

Blaylock{apos}s brother, Selwyn Gwillym, was a metallurgist, and this fact may have influenced the choice of career made by his son, Peter Woodburn; like his father and uncle, Peter would study at Bishop{apos}s College and McGill University, where he obtained a bsc. He went on to become one of the vice-presidents of Shawinigan Chemicals. Harry Blaylock died in Montreal at the age of 50, leaving his wife, son, and brother. Like many of his English Canadian compatriots, he could have used his connections to take command of a unit at the front in World War I. He chose instead to follow Lady Drummond and take up her favourite charity, the Red Cross. In retrospect, this was the right choice, for Blaylock made outstanding efforts to alleviate the suffering of his fellowmen.

AC, Bonaventure (New Carlisle), État civil, Anglicans, New Carlisle and Paspébiac Anglican Church, 7 févr. 1878. LAC, RG 150, Acc. 1992-93/166, box 817-1. Alberta Geneal. Soc., Edmonton branch, Alberta: index to registration of births, marriages and deaths . . . (1v. to date, Edmonton, 1995-?), 1 (1870 to 1905). Kenneth Cameron, History of No.1 General Hospital, Canadian Expeditionary Force . . . 1914-1919 (Sackville, N.B., 1938). Can., Dept. of Militia and Defence, Militia list (Ottawa), January 1899, January 1919, December 1922. Canadian Almanac . . . (Toronto), 1875-1912. Canadian annual rev., 1918-19. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Canadian who{apos}s who, 1910. Andrew Macphail, Official history of the Canadian forces in the Great War, 1914-19: the medical services (Ottawa, 1925). Mary Macleod Moore, The Maple Leaf{apos}s Red Cross: the war story of the Canadian Red Cross overseas (London, [1919]). Nicholson, CEF. Geoffrey Noon, {d-0}The treatment of casualties in the Great War,{d-1} in British fighting methods in the Great War, ed. Paddy Griffith (London, 1996), 87-112. Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell), 2.

William Borland, Robert Borland{apos}s ancestor, came to Upper Canada from New Hampshire with his wife and family in 1799, settled in Durham County, and served with the 1st Durham Militia during the War of 1812. Nothing is known of Robert{apos}s early life except that he did not stay long on the family farm in Durham, near Bowmanville. He arrived in British Columbia about 1862 and took part in the Cariboo gold rush and in 1867 in the short-lived rush on Cedar Creek at Quesnel Lake.

In 1869 Borland formed a partnership with George Adolphus Vieth, a Halifax native, and together they purchased Willow Ranch, on the Keithley Creek delta at Cariboo Lake. Located on the pack-trail linking the Cariboo wagon road and Barkerville [see William Barker*], the ranch had been an important stopping place during the gold rush. It produced grain for pack-train animals and large quantities of vegetables, and, under Vieth and Borland{apos}s management, it became the social and commercial centre of the east Cariboo region. The post office, saloon, store, and hotel established at Keithley Creek served a population of 100 to 200 miners. With a third partner, Robert McNab, Vieth and Borland opened a second store, at the junction of Little Snowshoe and Keithley creeks on the trail to Barkerville. At both stores miners paid with gold dust or with furs in winter. To help some of them over rough times, Vieth and Borland often held mortgages on their claims. In this way the two merchants, who also worked the Grotto and Onward mines on Keithley Creek, acquired a number of lucrative claims on Little Snowshoe.

About 1884 Vieth and Borland purchased the 150 Mile stopping-house on the Cariboo Road from Gavin Hamilton, a former Hudson{apos}s Bay Company factor. Here they raised cattle, harvested grain, and operated a post office, saloon, and hotel. Known for their social involvement, they took their turn in the round of winter festivities by hosting {d-0}Batchelor Balls.{d-1} As well, they cared for a number of gold-rush old-timers at both Keithley Creek and 150 Mile House, keeping them employed chopping wood and carrying out other chores. Another pioneer, Martha Hutch, a native woman who supervised the laundry at Keithley Creek, was looked after until her death.

In 1888 Vieth and Borland contracted with the HBC to pack freight from Hazelton to Babine Lake at two cents per pound for 200,000 pounds. That same year Borland, who occasionally went along on trips, accompanied the train from Quesnel to Hazelton on the Skeena River. Arriving at the time of the affair sparked by the shooting of a Gitksan Indian, he was considered neutral and given passage down the Skeena to Port Essington, where he caught a boat to Victoria. Striding into a sitting of the provincial legislature, he startled the members with the announcement, {d-0}Gentlemen, do you know there is a war on?{d-1}

As a result of the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway, a hydraulic-mining boom took place in east Cariboo between 1890 and 1910. Vieth and Borland held shares in the South Fork Hydraulic Mining Company, which worked a site two miles above Quesnel Forks on the South Fork (Quesnel) River. Privately acquired in 1894 by a group of CPR directors and renamed the Cariboo Hydraulic Mining Company (later Consolidated Cariboo Hydraulic Mining), it employed over 200 men at the Bullion Pit mine. Vieth and Borland drove in cattle from their 150 Mile ranch to supply this camp. The partners, in fact, advertised 150 Mile House in the Ashcroft Journal as {d-0}the distributing point for all the hydraulic mines at Horse Fly, North and South Forks and main Quesnelle River, also the stock ranges of Chilcoten and Beaver Lake Valley.{d-1} The mining boom led as well to the survey of Quesnel Forks into town lots in 1892. Vieth and Borland purchased two and opened another hotel, store, and saloon.

It appears from their correspondence and ledgers that Vieth was the accountant during their long partnership, which would last until Vieth{apos}s death in 1906. But Borland was also astute, especially in land purchases. By signing countless petitions and visiting government representatives in Victoria, the two men gained improvements to trails and wagon roads. On one occasion they took matters into their own hands by clearing a pack-trail near the Frypan Mountains in the Omineca region and then requesting reimbursement. Their only competition was Peter Curran Dunlevy, a native of Pittsburgh who owned a hotel at Soda Creek, invested in mines at Barkerville, real estate in Vancouver, and a railway and quarry on Vancouver Island, and transported supplies into the Cassiar region. Vieth and Borland were more localized than Dunlevy: except for their wide-ranging packing business, they concentrated on east Cariboo and the Cariboo Road.

In 1898 Vieth and Borland sold their pack-train business, once valued at $4,800 and consisting of 60 pack-mules, 5 riding mules, 8 four-year-old mules (halter-broken), and 1 bell-mare. Borland personally delivered the train to Glenora, in northwestern British Columbia. Following the sale of 150 Mile House in 1899, he acquired the William Pinchbeck ranch on nearby Williams Lake on his own. Under his management, this ranch, which he named Kinlochaline, was known as {d-0}one of the best fodder producing farms in the district.{d-1} He sold the land to the provincial government about 1913; it became the Pacific Great Eastern Railway terminus in 1919 and the town-site of Williams Lake.

Following George Vieth{apos}s death, Borland had taken on responsibility for managing Willow Ranch as well as Kinlochaline. After the latter{apos}s sale, he spent his remaining years at Willow Ranch. Despite his apparent good fortune, his personal life may not have been altogether happy. His marriage in 1898 to 21-year-old Chryssie Glassey ended in divorce after she spent a lot of his money and then left him. Robert Borland was described in the Vancouver Daily Province in 1923 as {d-0}powerfully built, very strong, resourceful and dependable and generally well liked by all those whom he served.{d-1} Few could match his kindness and generosity. He had provided eight double teams for the funeral of Beaver valley pioneer Frank Guy, for example, and had deferred the grocery charges of ailing miner John (Aurora Jack) Edwards. In contrast to the boom-and-bust nature of so much mining activity, Vieth and Borland{apos}s investment in the Cariboo demonstrates their long-term commitment to the region. Borland died in January 1923 in Quesnel and was buried at Keithley Creek; he left his estate to a niece, Mabel Borland. Borland Creek at 150 Mile House, Borland Street in Williams Lake, and Mount Borland near Cariboo Lake are named for this popular merchant and miner.

Hewitt Bostock{apos}s father, Samuel, profited handsomely from investments on the London Stock Exchange during the mid-Victorian boom. His success allowed him to move his family to The Hermitage, in the parish of Walton on the Hill near Epsom, where he cultivated the style of a country squire and where Hewitt was born. Although Samuel died when his eldest son was only four, the family{apos}s substantial fortune did not fail. At the age of 10 Hewitt was enrolled at a boarding school in Brighton and he subsequently studied in Guildford. His early education was followed by a mathematics degree at Trinity College, Cambridge, which he attended from 1882 to 1885 and where he would obtain an ma in 1890. Despite a bout with pneumonia, contracted whilst on a climbing expedition in Switzerland in 1881, he demonstrated ability as a rower at Cambridge in 1883. Bostock accumulated diplomas, but gives the impression of an intellectual dilettante: he obtained only a third in his ba, and although he would be called to the bar in 1888 by Lincoln{apos}s Inn in London, he never practised law.

In 1886 Bostock made his first foray to Canada, travelling with his sister Marian Iliff (May) and some friends. Touring Ottawa, Bostock inspected the Parliament Buildings and saw the Conservative prime minister, Sir John A. Macdonald* (whom he described as {d-0}a fine-looking man{d-1}). An Anglican, he also made connections with Canon William Henry Cooper, who the next year took over the Church of England mission in Kamloops, B.C. It appears to have been this meeting that led Bostock to visit the Thompson valley in 1888, part-way through a tour of North America, the Antipodes, China, and Japan. During this visit he purchased the ranch of Jacob Duck, an English settler, for $45,000. Possibly he viewed the property at Ducks, as the area was known, as little more than another investment in an already bulging portfolio, an exotic revenue-generating retreat on which he would vacation from time to time. In 1890 Bostock and his new bride, Lizzie, spent part of their honeymoon at the ranch, and they repeated the visit in 1891. Two years later the Bostocks moved from England to British Columbia, where they erected a fine home in an exclusive Victoria neighbourhood, leaving the ranch in the hands of a manager.

Although a Conservative in England, Bostock found in Canada that he preferred the Liberal policy of freer trade to the tariff that Macdonald{apos}s government had introduced. In April 1894 he established the Province newspaper in Victoria, which ran as a weekly and was critical of the National Policy. That September Liberal leader Wilfrid Laurier* visited British Columbia and persuaded Bostock to run for parliament in the Yale-Cariboo constituency. The decision to do so led him to spend more time at Monte Creek, as Ducks was now called, where he built a generously proportioned ranch house for his growing family. Around the same time he established the Kootenay Lumber Company. By 1895 he had made a sufficiently good impression on the locals that he was elected first president of the Kamloops Agricultural Association.

The 1896 federal election saw Bostock take up his career in politics. He quietly purchased the Kamloops Inland Sentinel, setting up Francis John Deane, a Liberal, as his editor. With Bostock in the shadows, Deane ran an effective and expensive campaign against the powerful Conservative incumbent, John Andrew Mara, while Bostock visited one hamlet after another. Having spent $1,350 to Mara{apos}s $500, Bostock won the election with a comfortable majority and served a single term under Laurier, acting as one of the caucus whips. Otherwise, his principal claim to fame as an mp was the introduction of a bill that, had it passed, would have formalized the practice of railway companies carrying parliamentarians free of charge. Like many of his contemporaries, Bostock was vocal in his opposition to further Chinese immigration to Canada, which he viewed as a racial, social, and economic threat. He also regarded southern Europeans with contempt, claiming in 1897 that {d-0}the Italians were nearly as great a menace as the Chinamen.{d-1} Bostock did not seek re-election in 1900.

At the turn of the century Bostock made two important moves. First, in 1898, responding to entreaties from the business community in Vancouver, he established a daily edition of the Province on the mainland, running it in partnership with Walter Cameron Nichol (to whom he subsequently sold his interest). Second, he disposed of his house in Victoria, and moved with his family to the Monte Creek ranch. Bostock found further opportunities to invest locally, becoming president of the Tranquille Creek Hydraulic and Quartz Mining Company Limited and building two business blocks on Kamloops{apos}s Main Street.

In 1904 Bostock was appointed to the Senate. Ten years later he became leader of the Liberals in the upper house. Along with most of his party, he opposed the Naval Aid Bill of 1913 and the War-time Elections Act of 1917, both introduced by the Conservative government of Robert Laird Borden*. In contrast to his earlier nativism, he objected to the cynicism of the latter bill in so far as it disenfranchised loyal immigrant Canadians. Nonetheless, he threw in his lot with the pro-conscription forces and travelled the west in 1917 advocating a union government. (The previous year his son Alexander Hewitt had been killed in action in France.) Bostock entered William Lyon Mackenzie King*{apos}s first cabinet as minister of public works in late December 1921, a position he relinquished a little over a month later when he became speaker of the Senate. By that time Bostock had achieved some notoriety as an opponent of railway nationalization. In 1925 Bostock was one of Canada{apos}s delegates at the sixth assembly of the League of Nations at Geneva. A young man when he had entered politics, by the time of his death in 1930 he had outlived all but a handful of his contemporaries from the Laurier government and was one of the most senior members of the Senate.

Described in his obituaries and memorials as {d-0}courtly,{d-1} a {d-0}country gentlemen,{d-1} and {d-0}a man of culture, ability, genial disposition and fine presence,{d-1} Bostock appears to have made a career out of being stately. His associations included the Canadian branch of the British Empire League, the Canadian Forestry Association, the Interior Stock Raisers{s-1-unknown} Association of British Columbia, the Rideau Club in Ottawa, the first golf and badminton clubs in Victoria, the masonic lodge, the Alpine Club of Canada, and the St John Ambulance Association, of which he was national president at the time of his death. In addition, he was a fellow of the Royal Colonial Institute and Royal Agricultural Society of England. As patriarch of a family that included three sons and four daughters, he emphasized the advantages of further education: two sons obtained engineering degrees (and one of them a phd in geology) and his eldest daughter trained at the University of London and practised as an md in London and India.

Kamloops Museum and Arch. (Kamloops, B.C.), Vertical files, Bostock family. Inland Sentinel (Kamloops), 4 Sept. 1896; 12 Feb., 30 April 1897. Times (London), 14 June 1890, 30 April 1930. Mary Balf, Kamloops: a history of the district up to 1914 (3rd ed., Kamloops, 1989). A. L. Earl, {d-0}Monte Creek: the western frontier: politics, murder and robbery,{d-1} in Reflections: Thompson valley histories, ed. Wayne Norton and Wilf Schmidt (Kamloops, 1994), 131-34. Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell).

BOURQUE, EDMOND-JOSEPH, physician and professor; b. 22 Jan. 1843 in L{apos}Assomption, Lower Canada, son of Édouard Bourque, a farmer, and Olive Jeannot, dit Lachapelle; m. first 27 May 1867 in Sainte-Scholastique (Mirabel), Lower Canada, Iphigénie Desjardins, sister of Alphonse*, a lawyer and future mp, and of Louis-Édouard* and Henri, who would both make a name as ophthalmologists, and they had eight children, including Henri, a rector of the Collège de Saint-Boniface in Manitoba, and Edmond, a physician in Ottawa; m. secondly 31 July 1911 Georgine Gagnon in Montreal; they had no children; d. 12 Dec. 1921 at the convent of the Sisters of Charity of Providence in L{apos}Assomption.

In 1854 Edmond-Joseph Bourque entered the Collège de L{apos}Assomption, where he was a classmate of Wilfrid Laurier*. He turned next to medicine, enrolling in the Montreal School of Medicine and Surgery in 1862. After graduating in 1865, he was in general practice for 20 years, first in Saint-Valentin, near the Richelieu River, for seven years, and then in Montreal.

In 1885 the government of John Jones Ross*, determined to exercise greater control over the asylums it funded in the province, set up medical boards for the Asile de Beauport and the Asile de Longue-Pointe (also known as the Hôpital Saint-Jean-de-Dieu). Comprised of three government-appointed physicians, these boards were responsible for the admission, treatment, and discharge of mentally ill patients. The legislation, which was known as the Ross Act, was passed at the request of the Montreal Medico-Chirurgical Society, which had embraced the criticisms of the English alienist Daniel Hack Tuke about the deplorable state of the province{apos}s asylums. Taking the position that this statute violated the contract they had signed with the government, the Sisters of Charity of Providence, who administered the Asile de Longue-Pointe, decided not to obey the directives of the medical board, whose superintendent was Henry Howard*, and they hired three attending physicians. The asylum{apos}s medical staff now included two categories of physicians: those appointed by the government and those employed by the sisters. Bourque was one of the latter. He was immediately sent to Europe at the sisters{s-1-unknown} expense to specialize in psychiatry. He undertook a six-month training period, during which he visited many asylums in England, Belgium, and France, and attended clinical classes on mental illness in London and especially in Paris. On his return to Canada in 1886, he was appointed head of the medical staff for the Asile de Longue-Pointe, a position he held until 1909.

When he took up his duties, Bourque found himself responsible for the daily treatment of the asylum{apos}s 950 patients. He lost no time in introducing substantial changes. For example, about 40 cells were demolished and replaced by public wards. Bourque also did away with metal restraints, whose use had been sharply criticized by Tuke; instead he introduced the straitjacket, a more flexible device he had seen utilized in Europe. Unfortunately, these reforms came to an abrupt halt in May 1890 when the asylum burned down. Bourque himself almost lost his life during the blaze, which left some 80 people dead. Temporary wards were built to house patients and it was not until 1901 that a new hospital, with a capacity of 2,000 beds, was opened.

Relations between Bourque and the Sisters of Providence seem always to have been extremely cordial. Testifying in 1888 before the royal commission on lunatic asylums, which had been set up the previous year by the government of Honoré Mercier* with a view to resolving the crisis surrounding institutions for the care of the mentally ill, Bourque indicated that the sisters had never put any restrictions on the treatments he proposed. In 1889 he and his assistant, Dr Adélard Barolet, accompanied the director of the asylum, Cléophée Têtu*, named Thérèse de Jésus, and Sister Madeleine du Sacré-Cœur to Europe, where they visited some 40 asylums. However, Bourque{apos}s relations with the hospital{apos}s medical board were rather strained during the early years. For example, he noted in 1888 that it did not consult him before deciding to discharge some patients. The following year, at an international congress on mental medicine in Paris, he defended the system of private asylums in existence in Quebec, taking a view opposite to that of the medical superintendent of the Asile de Longue-Pointe, Dr Emmanuel-Évariste Duquet (Duquette), who favoured public asylums. Bourque{apos}s participation in this congress gained him membership in the Société Médico-Psychologique of Paris.

However, Bourque was to make his most important contribution at the theoretical level. On his return from Europe he had disseminated in L{apos}Union médicale du Canada the teachings of Valentin Magnan, a French psychiatrist whose theory of degeneration, emphasizing an acquired or hereditary predisposition to mental illness, would be the dominant paradigm of Quebec psychiatrists until early in the 1920s. In addition, Bourque{apos}s clinical teaching on mental illness, which he had begun upon his return, had been recognized in 1888 by the Montreal School of Medicine and Surgery.

Edmond-Joseph Bourque is the author of {d-0}Le délire chronique,{d-1} L{apos}Union médicale du Canada (Montréal), 15 (1886): 193-98; {d-0}De la céphalée des adolescents,{d-1} La Gazette médicale de Montréal, 1 (1887): 59-63; {d-0}Clinique des maladies mentales,{d-1} La Gazette médicale de Montréal, 2 (1888): 388-90; and {d-0}Paralysie générale des aliénés,{d-1} La Gazette médicale de Montréal, 3 (1889): 149-55.

ANQ-M, CE605-S14, 22 janv. 1843; CE606-S22, 27 mai 1867. ANQ-Q, E104. Le Devoir, 13 déc. 1921. La Presse, 13 déc. 1921. Adélard Barolet, {d-0}Rapport du Congrès international de médecine mentale,{d-1} La Gazette médicale de Montréal, 3: 433-37. Denis Goulet, Histoire de la faculté de médecine de l{apos}université de Montréal, 1843-1993 (Montréal, 1993). Guy Grenier, {d-0}L{apos}implantation et les applications de la doctrine de la dégénérescence dans le champ de la médecine et de l{apos}hygiène mentales au Québec entre 1885 et 1930{inch} (mémoire de ma, univ. de Montréal, 1990). Peter Keating, La science du mal: l{apos}institution de la psychiatrie au Québec, 1800-1914 ([Montréal, 1993]). Montreal School of Medicine and Surgery, Annuaire, 1862-65. Sœur Thérèse de Jésus [Cléophée Têtu] et sœur Madeleine du Sacré-Cœur [Madeleine Desjardins], Récit de voyage d{apos}Europe . . . 1889 (s.l., n.d.). D. H. Tuke, The insane in the United States and Canada (London, 1885).

James Bower{apos}s mother and father were born in Ireland and became part of the surging wave of British immigration that began washing over Upper Canada after the Napoleonic Wars. His father carried on his trade of blacksmith north of Toronto and farmed, first near Georgian Bay and then in Mono Township, not far from Orangeville. Both Anglicans, his parents had been married by Bishop John Strachan* - that rigid and powerful patriarch of the colonial political elite - but the less formal and democratic James Bower became a Methodist. The youngest of seven children, Bower proved energetic and ambitious: he operated a farm, a planing mill, a sash and door factory, and an electric light utility, and he acted as a building contractor in the Orangeville area.

After two accidents struck his businesses, Bower, like growing numbers of restless fellow Ontarians, sought a new frontier of opportunity in {d-0}the last, best west.{d-1} The bushy-moustached pioneer intended to look for land north of Red Deer, but during a stop at the village in 1899 he missed his train and bought property nearby. He soon accumulated more land and produced the brick for a district school and his commodious house, which he built in 1905. A prosperous and progressive farmer, Bower raised Percheron horses, imported from France, and registered Shorthorn cattle, and in 1907 he purchased the first International Harvester gasoline tractor in western Canada.

Like many successful agriculturalists, Bower became a leading light in the farm movement. In 1908 he was active in the Central Alberta Stock Growers{s-1-unknown} Association and the Alberta Farmers{s-1-unknown} Association. In the same year he was appointed to a government commission that heard evidence about the pork industry. The commission recommended in 1909 that the province construct and operate a processing plant once producers had signed contracts to supply 50,000 hogs per year. To Bower{apos}s chagrin, farmers failed to pledge enough animals, and the plant was never built.

In 1909 the AFA amalgamated with the Canadian Society of Equity, a rival farm organization, to form the United Farmers of Alberta. Bower{apos}s stature was such that he was elected the first president of the UFA and continued to be elected until he stepped down in 1912. Shortly after becoming president, he sought to gain access to British Columbia markets for Alberta farm products, and to this end he proposed municipally owned abattoirs, which would compete with the meat-trade monopoly, and lower railway rates. A conference of Alberta and British Columbia business interests held in Vancouver in 1910, which Bower organized and chaired, endorsed these suggestions, and in 1910-11 he worked with the Vancouver Board of Trade in a vain attempt to end freight-rate discrimination against the west. In 1909 Bower had helped to found and was president of the Red Deer Co-operative Association, the first UFA cooperative. It did an impressive business in its initial year, selling livestock, hay, and grain, and served as a model for other UFA cooperatives. Bower worked tirelessly for national cooperative legislation.

Like most prairie farmers, Bower was an ardent believer in freer trade. When Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier* toured the Canadian west in 1910, Bower greeted him at Red Deer on 10 August and at Lethbridge on 1 September, and along with other UFA leaders he made an impassioned plea for lower tariffs and other measures. As vice-president of the Canadian Council of Agriculture and president of the UFA, Bower was one of some 800 farmers{s-1-unknown} representatives who on 16 Dec. 1910 descended upon the nation{apos}s capital in the great {d-0}siege of Ottawa{d-1} in order to address the government [see James Speakman*]. Following up a paper that he had left with Laurier in Alberta, Bower requested that railway companies be held liable for livestock killed by trains, a campaign that he had spearheaded and would fight without ceasing.

To the delight of Bower and farmers across the country, in early 1911 the Laurier government struck a reciprocity agreement with the United States, which promised to open the American market for Canadian natural products. By this time Bower had become a figure of national importance. Elected president of the CCA for 1911-12, he lobbied federal politicians to support reciprocity, a federal export system for chilled meat, a bill that would reform the grain industry, and federally owned and operated grain terminals. In the run-up to the federal election in September he exhorted UFA members to vote for pro-reciprocity candidates, which effectively meant Liberal candidates. He suggested that the agreement would not only increase prices of agricultural products, but by expanding north-south trade would force the railway companies to lower freight charges. To his bitter disappointment and that of most Canadian farmers, Robert Laird Borden*{apos}s Conservatives won the election and scrapped the reciprocity deal. Bower was, however, able to take some satisfaction in the new government{apos}s construction of terminal elevators in 1913-16. His efforts to improve the provincial country elevator system also bore fruit. Although he had originally echoed most farmers{s-1-unknown} wish for a government-owned line of elevators, he and the rest of the UFA elevator committee were unimpressed with Manitoba{apos}s experiment with public elevators, and in 1912 they steered the UFA to agitate for a government-financed, farmer-controlled cooperative scheme. As a result, in 1913 the Alberta Farmers Co-operative Elevator Company Limited was created [see Edwin Carswell*]. In 1917 it would merge with the Grain Growers{s-1-unknown} Grain Company to become United Grain Growers Limited.

The author would like to thank Ted Bower of Calgary (subject{apos}s grandson) and Dorothy and Ruth Bower of Red Deer, Alta (subject{apos}s granddaughters) for consenting to interviews and for allowing him access to documents and letters in their possession.

GA, BR UFA, minutes and reports of annual conventions, 1910-12. Grain Growers{s-1-unknown} Guide (Winnipeg), March 1909; 9 March, 6 April, 1, 22 June, 24, 31 Aug., 21 Sept., 21, 28 Dec. 1910; 15 Feb., 1, 15, 29 March, 12 July, 16 Aug., 20 Sept., 4 Oct. 1911; 25 May 1921. Red Deer Advocate, 20 May 1921. Canadian annual rev., 1910, 1913. D. G. Embree, {d-0}The rise of the United Farmers of Alberta{d-1} (MA thesis, Univ. of Alta, Edmonton, 1956). Farm and Ranch Rev. ([Calgary]), 4 (1908), no.1. Red Deer East Hist. Soc., Mingling memories (Red Deer, 1979). B. J. Rennie, The rise of agrarian democracy: the United Farmers and Farm Women of Alberta, 1909-1921 (Toronto, 2000).

William Breen, usually known as Billy, was one of Winnipeg{apos}s best athletes in the early 20th century. He was a skilful bowler and golfer. As a young man he excelled in soccer. The sport in which he achieved a national reputation, however, was hockey and his career illustrates both the problems confronted and the possibilities enjoyed by the foremost hockey players of his era.

Breen was a member of a respected Winnipeg family. His parents had come to the city directly from Ireland early in the 1880s and had helped found Young Methodist Church. His athletic abilities were evident during his years at Mulvey School and Central Collegiate. From 1899 until 1907 he was a member of either the Winnipeg Hockey Club or the Winnipeg Rowing Club{apos}s hockey club. The organizations he belonged to were always part of the best senior amateur league in Manitoba, and in those years the best senior amateur league in Manitoba was always one of the best in Canada. Breen led the league in goals during five of his eight seasons. In 1903-4 he was a star on the Rowing Club team that challenged the Ottawa Silver Seven [see Francis Clarence McGee*] for the Stanley Cup. The Winnipeg team lost two of the three games in the strongly contested series; seven of its nine players were hurt. Included in the Manitoba Free Press{apos}s list of injured players was Breen, {d-0}bruised and broken-up.{d-1}

During 1907-8 and 1908-9 Breen played in a professional hockey league in Manitoba. The league was not successful, and it ceased to operate early in 1909. It experienced difficulties that were common in early professional leagues in many sports: extremely violent games, {d-0}fixed{d-1} matches or at least allegations of {d-0}fixing,{d-1} players and owners who broke contracts or agreements, and teams which folded part way through a season.

AM, MG 10, D17; D26. Minn., Dept. of Health, Registry of vital statistics (Minneapolis), Death records, 3 Sept. 1927. Private arch., Morris Mott (Brandon, Man.), Amateur Athletic Union of Canada, Manitoba sect., minutes, 1912-20; Ed Sweeney (Winnipeg), Information on W. W. Breen. St John{apos}s Anglican Cathedral (Winnipeg), Reg. of burials, 6 Sept. 1927. Manitoba Free Press, 1899-1913, 5 Sept. 1927. Winnipeg Telegram, 1907-8. Winnipeg Tribune, 1907-10, 6 Sept. 1927. F. S. Cosentino, {d-0}A history of the concept of professionalism in Canadian sport{d-1} (ma thesis, Univ. of Alta, Edmonton, 1973). R. S. Gruneau and David Whitson, Hockey night in Canada: sport, identities and cultural politics (Toronto, 1993). Bruce Kidd, The struggle for Canadian sport (Toronto, 1996). K. L. Langsley, {d-0}The Amateur Athletic Union of Canada and changing concepts of amateurism{d-1} (phd thesis, Univ. of Alta, 1971). Alan Metcalfe, Canada learns to play: the emergence of organized sport, 1807-1914 (Toronto, 1987); {d-0}The meaning of amateurism: a case study of Canadian sport, 1884-1970,{d-1} Canadian Journal of Hist. of Sport (Windsor, Ont.), 26 (1995), no.2: 33-48. Don Morrow, {d-0}A case study in amateur conflict: the athletic war in Canada, 1906-08,{d-1} British Journal of Sports Hist. (London), 3 (1986): 173-90. Morris Mott, {d-0}The problems of professionalism: the Manitoba Amateur Athletic Association and the fight against pro hockey, 1904-1911,{d-1} in Winter sports in the west, ed. E. A. Corbet and A. W. Rasporich (Calgary, 1990), 132-42; {d-0}{s-0}Tough to make it{s-1-unknown}: the history of professional team sports in Manitoba,{d-1} in The geography of Manitoba: its land and its people, ed. John Welsted et al. (Winnipeg, 1996), 302-14.

Edmund Bristol inherited a family tradition of patriotic service to the crown. The Bristols were of English descent, but their claim to prominence rested in their status as loyalists. Edmund{apos}s great-grandfather had fought in the American revolution, his grandfathers in the War of 1812, and his father against the Fenians.

After studying at Napanee{apos}s public schools and Upper Canada College in Toronto, Bristol attended the University of Toronto to prepare for a career in law. As an undergraduate, he was elected president of University College{apos}s Literary and Scientific Society. He received his ba in 1883 and proceeded to study at Osgoode Hall. Called to the bar on 17 May 1886, he remained in Toronto, becoming a partner in Howland, Arnoldi, and Bristol, and he began to dabble in Conservative politics. He was named a federal qc in 1896 and an Ontario kc in 1908. His marriage to Dorothy Armour in 1899 produced a connection that would significantly aid his career. His father-in-law, John Douglas Armour, was chief justice of Ontario, and his brother-in-law Eric Norman Armour became a law partner in 1902.

A recognized authority on corporate and international law, Bristol devoted most of his time to his practice and other business pursuits, in which he was quite successful. With offices on Victoria Street, in the heart of Toronto{apos}s financial district, he facilitated many corporate mergers, acquisitions, and capitalizations. For example, he negotiated the merger of two dry-goods retailers to form Murray-Kay Limited in 1910. As well, he used his political connections to secure investments, licences, and incorporations for the newly formed Canada Securities Corporation, an upstart rival to such trading firms as the Dominion Securities Corporation, established by George Albertus Cox*. However, most of his efforts were directed towards transportation: he was a director of Northern Navigation, Canada Steamship Lines, and Richelieu and Ontario Navigation, which was undergoing major growth through amalgamation. His personal portfolio was such that he could routinely make $1,000 stock trades. Bristol{apos}s interests took him regularly to London, Paris, and New York, and on occasion he would combine business and politics. During one trip to London, in 1917, he represented the Department of Marine and Fisheries during negotiations on shipping matters with the imperial government.

Bristol{apos}s political influence had been shaped during terms as vice-president and president of both the Toronto Conservative Association and the Ontario Conservative Association. In a by-election in Toronto Centre in 1905, he was returned by acclamation to the House of Commons. He would hold this riding, which became Toronto East Centre in 1925, until 1926. E. N. Armour, himself a one-time parliamentary candidate, handled his campaigns as well as his business and political correspondence during his trips.

Bristol was a rare parliamentarian. His administrative skills made him far more useful than did his lacklustre oratorical ability. During World War I he ably served Albert Edward Kemp, the mp for Toronto East, chair of the War Purchasing Commission, and then minister of militia and defence and later of overseas military forces. Bristol{apos}s job really seems to have been to deal with Kemp{apos}s mail, especially during his two years in purchasing. Kemp once protested Bristol{apos}s frequent absences, claiming he needed his aid {d-0}day and night.{d-1} Following the war, Bristol served as a minister without portfolio for three months in 1921 in the cabinet of Arthur Meighen*. During his two decades as an mp, he spent little time in the house. When he appeared during debate in 1915, George Perry Graham* had paused to {d-0}welcome this stranger.{d-1} To win support, Bristol relied on back-room organizing rather than rhetoric. In 1911 he had attended campaign strategy meetings with federal leader Robert Laird Borden* and Ontario premier Sir James Pliny Whitney*. As president of the Ontario Conservative Association, he managed provincial campaigns through the 1920s.

Much of Bristol{apos}s surviving political correspondence deals with patronage, and it is here that he becomes particularly interesting. Since Jewish and Italian constituents were proportionately over-represented in his riding, this material provides an excellent snapshot of the accommodations negotiated between them and the Anglo-Protestant bourgeoisie who controlled the political apparatus. Bristol seems remarkable for his lack of ethnic prejudice, though his tolerance may simply have been the sign of an astute politician. His tireless efforts on behalf of his Jewish, and to a lesser extent Italian, supporters played a crucial role in creating space for these groups within the Canadian polity.

This patronage system shone brightest in the years of fat government spending at the beginning of the Great War. Demands for military uniforms soared and much of the supply came from the Jewish garment manufacturers in Toronto Centre. Although Bristol repeatedly complained to cabinet that the Toronto faithful were not receiving their fair share of contracts, he personally negotiated the allotment of numerous orders. In January 1915 he defended his record on this score to Mayor Thomas Langton Church*. But as Bristol quickly discovered, even his patronage network was unable to meet the government{apos}s demand for supplies. Moreover, the inefficiency of the process greatly elevated both contractors{s-1-unknown} expectations and voters{s-1-unknown} antagonism to the system. When Borden{apos}s Union coalition fought the election of 1917, it placed the elimination of patronage just below winning the war in its platform. The resulting reforms to government purchasing deprived Bristol of his most useful tool in political management, and his interest in the welfare of individual constituents declined sharply. Nonetheless, his organizational abilities remained unimpaired. The federal caucus appointed him to run the 1921 campaign in central Ontario and he was a key organizer for the national, as well as the provincial, party throughout the 1920s.

Bristol{apos}s status in his professional and political affairs was reflected in his social life. An Anglican, he belonged to prestigious clubs in Toronto, Ottawa, Montreal, and London; in 1895 he won the Royal Canadian Yacht Club{apos}s Prince of Wales Cup. As members of the Toronto Hunt Club, both he and his wife were keen golfers who also enjoyed riding and hunting. Struck down by a brain haemorrhage in February 1927, Bristol suffered a second one on 13 July and died a day later. For a man who had handled so much wealth, he left an estate worth only $23,000.

AO, F 68; RG 22-305, no.57455; RG 80-8-0-1052, no.4650. LAC, MG 27, II, D9, 28, 54, 83; MG 30, A16, 25. Alan Gordon, {d-0}Patronage, etiquette, and the science of connection: Edmund Bristol and political management, 1911-21,{d-1} CHR, 80 (1999): 1-31; {d-0}Taking root in the patronage garden: Jewish businessmen in Toronto{apos}s Conservative party, 1891-1921,{d-1} OH, 88 (1996): 31-46. Norman Ward, {d-0}The Bristol papers: a note on patronage,{d-1} Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science (Toronto), 12 (1946): 78-87.

Samuel M. Brookfield{apos}s family immigrated to Nova Scotia in 1852, removed to New Brunswick, and returned to Nova Scotia in 1860. Samuel attended the Saint John Grammar School and later King{apos}s Collegiate School in Windsor, N.S., before going to work as his father{apos}s purchasing agent. Between 1862 and 1870 John Brookfield undertook much of the extensive rebuilding of the defences of Halifax initiated by the imperial government. He moved into civilian construction in 1866, taking over (from George Lang*) and completing the construction of the Provincial Building, designed by David Stirling*. Upon his death in 1870, Samuel assumed direction of the business. Throughout his career he would remain the most important building contractor in Nova Scotia. He also engaged in building projects in New Brunswick and Newfoundland.

Brookfield{apos}s involvement in the burst of industrial growth in Halifax that followed the opening of the Intercolonial Railway in 1876 extended beyond his role as a builder. He served as a director of the Nova Scotia Sugar Refinery and of the Nova Scotia Cotton Manufacturing Company; the refinery had been constructed by his firm in 1880-81 and the factory in 1882-83. He also built the Halifax Sugar Refinery (1883-84). In 1887 he and five others from Halifax founded the Eastern Canada Savings and Loan Company. Brookfield became the first president, a position he was to hold for the rest of his life. The success of this conservatively managed firm was attributed by vice-president William Chamberlain Silver* to {d-0}the safety of its securities - all the investments being mortgages on real estate with ample margin.{d-1}

Brookfield{apos}s most ambitious project was the construction and management of the Halifax graving dock. Technological change had undermined the Nova Scotian mercantile economy dependent upon wooden sailing vessels, and existing facilities were inadequate not only for the Royal Navy but for the steel-hulled steamships that were coming to dominate maritime commerce. Incorporated in London in 1885 with Brookfield as chairman, the Halifax Graving Dock Company was financed primarily by English capital, assisted by subsidies of $10,000 each for 20 years from the British Admiralty, the dominion government, and the City of Halifax. The dry dock opened in 1889, but demand proved disappointing and interest payments fell into arrears. The company restructured its debt in 1897, and Brookfield personally took over its operation, remaining managing director when his son John Waites Brookfield became manager in 1904. Increasingly he delegated the running of his construction business to Henry Roper, who was made manager in 1906 when the firm was incorporated as S. M. Brookfield Limited.

By 1918 the graving dock had become sufficiently profitable to redeem all the company{apos}s debt, although dividends were never paid to the shareholders. It had been damaged in the Halifax explosion of December 1917, but Brookfield had succeeded in getting it back in operation within two months. In June 1918, in order to create an integrated building and repair facility for steel ships on the east coast, the Canadian government proceeded with a controversial expropriation of the properties of the Halifax Graving Dock Company for $1,250,000; these assets were first leased and then sold to the newly formed Halifax Shipyards Limited. Brookfield and the other shareholders unsuccessfully contested the expropriation before the Exchequer Court of Canada, obtaining only a slight increase in compensation when the judgement came down in 1920.

Brookfield{apos}s drive to generate business for the graving dock involved him in both salvaging and shipping. The purchase and repair of the Ulunda, which had been stranded in the Bay of Fundy, led to the creation in 1892 of the Halifax, Liverpool and London Steamship Company, transformed the following year into the Canada and Newfoundland Steamship Company upon receipt of a Newfoundland mail contract. The company operated the Ulunda and two other vessels between Halifax, St John{apos}s, and Liverpool on a year-round basis until sold in 1898 to Furness, Withy and Company. Brookfield was also instrumental in 1908 in the formation of the Halifax Salvage Association, noted for its success in retrieving the 10,000-ton Canadian Pacific Railway steamship Mount Temple that year.

While opposing the closed shop, Brookfield accepted craft unionism and had the reputation of being a benevolent employer. A Methodist known for his generosity and a leading freemason, he served as a trustee and choir member of the Grafton Street Methodist Church and as a regent of Mount Allison College in Sackville, N.B., which awarded him an honorary dcl in 1917. He was the mainstay of the Protestant Industrial School for boys in Halifax, served as a director of the Protestant Orphans{s-1-unknown} Home and the Young Men{apos}s Christian Association, and was honorary president of the Boy Scouts, the Sailors{s-1-unknown} Home, and the Navy League. Although a declared Conservative, he had little to do with politics except for a brief period (1876-77) as an alderman.

Travelling to work by tram, by legend the earliest to arrive in the morning and the last to leave at night, Brookfield, an obituary noted, {d-0}was always to be seen at the motorman{apos}s shoulder, waiting for the car to come to a standstill, and was the first, never the last, to alight.{d-1} His wife predeceased him on 23 Feb. 1909. Brookfield bequeathed his entire estate of $248,238.98 to his son, who also succeeded him as president of S. M. Brookfield Limited, renamed the Brookfield Construction Company Limited.

Halifax County Court of Probate (Halifax), Estate papers, no.10787. NSARM, 1990-215/014, no.1; MG 1, vol.150c, nos.1-2; MG 100 vol.88, no.3.1. P. R. Blakeley, Glimpses of Halifax, 1867-1900 (Halifax, 1949; repr. Belleville, Ont., 1973). Harry Bruce, A century at Central Trust: the story of its growth (Halifax, 1987). Susan Buggey, {d-0}Building Halifax, 1841-1871,{d-1} Acadiensis (Fredericton), 10 (1980-81), no.1: 90-112. J. E. Chute, {d-0}Halifax{apos}s new south end: the North West Arm Land Company and a parkland legacy,{d-1} Royal N.S. Hist. Soc., Journal (Halifax), 3 (2000): 33-53. The city of Halifax, the capital of Nova Scotia, Canada: its advantages and facilities . . . , comp. J. Isaacs (Halifax, 1909). In memoriam, Samuel M. Brookfield, D.C.L. (Halifax, n.d.). Ian McKay, The craft transformed: an essay on the carpenters of Halifax, 1885-1985 (Halifax, 1985). Henry Roper, {d-0}The Halifax Board of Control: the failure of municipal reform, 1906-1919,{d-1} Acadiensis, 14 (1984-85), no.2: 46-65. J. S. Scott, {d-0}The foundation and structure of a building business,{d-1} Port and Province (Halifax), September 1937. V. L. Settle, {d-0}Halifax Shipyards, 1918-1978: an historical perspective{d-1} (MA thesis, St Mary{apos}s Univ., Halifax, 1994).

The only daughter of devout, humanitarian Quakers, Ada Brown was born on her maternal grandfather{apos}s farm, raised near Pickering, Ont., and educated at Pickering College and the Ontario Ladies{s-1-unknown} College in Whitby. She then taught music. In 1886 or 1887 the family moved to Toronto after a split in the Quaker community in Pickering. Although she and her parents later left the Quakers, her Christian faith, characterized by devotion to philanthropic and moral reform, would play a significant role in defining her life{apos}s work.

From an early date Ada and Andrew, who was removed from his editorship in 1902, were intent on setting up their own school. In preparation, Ada met frequently with kindergarten specialist Adaline Augusta Hughes and her husband, school inspector James Laughlin Hughes*, who together exposed her to progressive educational theories. In 1907 the Courtices opened a school on Howard Avenue with the aim of developing each pupil {d-0}physically, mentally and morally{d-1} and promoting {d-0}self-knowledge, self-control and healthy life.{d-1} A year later they founded the Balmy Beach College and School of Music and Art on Beech Avenue, which Ada would operate for ten years after her husband{apos}s death on 10 Nov. 1908.

Strong-willed and resourceful, Ada Courtice had a diverse range of interests. She was an advocate of peace and women{apos}s suffrage and advancement, and was involved with a number of reform organizations, including the National Council of Women of Canada and the Local Council in Toronto. From 1905 to 1913 she convened the National Council{apos}s standing committee on peace and arbitration. Although her attempts to establish subcommittees within local councils across Canada proved disappointing, she held tightly to her pacifist convictions; during World War I she would oppose conscription.

Most of Courtice{apos}s efforts had focused on bettering society by aiding children through improvements in education and family life. She most certainly knew of the movement to form home and school clubs, which, in Ontario, were associated with kindergartens or were organized as art leagues and mothers{s-1-unknown} clubs. They tended to favour social events, sports, and fund-raising. At her Balmy Beach school Courtice established a mothers{s-1-unknown} club. In 1914 she joined the education committee of the Toronto Local Council and, with its support, ran unsuccessfully for election to the Toronto Public School Board (the highest civic office a woman could hold). Her platform included the use of schools as social centres, improved playgrounds and physical education, more emphasis on vocational education, and better ways to prevent smoking and drinking among boys.

At a meeting of the Local Council on 12 Feb. 1916, on a motion by Courtice, the Toronto Home and School Council was formed. She was elected president, and Ada Hughes honorary president. This council, which included teachers and school officials as well as parents, was distinguished by its early focus on political action and educational reform. Its objectives were to provide a centre for the city{apos}s existing home and school clubs, to study educational issues, and to form {d-0}a committee to work in the interests of the municipal elections.{d-1} The council was not afraid to criticize schools and lobby for change. It promoted women as candidates in board elections, backed female teachers, supported the expansion of kindergarten, domestic science, and school health programs, and endorsed welfare measures for the poor. In one address to the council, Courtice spoke of its ability {d-0}to create interest in standards of home and school life, in a way that few organized efforts can do. It is because the home and school are the rock bottom foundations of individual and national character, that we have faith in our movement.{d-1}

In January 1917, with the council{apos}s support, Courtice and Dr Caroline Sophia Brown* secured seats on the school board. For four years Courtice worked to alter curriculum through the addition of French, agriculture, household science, and manual training, and through changes in the physical environment of schools, with an emphasis on more play and athletics. As well, she pushed for special educational facilities for slow learners and the handicapped. Her tenacity is illustrated by her challenge in 1917 of the board chairman{apos}s defence of a principal who had allegedly kissed a female student and by her unflinching support the following year of Freda Held, a teacher whose German parentage attracted vicious wartime abuse.

In May 1919 Courtice called a meeting, under the auspices of the Toronto Home and School Council, to discuss the advisability of forming a provincial body. A loosely organized coalition - of home and school associations, mothers{s-1-unknown} clubs, and school and art leagues - soon emerged, known as the Ontario Federation of Home and School Associations. By 1920 it had expanded to include representatives from teachers, inspectors, and women{apos}s institutes. It received a grant from the provincial Department of Education and gained status as a section within the Ontario Educational Association.

Courtice resigned her presidency of the Toronto council in 1920 and assumed the position of organizing secretary for the Ontario Federation. In her annual report for 1921-22 she stressed the importance of homes and schools working together and the democratic underpinning of such joint effort: {d-0}We are expressing a type of education not undertaken heretofore in a movement of the people, for and by people themselves, . . . the people of the neighbourhood must find and study their own problems and be able to create public opinion for advancement.{d-1} After Courtice was defeated in the school board elections of January 1921, in a wave of reaction, she devoted her attention to the expansion of local home and school clubs. In February the Toronto council established a home education committee, and Courtice agreed to serve as its convenor. It circulated lists of useful books, produced pamphlets for mothers, and distributed material on such topics as scientific budgeting for families and the proper balance of work, rest, and recreation.

By the time of Courtice{apos}s death from intestinal cancer in 1923, some 270 individual home and school associations had been formed throughout Ontario. Within a decade, however, what had started as a reform organization of middle-class women, with lofty ideals to change society through improved childhood education, had become less a challenge to the school system than a vehicle for accommodating accepted practices.

AO, RG 80-5-0-165, no.14443; RG 80-8-0-911, no.4675. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1901, Toronto, Ward 4, div.4: 9 (mfm. at AO). Globe, 11 Nov. 1908. L. M. Burgoyne, A history of the home and school movement in Ontario ([Toronto, 1934?]). Canadian annual rev., 1916: 425. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898). T. [A.] Crowley, {d-0}Ada Mary Brown Courtice: pacifist, feminist and educational reformer in early twentieth-century Canada,{d-1} Studies in Hist. and Politics ([Lennoxville, Que.]), 1 (1980): 76-114; {d-0}Parents in a hurry: the early home and school movement in Ontario,{d-1} Social Hist. (Ottawa), 19 (1986): 323-42. Kari Delhi, {d-0}For intelligent motherhood and national efficiency: the Toronto Home and School Council, 1916-1930,{d-1} in Gender and education in Ontario: an historical reader, ed. Ruby Heap and Alison Prentice (Toronto, 1991), 147-63. Alison Prentice et al., Canadian women: a history (Toronto, 1988), 183. T. P. Socknat, Witness against war: pacifism in Canada, 1900-1945 (Toronto, 1987). Veronica Strong-Boag, {d-0}Peace-making women: Canada, 1919-1939,{d-1} in Women and peace: theoretical, historical and practical perspectives, ed. Ruth Roach Pierson (London, 1987), 170-91. Toronto Home and School Council, Year-book, 1927/28.

BRUNET, FRANÇOIS-XAVIER, priest and bishop; b. 27 Nov. 1868 and baptized two days later in the parish of Saint-André-d{apos}Argenteuil, Que., son of François Brunet and Léocadie Joly; d. 7 Jan. 1922 in Montreal.

In 1873 François-Xavier Brunet{apos}s parents settled in Ottawa, where his father worked as a carter. François-Xavier received his elementary education from the Brothers of the Christian Schools and did his commercial and classical studies at the College of Ottawa, graduating with a ba in 1890. He then decided to enter the priesthood and studied theology at the Grand Séminaire d{apos}Ottawa. On 23 Sept. 1893, at the age of 24, he was ordained by Archbishop Joseph-Thomas Duhamel* of Ottawa. After serving as curate in Ottawa, as well as in Masson (Masson-Angers), Thurso, and Aylmer in Quebec, Brunet became curé in Mayo, near Buckingham, Que., in 1895. There he built the parish church for the Irish families and had a chapel erected for the German families. Appointed parish priest of Bourget, Ont., in 1900, he was called four years later to serve as secretary to Archbishop Duhamel, and then to his successor, Charles Hugh Gauthier.

On 6 Aug. 1913 Brunet was chosen bishop of the new diocese of Mont-Laurier, created through the subdivision of the diocese of Ottawa that April. In 1879, after a decade of expeditions to the northern part of his parish, the curé François-Xavier-Antoine Labelle* of Saint-Jérôme had put forward the idea of subdividing the dioceses of Montreal and Ottawa to create a new one in the north. He saw his work of agricultural colonization as the essential bulwark against the Protestants in the county of Argenteuil, who wanted to occupy the same territory. After the bishop of Montreal had refused to split his diocese, Labelle had left it to the religious authorities in Ottawa, who had piloted the project until 1913, changing the location of the proposed bishop{apos}s palace, however, from Nominingue to Mont-Laurier. Brunet was thoroughly familiar with the strengths and weaknesses of the territory being entrusted to him, with its farmland and forests. As secretary to the bishops of Ottawa, he had accompanied them on their pastoral visits to every parish in the vast diocese and had been put in charge in 1912 of an inquiry into the advantages and disadvantages of erecting a diocese with a seat in Mont-Laurier. Known for his {d-0}passion for work,{d-1} he accepted the appointment with humility, for he knew what it would cost him to set up the new diocese. He was consecrated bishop on 28 October by his metropolitan, Archbishop Gauthier, in the presence of many bishops and priests representing Quebec, Ontario, western Canada, and the Maritime provinces. He then left by train for the upper reaches of the Laurentians. His reception at Mont-Laurier was magnificent. The procession headed towards the little wooden church along a route lined with flags, streamers, arches of fir boughs, foliage-draped poles, and lights. The event gave the new bishop an opportunity to praise the work of Labelle and Archbishop Duhamel, the late chief architects of the spiritual and temporal development of the northern townships that would be his new field of missionary endeavour.

At that time, Bishop Brunet could count on the dedication of 48 fairly young priests, and his priority was to organize the diocese. He surrounded himself with men whose experience and energy would assist him in his plans. To the post of vicar general he appointed a curé known for his diplomacy and skill in his work as a colonizer and mediator, Samuel Ouimet of Saint-Jovite, who had been one of the closest colleagues of Labelle. Alphonse Génier, the energetic curé from Mont-Laurier, became his diocesan bursar, assigned to take charge of the construction of a true bishop{apos}s palace. To the cathedral parish, he named one of the strong personalities among his clergy, the curé Joseph-Eugène Limoges, who would succeed him in 1922.

There was no lack of work, for everything remained to be done. In 1913 the diocese had 30,400 Roman Catholics - 4,240 French-speaking families, 200 English-speaking, and 66 aboriginal - located in 28 parishes and seven missions. There were fewer than 2,000 Protestants. Besides setting up the spiritual and temporal structures, Brunet had to erect the various buildings in the fledgling diocese. In the spring of 1914 he asked his people for financial help in building his episcopal residence, which would be inaugurated on 28 October, the first anniversary of his consecration. Even before beginning the construction of his cathedral, he turned his attention to building a diocesan seminary. It was erected near the new bishop{apos}s residence and on 6 Sept. 1915 Brunet and the young superior, Abbé Rodolphe Mercure, welcomed the first 110 pupils to the Séminaire Saint-Joseph, which was affiliated to the Université Laval at Quebec. Brunet himself taught the courses in theology to the older seminarians. He wanted to create an atmosphere and instil a spirit of brotherhood and solidarity, rather than simply provide a course of studies. On 16 June 1918 he blessed the cornerstone of his cathedral, a handsome stone building overlooking the Rivière du Lièvre.

In January 1921 Rome authorized Bishop Brunet to set up the community of Sœurs de Notre-Dame de Mont-Laurier, so that the need for teachers in the parish schools of his diocese could be met. A month later he was one of the bishops who pressed for the founding of the Séminaire des Missions Étrangères, which was erected in Pont-Viau in 1924. Priests would go out from this seminary to work in many parts of the world. On returning in December 1921 from a journey to St Boniface (Winnipeg), Man., to attend the consecration of Bishop Joseph-Henri Prud{apos}homme, Brunet had to take to his bed. A few days later he was transported to the Hôtel-Dieu in Montreal, where he died on 7 Jan. 1922 at the age of 53. After the funeral service, his remains were placed in the crypt of his cathedral in Mont-Laurier.

ANQ-M, CE606-S7, 29 nov. 1868. A.-M. Cadieux et Louise Paradis, {d-0}Le programme de colonisation du curé Labelle,{d-1} Les Cahiers d{apos}hist. de la rivière du Nord (Saint-Jérôme, Qué.), 1 (1983), no.1: 3-15. Luc Coursol, Histoire de Mont-Laurier (1v. paru, Mont-Laurier, [1985]-?); Mont-Laurier, 1901-1922: capitale des cantons du Nord ([Mont-Laurier, 1983]); Un diocèse dans les cantons du Nord: histoire du diocèse de Mont-Laurier (Mont-Laurier, 1988). Richard La Grange, Le Nord, mon père, voilà notre avenir . . . : une histoire de L{apos}Annonciation et de canton Marchand (L{apos}Annonciation, Qué., [1986]). Maurice Lalonde, Notes historiques sur Mont-Laurier, Nominingue et Kiamika ([Beauceville, Qué., 1937]). Albiny Paquette, Hon. Albiny Paquette, soldat, médecin, maire, député, ministre; 33 années à la législature de Québec: souvenirs d{apos}une vie de travail et de bonheur (s.l., [1977?]). J.-P. Poulin, {d-0}Petite histoire du diocèse,{d-1} L{apos}Élan (Mont-Laurier) (a narrative that appeared from 1962 to 1965). Séminaire Saint-Joseph, Annuaire (Mont-Laurier), 1915-65.

William Brymner was an influential art teacher and a distinguished Canadian figure and landscape painter. Born in Scotland, he moved with his family to Melbourne, Lower Canada, in 1857. He first attended St Francis College in neighbouring Richmond. In 1864 his family relocated to Montreal. Brymner completed his studies at a private school and at the Petit Séminaire de Sainte-Thérèse in Sainte-Thérèse-de-Blainville (Sainte-Thérèse). In 1870 he was briefly apprenticed to Montreal architect Richard Cunningham Windeyer. He also attended night classes at the National Institute of Fine Arts, Sciences, Arts, Trades and Industries, founded in 1871 by Joseph Chabert*. His father{apos}s appointment in May 1872 to the federal Department of Agriculture as clerk in charge of archives (he would become head of the Canadian archives) took the family to Ottawa. William found work as a clerk in the same department and by 1874 as a draftsman in the Department of Public Works, attached to the office of the chief architect, Thomas Seaton Scott*. In September 1876 he executed a set of pen-and-ink drawings of Quebec City commissioned by Governor General Lord Dufferin [Blackwood*] through Scott.

With financial support from his father, Brymner sailed for Europe in February 1878 to study architecture. He settled in Paris, where initially he worked as an exhibition designer for the Canadian commissioner to the universal exposition held there that year. The following summer he took drawing lessons with Charles-François Pinot. In October he enrolled at the Académie Julian, studying with Jules-Joseph Lefebvre and Gustave Boulanger. Newly committed to painting, he continued at Julian{apos}s until 1880 with Tony Robert-Fleury and Adolphe-William Bouguereau. In April 1879 he had begun independent studies with Charles Durand, known as Carolus-Duran, and he supplemented this instruction with anatomy courses at the École des Beaux-Arts. Brymner embraced French academic tenets of good draftsmanship, formal harmony, and technical excellence, but reacted against the artificiality of much studio-produced academic painting on grand themes. He early affiliated himself with a group of contemporary naturalist painters inspired by the Barbizon School, and led by Jean-François Millet, adopting their practice of sketching in rural settings in a quest for picturesque subjects and natural effects. During the summer of 1879 he painted in the French and Belgian countryside.

In May 1883 Brymner was made an associate of the RCA. The summer found him back in France, sketching at Pontaubert with British painter Frederick Brown. He also visited Yorkshire, England, where he returned the following May for seven months. Here he painted with British artist Frederick William Jackson and Canadian-born James Kerr Lawson. At Runswick Bay he painted his first major canvas, A wreath of flowers, which he would send to the exhibition of the RCA in 1885. Based on outdoor life studies, this picture typifies Brymner{apos}s youthful style, showing his early narrative interests and demonstrating his mastery of the human figure and landscape and his refined tonal naturalism. In January 1885 he concluded his studies at the Académie Julian and went sketching at Brolles, in the forest of Fontainebleau. The acceptance of Border of the Forest Fontainebleau to the annual Paris Salon in May firmly established his professional credentials.

Brymner spent the summer of 1885 in Canada, travelling in the Baie-Saint-Paul region of Quebec. Applying French methods to Canadian subjects, he produced some of his best work around this time, including Sad memories and The weaver, painted at Baie-Saint-Paul, and Crazy patchwork (1886), portraying his younger sister. He quickly built a reputation as one of the outstanding Canadian figure and landscape painters of his generation. In February 1886 he was elected a full member of the RCA. His diploma piece, A wreath of flowers, was one of four of his paintings featured in the Canadian section of the Colonial and Indian Exhibition held that summer in London, England. The same year he became a member of the Ontario Society of Artists. After a trip by train through western Canada, during which he painted at the Blackfoot Indian Reserve in Gleichen (Alta) and in the Selkirk Mountains, he accepted an appointment as director of the AAM{apos}s school of art. He would hold the post from 1886 to his retirement in 1921.

A respected and benevolent teacher, Brymner was reportedly {d-0}universally beloved by students and confreres, not only for his craftsmanship, but also for his kindly disposition.{d-1} He helped introduce French methods and aesthetic concepts to a new generation of Canadian artists, among them Clarence Gagnon*, Alexander Young Jackson*, and members of the Beaver Hall Hill Group, such as Lilias Torrance* (Newton). He emphasized drawing as {d-0}the foundation of all the graphic and plastic arts,{d-1} and the importance of direct observation of nature. While faithful to his own academic training, he championed freedom of artistic expression for others. As Jackson recalled, Brymner {d-0}was no radical, but he encouraged his students to be independent. . . . Among his fellow academicians he would stand for no intolerance or injustice toward the younger artists.{d-1} Based in Montreal, Brymner divided his time between winter teaching duties and holidays spent painting in Europe and Canada. In the summer of 1889 he returned to France; in 1891 he painted in Killarney (Republic of Ireland) with Canadian James Macdonald Barnsley. He travelled to the Canadian Rockies in the summer of 1892 on a major commission for the Canadian Pacific Railway to produce scenic views for public display, some of which were exhibited at the World{apos}s Columbian exposition in Chicago in 1893. He returned west the next year to work in Field and Glacier, B.C., and in Gleichen.

By the 1890s Brymner had developed a distinct personal style. Landscape painting was a primary interest, but he also produced some notable genre and portrait paintings. As exemplified by Early moonrise in September (1899), his interpretation of the Canadian landscape grew more painterly and concerned with atmospheric effects. A similar trend towards intimate, evocative portrayals occurs in his figure paintings, many executed in watercolour, his preferred medium in these years. The grey girl (1897) and The picture book (Two girls reading) (1898), both watercolour on linen, bear comparison with the tonal compositions of James Abbott McNeill Whistler. Trips to Venice in 1901 and 1902, where he painted with James Wilson Morrice and Maurice Galbraith Cullen*, and to sunny Martigues, France, in 1908 further directed Brymner towards a more impressionistic style. Excursions to the coast of Nova Scotia, including Louisbourg (1909, 1910, and 1914) and Pictou (1912), produced a number of luminous studies of land and sea. One such painting, Incoming tide, Louisbourg, won the AAM{apos}s Jessie Dow prize in 1915.

A commission for a decorative mural cycle for the summer home of Charles E. L. Porteous on the Île d{apos}Orléans, Que., had brought Brymner in 1899 to the Cote-de-Beaupré, where he produced many sketches of the terrain and people of the St Lawrence River valley, serving both for the murals and for new pictures. His skills as a muralist brought other commissions, notably in 1907 for three decorative paintings for Edward Seaborne Clouston* and his daughter Mrs John L. Todd at their summer homes in Senneville. A favourite sketching ground in later years was Saint-Eustache, which Brymner had first discovered in 1896 with Cullen and where in 1905 the artists had built a shared studio.

Works by William Brymner are held in public and private collections across Canada, including the Agnes Etherington Art Centre, Queen{apos}s Univ., Kingston, Ont.; the Art Gallery of Hamilton, Ont.; the Beaverbrook Art Gallery, Fredericton; the Art Gallery of Ontario, Toronto; the McCord Museum of Canadian Hist., Montreal, and the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts; the LAC and the National Gallery of Canada in Ottawa; and the Musée National des Beaux-Arts du Québec in Quebec City. His murals for the former Charles E. L. Porteous home remain in situ. Original illustrations by Brymner were published in [Joshua Fraser], Shanty, forest and river life in the backwoods of Canada (Montreal, 1883) and in H. C. Walsh, Bonhomme: French-Canadian stories and sketches (Toronto, 1899). Brymner{apos}s publications include {d-0}{s-0}Progress in art{s-1-unknown}{d-1} and {d-0}Village life in three countries,{d-1} Univ. Magazine (Montreal), 6 (1907): 239-46 and 11 (1912): 309-26.

McCord Museum of Canadian Hist., William Brymner papers. National Gallery of Canada, Library, William Brymner file; William Brymner papers. Fern Bayer, The Ontario collection (Markham, Ont., 1984). Janet Braide, {d-0}Les murales de Brymner à l{apos}île d{apos}Orléans,{d-1} Vie des Arts (Montréal), no.97 (hiver 1979-80): 62-65; {d-0}A visit to Martiques, summer 1908: impressions by William Brymner,{d-1} Journal of Canadian Art Hist. (Montreal), 1 (1974), no.1: 28-32; William Brymner, 1855-1925: a retrospective (exhibition catalogue, Agnes Etherington Art Centre, 1979); {d-0}Wreath of flowers,{d-1} Journal of Canadian Art Hist., 2 (1975), no.1: 83-84. Canadian encyclopedia. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). W. [G.] Colgate, Canadian art, its origin & development (Toronto, 1943; repr. 1967). A dictionary of Canadian artists, comp. C. S. MacDonald (7v. to date, Ottawa, 1967- ), 1. Dale Ethier, {d-0}Quebec City and William Brymner,{d-1} Archivist (Ottawa), 17 (1990), no.2: 10-11. J. R. Harper, Early painters and engravers in Canada (Toronto, 1970); Painting in Canada, a history ([Toronto], 1966). R. J. Lamb, The Canadian Art Club, 1907-1915 (exhibition catalogue, Edmonton Art Gallery, 1988). David McTavish, Canadian artists in Venice (exhibition catalogue, Agnes Etherington Art Centre, 1979). N. [McF.] MacTavish, The fine arts in Canada (Toronto, 1925; repr., [intro. Robert McMichael], 1973). Montreal Museum of Fine Arts, formerly Art Association of Montreal: spring exhibitions, 1880-1970, comp. E. de R. McMann (Toronto, 1988). National Gallery of Canada, Canadian art (2v., Ottawa, 1988). D. [R.] Reid, A concise history of Canadian painting (Toronto, 1973). A. H. Robson, Canadian landscape painters (Toronto, 1932). Royal Canadian Academy of Arts; exhibitions and members, 1880-1979, comp. E. de R. McMann (Toronto, 1981). Rebecca Sisler, Passionate spirits; a history of the Royal Canadian Academy of Arts, 1880-1980 (Toronto, 1980). Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell). W. R. Watson, Retrospective: recollections of a Montreal art dealer (Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1974).

G. H. V. Bulyea{apos}s parents were both of loyalist descent. He was educated at the grammar school in Gagetown and at the University of New Brunswick, graduating in 1878 with a specialization in mathematics and French. He taught at the Sheffield Academy from 1878 to 1882, after which he went west to Winnipeg and then in 1883 to Qu{apos}Appelle (Sask.). There he engaged in varied business enterprises, including selling furniture and insurance and dealing in grain, flour, and feed. By 1886 he was a school trustee, a founding member of the South Qu{apos}Appelle Agricultural Association, and treasurer of the local council of the Royal Templars of Temperance; in 1888 he was president of the Northwest Prohibitory Alliance. In religion he was a Baptist. His wife, Annie, would later be heavily involved in the Woman{apos}s Christian Temperance Union and Baptist Ladies{s-1-unknown} Aid of Regina, and she served as president of the Local Council of Women there from 1901 to 1905. Their only child, Percy McFarlane Bulyea, died aged 15 in 1901.

Bulyea ran for the South Qu{apos}Appelle seat in the Legislative Assembly of the North-West Territories in 1891, but lost; he was, however, successful in 1894, and was re-elected in 1898 and 1902. He served in the government of Premier Frederick William Gordon Haultain* from 7 Oct. 1897, first as a non-resident member (essentially a minister without portfolio) and then, from January 1898, as Yukon commissioner. He was appointed commissioner of agriculture and territorial secretary on 12 Jan. 1899, and on 4 Feb. 1903 he became commissioner of public works, a position he held, while remaining territorial secretary, until 1905. He was a partisan Liberal in federal politics and a strong advocate of territorial rights: as early as 1890 he had argued that a council responsible to the assembly should control spending both of the territorial revenues and of the annual federal grant. By 1897 responsible government had been achieved, but the territorial government faced rapidly growing demands for services as a result of national policies to settle the west. The size of the federal grant never kept pace with the pressures on the local government, and the resulting tension fuelled a popular demand for full provincial status.

Bulyea himself was in a stressful situation. On the one hand, he was loyal to the federal Liberals, was one of their principal organizers in the District of Assiniboia, and was anxious that the local government, officially non-partisan, not be in conflict with Ottawa. On the other hand, as a member of the territorial government he was acutely aware of the difficulties resulting from federal underfunding of the region, and he knew how popular the provincial rights cry of Premier Haultain was. Haultain identified himself more and more publicly with the federal Conservative party, particularly after opposition leader Robert Laird Borden* took up the territories{s-1-unknown} cause in 1902. Bulyea accompanied Haultain to Ottawa early in 1903 to push the autonomy issue, but later that year and in 1904 he appeared to fall out with his leader when he suggested that additional funds and the authority to charter railways would satisfy much of the demand for provincial rights.

Haultain and Bulyea represented the territorial government during negotiations in Ottawa on provincehood in January and February 1905. Bulyea supported, in particular, the revised education clause of the Autonomy Bills as it emerged following the resignation of Clifford Sifton from Sir Wilfrid Laurier*{apos}s cabinet, believing that it could be defended among western Liberals. On 25 July the prime minister, having concluded that Haultain{apos}s public antagonism to aspects of the settlement precluded his being given a position, offered the lieutenant governorship of the new province of Alberta to Bulyea (the Saskatchewan office went to Amédée-Emmanuel Forget). {d-0}Your long and faithful services to the party,{d-1} wrote Laurier, {d-0}entitle you to the best that may be in the gift of the party.{d-1} Bulyea accepted, and was sworn into office when the province came into being on 1 Sept. 1905; he was reappointed to a second five-year term on 5 Oct. 1910.

The duties of a lieutenant governor normally were largely ceremonial. On 24 Nov. 1905 Bulyea drove the last spike on the Canadian Northern railway to Edmonton; on 15 March 1906 he opened the first session of the first Alberta legislature in the Thistle Rink in Edmonton. He was granted the lld degree in 1908 by both the University of Alberta and his alma mater. Two years later he was drawn into activities of a different kind when the Liberal government of Alberta{apos}s first premier, Alexander Cameron Rutherford*, began to unravel in light of the scandal surrounding an ineptly drawn contract to build the Alberta and Great Waterways Railway [see Charles Wilson Cross]. Bulyea told Laurier in February that {d-0}a scapegoat or scapegoats{d-1} would have to be found, and hoped that {d-0}no serious effects or rather injury will accrue to the Liberal party.{d-1} It soon was clear that the scandal would claim the premier, and Bulyea, Laurier, and Senator Peter Talbot, president of the Alberta Liberal Association, engaged in a search for a replacement who could unite the badly divided government caucus. Finally, they agreed upon Chief Justice Arthur Lewis Watkins Sifton. Bulyea informed the legislature on 26 May 1910 that he had accepted Rutherford{apos}s resignation and had called on Sifton to form a government; he prorogued the legislature to allow Sifton time to get elected and to consolidate his government. The opposition howled in rage at this {d-0}unconstitutional{d-1} procedure; even Bulyea told Laurier, {d-0}I am afraid that I had to do a few things that a L.G. is not supposed to do but I think I was justified by results and in proroguing the house I had the support both of the outgoing and incoming premiers and needless to say practically all of the members of the House.{d-1} His remaining years in office were relatively uneventful.

After his retirement as lieutenant governor in 1915, when he was succeeded by Robert George Brett, Bulyea was appointed on 20 October chairman of the Board of Public Utility Commissioners in Alberta, a position he occupied until 1 May 1923. He died at his ranch near Peachland, B.C., on 22 July 1928 and was buried at Qu{apos}Appelle five days later. A portrait by Victor Albert Long hangs in the Legislature Building in Edmonton.

LAC, MG 26, A; H. PAA, PR1966.93/8; PR1969.42. Univ. of Alta Arch. (Edmonton), file 2315-5 (honorary degree recipients); A. C. Rutherford fonds. Calgary Herald, 23 July 1928. Edmonton Journal, 23 July 1928. Qu{apos}Appelle Progress (Qu{apos}Appelle, later called Qu{apos}Appelle Station [Qu{apos}Appelle, Sask.]), 1885-86, 1889; continued as Progress, 1899. Alta, Board of Public Utilities Commissioners, Annual report (Edmonton), 1915/16-23. Alberta in the 20th century: a journalistic history of the province, [ed. Ted Byfield et al.] (12v. to date, Edmonton, 1991-?), 2-3. F.-J. Audet, Dictionnaire biographique des gouverneurs, lieutenants-gouverneurs et administrateurs du Canada et de ses provinces, 1604-1921 (2v., s.l., s.d.). D. R. Babcock, Alexander Cameron Rutherford: a gentleman of Strathcona (Calgary, 1989); {d-0}Autonomy and alienation in Alberta: Premier A. C. Rutherford,{d-1} Prairie Forum (Regina), 6 (1981): 117-28. John Blue, Alberta, past and present, historical and biographical (3v., Chicago, 1924), 1. Canadian annual rev., 1901-28. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). CPG, 1901-15. Cyclopædia of Canadian biog. (Rose and Charlesworth), vol.3. Directory of the Council and Legislative Assembly of the North-West Territories, 1876-1905 (Regina, 1970). D. J. Hall, Clifford Sifton (2v., Vancouver and London, 1981-85). J. S. Heard, {d-0}The Alberta and Great Waterways Railway dispute, 1909-1913{d-1} (ma thesis, Univ. of Alta, 1990). C. C. Lingard, Territorial government in Canada: the autonomy question in the old North-West Territories (Toronto, 1946). J. G. MacGregor, A history of Alberta (Edmonton, 1972). A. O. MacRae, History of the province of Alberta (2v., [Calgary], 1912), 1. Howard Palmer with Tamara Palmer, Alberta: a new history (Edmonton, 1990). The parliamentary guide and work of general reference for 1898-9 . . . , ed. A. J. Magurn (Winnipeg and Ottawa, 1898). J. T. Saywell, The office of lieutenant-governor: a study in Canadian government and politics (Toronto, 1957; repr. 1986). Univ. of Alta, Calendar (Edmonton), 1908/9-1910/11.

In 1875 his father purchased a sawmill, and J. P. gradually took over the management of the company{apos}s outside operations. He and his younger brother, George, joined their father in 1881 as partners in the new firm of Geo. Burchill and Sons. George Jr began to assume the management of the inside operations. With timber leases on over 100 square miles of crown land and their own sawmill, they constituted a mid-sized lumbering firm in New Brunswick.

J. P. first ventured into politics in 1878 and was elected to the Northumberland County Council. He was selected warden in 1882, his last year on the council. In the provincial general election that year he was returned to the House of Assembly in the four-member riding of Northumberland. Although Burchill was a Liberal, the party system in New Brunswick had not yet stabilized and members were often referred to as government or anti-government forces. Many were called {d-0}loose fish{d-1}; they frequently crossed the floor in the assembly to achieve their political ends. Burchill was not one of them, but he was independent in his Liberal affiliation and the needs of the lumber trade commonly guided his decisions. Lumber was not only his business, it was also the economic base for the province.

In Fredericton, Burchill sat on the opposition side of the assembly. But the election had left the house almost evenly divided, and after an attempt to govern Premier Daniel Lionel Hanington resigned and Andrew George Blair* became premier in 1883. Burchill was now a member of the government and, being inexperienced, he supported Blair{apos}s changes to the crown land regulations. These adjustments were contrary to the wishes and needs of the lumber industry. As a consequence, he was defeated in the election of 1886.

The election left the assembly evenly split between the government and anti-government members, with seven or eight independents, including the four Northumberland members, holding the balance of power. The four struck a deal with the government to have the timber regulations changed. Blair thus had his majority. One of the four Northumberland members, Lemuel John Tweedie*, became the surveyor general, two reaped a public works reward, but Burchill was content with a reduction in stumpage fees. The press and the opposition were vicious in their condemnations. Burchill was re-elected in 1892, 1895, and 1899. In the assembly the animosity and name-calling following {d-0}the Northumberland deal{d-1} were soon forgotten, and in 1893 Burchill was unanimously chosen speaker, a position he held until 1899. He was defeated in the general election of 1903.

Following J. P.{apos}s defeat, George Sr retired from the firm, leaving J. P. and George Jr as the active partners. George Jr died in 1906 and George Sr a year later, however, and J. P. was left to operate the business alone. He was not a candidate in March 1908, when the Liberals lost to the Conservatives under John Douglas Hazen*, but he came out of retirement to win a by-election in December 1908 and served as an mla until 1912. He did not stand in the election that year.

In 1913 the Conservative administration of James Kidd Flemming changed the crown land regulations to give the government the power to renew leases without going through the normal process of a public offering. With the premier{apos}s knowledge, or so a subsequent royal commission would conclude, an employee of the Crown Lands Department then demanded money from the lumbermen and in return assured them that their leases would be renewed without public auction. The plan, which was intended to raise $100,000 for the Conservative party, largely worked; $71,665 was contributed, of which Burchill paid his share. But the scheme was exposed in 1914, Flemming resigned, and the government was defeated at the next election in 1917. Perhaps prompted to come out of retirement to fight the administration because of this and other scandals, Burchill was successful in that contest. He served one term on the government side under Premier Walter Edward Foster* but lost in 1920 and left politics.

It was not only in the political arena that Burchill contributed to the lumber industry. In the 1880s, after he had assumed control of the outside operations of the family business, the firm had begun improving the lot of the workers in their establishments. Their camps were among the best equipped in the New Brunswick woods and they were known as fair and benevolent employers. Burchill was also president of the North West Boom Company and a director of the South West Boom Company. These were cooperative ventures for the benefit of lumber operations of all sizes which drove their logs down the Miramichi every spring. The participants paid according to the number of logs they had in the drive. He became the first president of the Lumbermen and Limit Holders{s-1-unknown} Association of New Brunswick when it was formed in 1913.

Burchill served as president of the Miramichi Steam Navigation Company for at least 15 years before its business was wound up in January 1920, and he was a founder of its successor, the Miramichi River Service Limited, the following June. He also sat on the Miramichi Pilotage Commission. A founding director of the Miramichi Agricultural Exhibition Association Limited, he was its president from 1915 to 1917. He belonged to the freemasons and served two terms as worshipful master of Northumberland Lodge No.17. He was also a past master of the Sons of Temperance. A vestryman of St Paul{apos}s Anglican Church in Bushville, he was buried in the church cemetery.

PANB, MC 1156; MC 1246; RS68, 1906. J. G. Burchill, A Miramichi saga ([Miramichi?, 2000?]). CPG, 1880-1920. A. T. Doyle, Front benches & back rooms: a story of corruption, muckraking, raw partisanship and intrigue in New Brunswick (Toronto, 1976). Elections in New Brunswick, 1784-1984 (Fredericton, 1984). Burton Glendenning, {d-0}The Burchill lumbering firm, 1850-1906; an example of nineteenth century New Brunswick entrepreneurship{d-1} (MA thesis, Concordia Univ., Montreal, 1978). W. D. Hamilton, Dictionary of Miramichi biography; biographical sketches of men and women born before 1900 who played a part in public life on the Miramichi: Northumberland County, New Brunswick, Canada (Saint John, 1997). Diane Myles, Speakers of the Legislative Assembly, province of New Brunswick, 1786-1985 (Fredericton, 1986). Jane Percival Dollahan, The ancestors and descendants of John Percival of the Miramichi (Tucson, Ariz., 1972). Prominent people of New Brunswick . . . , comp. C. H. McLean ([Saint John], 1937). Prominent people of the Maritime provinces (Montreal, 1922).

From the very beginning Burgess saw to it that patients in this new institution were treated in the most humane manner, as the annual reports he wrote from 1891 to 1923 show. Although he considered insanity a somatic disease, he had doubts about the effectiveness of medication alone and therefore concentrated his efforts on mental treatment. Opposed to all forms of physical restraint for mental patients, he instead set up an extensive program to keep them occupied (work, physical activity, and leisure pursuits), a practice he had had an opportunity to observe at the London asylum under Bucke{apos}s leadership. In his 1896 annual report Burgess noted that 66 per cent of the patients were engaged in some occupation. From 1901 he also encouraged the admission of private patients (who paid to enter the asylum and who were not subject to the same administrative constraints as public patients in the matter of being discharged) and he declared himself in favour of trial releases for patients who were not fully cured but whose mental health had improved. In 1903 he began implementing an {d-0}open-door policy,{d-1} leaving the patients{s-1-unknown} dormitories unlocked and letting those whose condition allowed it to move about freely and unsupervised within the asylum. In addition, he organized many outings for them and encouraged the public to attend the social evenings held at the asylum. From time to time there were patients who took advantage of such opportunities to run away, but experience showed that they usually came back to the asylum of their own accord after a few days.

Although such reforms were being promoted at the same time by the superintendents of the Asile de Beauport and the Hôpital Saint-Jean-de-Dieu, Burgess had enjoyed much more favourable circumstances for putting them into practice. Unlike the French-speaking asylums, the one in Verdun benefited from the financial support of the wealthy families in Montreal{apos}s English-speaking community. In 1892, for example, a gift from John Henry Robinson Molson made possible the construction of a gymnasium, bowling alley, and curling rink. Through the generosity of George Bull Burland, in 1898 a pathology laboratory was built which Andrew Macphail* directed. In 1900 and 1910 the many donations of Dr James Douglas of New York, whose father had founded the Asile de Beauport [see James Douglas*], made possible the purchase of the land on which the nurses{s-1-unknown} residence and the recreational centre known as Douglas Hall were erected.

In return for their gifts, donors were permitted to sit on the institution{apos}s board of directors. This modus operandi had been conceived initially by Alfred Perry, who had collaborated with Cléophée Têtu*, named Thérèse de Jésus, in founding the Asile de Longue-Pointe. The board of directors gave Burgess full authority in the treatment of patients and the hiring of staff. He nonetheless experienced disappointments. He always found it very difficult to retain his most competent assistants and employees because of their heavy workloads and modest salaries. He was also faced with the problem of overpopulation in his hospital. During the first decade of the century, like many alienists of the time, Burgess identified heredity as the principal cause of the increased incidence of mental illness and he was drawn to eugenics. In his 1907 report, for instance, he suggested that the Quebec provincial government, like some American states, should forbid the marriage of carriers of defects considered hereditary, or should introduce compulsory sterilization of alcoholics and other {d-0}degenerates.{d-1} After noticing in 1905 that nearly 40 per cent of the patients admitted to the Protestant Hospital for the Insane in Verdun had not been born in Canada, he took a clear stand in favour of greater control over immigration. Following the enactment of more restrictive immigration laws in 1906 and 1910, Burgess annually listed numerous mental patients whom he considered candidates for deportation.

Burgess also devoted a great deal of time to promoting psychiatry as a medical specialty. In 1893 he gave a series of lectures on mental illnesses at McGill University (where he would become a full professor in 1899). He also undertook some research into mental diseases, with the help of Dr Macphail and his assistants, including an experimental study in 1895 on the treatment of mental deficiency by the use of thyroid extracts. In 1901 he would try to establish a link between epilepsy and glycosuria. These studies did not lead to conclusive results, however. In 1896 he set up a training school for nurses at the Verdun asylum, where he also taught, as did the rest of the institution{apos}s medical staff. That year he was honorary secretary of a section on nervous and mental illnesses and medical case-law at a pan-American medical congress held in Mexico City. In 1898, to advance their specialty, some 20 alienists from the province of Quebec came together to form the Société Médico-Psychologique de Québec. Burgess was its first vice-president and became its president in 1899. Completely at ease with his French-speaking colleagues and fluent in their language, he encouraged them to establish ties with other North American alienists. He undertook in June 1902 the task of organizing the meeting of the American Medico-Psychological Association, which was held in Montreal. In 1904-5 he became the third Canadian - after Daniel Clark* in 1891-92 (when the association was called the Association of Medical Superintendents of American Institutions for the Insane) and Bucke in 1897-98 - to serve as president of this organization, which was the forerunner of the current American Psychiatric Association. In 1918 he was a member of the Canadian National Committee for Mental Hygiene, whose objectives were to identify the various segments of the population that showed a high risk of mental illness, to organize research on the functioning of the brain and nervous system, and to conduct public information campaigns about insanity and ways of avoiding it.

Burgess was active in many learned societies, both in Canada and in other countries. He became a member in 1885 of the Royal Society of Canada and in 1886 of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and he took advantage of these forums to publicize his work on Canadian flora. By the beginning of the 1880s Burgess was a regular contributor to the American journal Botanical Gazette, whose pages described the rare plants he had discovered in the course of his travels with botanist John Macoun* in southern Ontario and Nova Scotia. In the fifth volume of Macoun{apos}s Catalogue of Canadian plants, Burgess wrote the sections on ferns. He also took part in meetings of the Canadian Medical Association and the British Association for the Advancement of Science.

Thomas Joseph Workman Burgess assisted in the preparation of H. M. Hurd et al., The institutional care of the insane in the United States and Canada, ed. H. M. Hurd (4v., Baltimore, Md, 1916-17; repr. New York, 1973). He also prepared several entries for John Macoun, Catalogue of Canadian plants (7v., Montreal, 1883-1902), 5 (Acrogens, 1890): 253-87. He published a large number of articles in scientific journals and newspapers. For the Hamilton Assoc., Journal and Proc. ([Hamilton, Ont.]), he contributed: {d-0}How to study botany{d-1} (no.4 (1886-88): 27-53); {d-0}Orchids{d-1} (pp.113-16); {d-0}Notes on the history of botany{d-1} (pp.116-17); {d-0}Notes on the flora of the forty ninth parallel, from the Lake of the Woods to the Rocky Mountains{d-1} (pp.117-20); {d-0}The Lake Erie shore as a botanizing ground{d-1} (no.5 (1888-89): 41-59); and {d-0}Notes on the genus Rhus{d-1} (no.8 (1891-92): 119-30). In the Montreal Medical Journal he published {d-0}Thyroid feeding and its application to the treatment of insanity{d-1} (24 (1895-96): 842-52); {d-0}A compendium of insanity{d-1} (27 (1898): 549-50); {d-0}Two cases of ephemeral mania, uncomplicated with epilepsy, intemperance or parturition{d-1} (28 (1899): 938-41; also published in French in L{apos}Union médicale du Canada (Montréal), 28 (1899): 715-20); {d-0}The insane in Canada; presidential address: American Medico-Psychological Association, San Antonio, Texas, April 18th, 1905{inch} (34 (1905): 399-430; also published in the American Journal of Insanity (Baltimore), 62 (1905-6): 1-36); and {d-0}The family physician and the insane{d-1} (36 (1907): 100-17). His articles in the Botanical Gazette (Crawfordsville and Logansport, Ind.) include: {d-0}Notes from Canada{d-1} (7 (1882): 95-96); {d-0}Trifolium hybridum, L.{d-1} (p.135); {d-0}A botanical holiday in Nova Scotia{d-1} (9 (1884): 1-6, 19-23, 40-45, 56-59); and {d-0}Aspidium Oreopteris Swz.{d-1} (11 (1886): 63). Burgess also published: {d-0}Art in the sick room,{d-1} Times (Hamilton), 5 Jan. 1889; {d-0}Canadian Filicineæ,{d-1} RSC, Trans., 1st ser., 2 (1884), sect.iv: 163-226 (with John Macoun); {d-0}A historical sketch of our Canadian institutions for the insane,{d-1} RSC, Trans., 2nd ser., 4 (1898), sect.iv: 3-122; {d-0}On the beneficient and toxical effects of the various species of Rhus,{d-1} Canadian Journal of Medical Science (Toronto), 5 (1880): 327-34; {d-0}Polypus of the heart,{d-1} Canadian Journal of Medical Science, 4 (1879): 139-40; and {d-0}Recent additions to Canadian Filicineæ, with new stations for some of the species previously recorded,{d-1} RSC, Trans., 1st ser., 4 (1886), sect.iv: 9-18.

AO, RG 80-5-0-54, no.11075. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1871, Toronto, St David{apos}s Ward, div.4: 8; 1891, Verdun, Que. Gazette (Montreal), 19 Jan. 1926. Montreal Daily Star, 19 Jan. 1926. La Presse, 20 janv. 1926. C. H. Cahn, Douglas Hospital: 100 years of history and progress (Verdun, 1981). Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Canadian who{apos}s who, 1910. Directory, Montreal, 1908-10. Denis Goulet et André Paradis, Trois siècles d{apos}histoire médicale au Québec; chronologie des institutions et des pratiques (1639-1939) (Montréal, 1992). Guy Grenier, {d-0}L{apos}implantation et les applications de la doctrine de la dégénérescence dans le champ de la médecine et de l{apos}hygiène mentales au Québec entre 1885 et 1930{inch} (mémoire de ma, univ. de Montréal, 1990). John Macoun, Autobiography of John Macoun, m.a. . . . , intro. E. T. Seton ([Ottawa], 1922). André Paradis, {d-0}Thomas J. W. Burgess et l{apos}administration du Verdun Protestant Hospital for the Insane (1890-1916),{d-1} Canadian Bull. of Medical Hist. (Waterloo, Ont.), 14 (1997): 5-35. Protestant Hospital for the Insane, Annual report (Verdun), 1891-1923. The roll of pupils of Upper Canada College, Toronto, January, 1830, to June, 1916, ed. A. H. Young (Kingston, Ont., 1917), 145. S. E. D. Shortt, Victorian lunacy: Richard M. Bucke and the practice of late nineteenth-century psychiatry (Cambridge, Eng., 1986).

Descended from Irish immigrants, James Burke operated a shipping business in Georgetown; his wife{apos}s family had come from the Orkney Islands in Scotland. After completing his public school education in Georgetown in 1877, Alfred Edward Burke, the fourth of seven children, enrolled at St Dunstan{apos}s College in Charlottetown, where he excelled in literature. In 1880 he began studies at the Séminaire de Québec; he graduated with the highest honours and was ordained priest on 30 May 1885. He then became an assistant at St Dunstan{apos}s Cathedral in Charlottetown and secretary to Bishop Peter McIntyre*. While a curate there he prepared an extensive report on all Island parishes and convents, and assumed temporary duties as an assistant pastor at Rustico and administrator of St Joachim{apos}s parish at Vernon River.

On 22 Sept. 1887 McIntyre appointed Burke pastor of Sacred Heart parish at Alberton, in Prince County. It was there, and in the adjoining parish of St Mark, Lot 7, that he would win accolades as a zealous priest who was interested in practically every detail of parish life. Upon his arrival he was shocked by the low state of religion. He initiated remedies that included religious instruction for adults, the training of an organist, and the formation of a temperance association. On one occasion his breaking into a grog-shop and destruction of its wares led to criminal charges, which on appeal were dropped. (His interest in temperance continued, and in 1908 he would serve as president of the Island branch of the Dominion Alliance for the Total Suppression of the Liquor Traffic.) In 1893 Burke{apos}s belief that young men required life insurance, to protect their families, prompted him to set up a branch of the Catholic Mutual Benefit Association. From this pioneering establishment he founded branches across the Island, and in 1904 he was elected a grand trustee on the CMBA{apos}s national executive.

To familiarize himself with the rural character and work of his parishioners, Burke, who had no farming experience, undertook a rigorous study of agriculture and acquired considerable expertise. He organized the Alberton agricultural exhibition in 1892, was a charter member (1898) and president (1903-7) of the Fruit Growers{s-1-unknown} Association of Prince Edward Island, was a member of dairy and stockbreeders{s-1-unknown} associations, served as a vice-president of the Maritime Bee Keepers{s-1-unknown} Association and of the Prince Edward Island Poultry Association (1908), and became an expert on reforestation and a provincial vice-president of the Canadian Forestry Association. In addition, he helped establish the West Prince Board of Trade (1903). Such activism won him recognition. In 1904 his lecture in Ottawa on reforestation on the Island had been attended by Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier* and Governor General Lord Grey*. Two years later the University of North Carolina presented him with an honorary doctorate in forestry.

Burke{apos}s energy - his recreations were swimming and boating - infused his promotion of public works and his imperial and political partisanship. In 1905 he had advocated a tunnel under the Northumberland Strait, a link that he saw as the surest means of securing the Island{apos}s economic vitality. He strongly believed too that the health of his province, and of the dominion, was tied to the fortunes of the British empire. He and other anglophone Catholics, among whom he had a large following, were smitten with a vision of a Canada in which the values of Catholicism would be transmitted through the English language. In a speech in Toronto to the Empire Club of Canada in 1910, he attributed his unabashed patriotism and imperialism to the late Cornelius O{apos}Brien*, the Island-born archbishop of Halifax who had been a prominent member of the Imperial Federation League.

Burke{apos}s unbridled energy was also evident on the hustings, where he openly supported the Conservative party. He was a friend of federal opposition leader Robert Laird Borden* and an admirer of former senator and lieutenant governor George William Howlan*. In 1901 his political writings in the local press had incurred the wrath of McIntyre{apos}s successor, James Charles McDonald*, who ordered Burke to write only with his clearance, except on historical and scientific matters. When Burke appealed to his bishop{apos}s superior, O{apos}Brien, McDonald claimed that Burke{apos}s polemics had been detrimental to religion on the Island. As a result of O{apos}Brien{apos}s intervention, the ban on Burke was limited to matters of religion.

It must have been a relief to McDonald when Burke agreed in 1908 to direct the new Catholic Church Extension Society of Canada. While in Quebec City that year for its tercentenary and to receive a dd from the Université Laval, he had been approached by Archbishop Fergus Patrick McEvay* of Toronto and others to take charge of a home-mission organization roughly patterned on the American Catholic Church Extension Society, established in 1905. It was the founder of this society, the Reverend Francis Clement Kelley, an Islander and one-time altar boy of Burke{apos}s, who had recommended him. Under Burke, the Toronto-based CCES, which would receive a pontifical constitution in 1910, was responsible for establishing missions to native peoples and immigrants in the west: raising funds, building churches, recruiting priests, supplying vestments and plate, and providing literature.

In addition to nurturing faith on the frontier, Burke and his colleagues used the CCES to acculturate Catholic immigrants. To Burke{apos}s supporters it was essential for their survival that new Canadians learn the English language and embrace British laws and political customs. When southern and eastern European priests could not be recruited, Burke and McEvay, the society{apos}s chancellor, called for English-speaking clergy with ability in Italian, Ukrainian, Hungarian, and Polish.

The dual purpose of Catholicizing and Canadianizing, combined with Burke{apos}s imperialism, confirmed the fears of Catholic leaders in French-speaking Canada that the CCES was merely an agent of Anglicization. Archbishops Joseph-Thomas Duhamel* of Ottawa and Paul Bruchési* of Montreal had refused Burke{apos}s early requests to locate his society{apos}s headquarters in their dioceses. Adélard Langevin* of St Boniface, Man., bitter that he had not been consulted about a society that was to operate primarily in his archdiocese, was infuriated when Burke sent two priests to investigate the immigrant {d-0}situation{d-1} there without his permission. The CCES, Langevin confided to one of his priests, was a central Canadian plot to discredit his work and institute Irish Catholic control in the west. Suspicions of Burke{apos}s opposition to French Canadian Catholic aspirations were strengthened in 1910 when he supported Bishop Michael Francis Fallon*{apos}s criticism of bilingual schools in Ontario. Because of this seeming alliance, Archbishop Louis-Nazaire Bégin of Quebec and Bishop Joseph-Alfred Archambeault* of Joliette resigned from the CCES{apos}s board, leaving Bishop Émile-Joseph Legal* as its only French-speaking governor. Undaunted, neither Burke nor McEvay backed down. Burke would use the Register to bludgeon the editors of L{apos}Action sociale (Québec) and Le Droit (Ottawa), who had criticized English Catholic aggression in the west. By 1913, having recognized the embarrassment caused by such infighting, apostolic delegate Pellegrino Francesco Stagni insisted that the new archbishop of Toronto, Neil McNeil*, silence Burke on issues relating to French Canadian nationalism.

McNeil had discovered from surveying the work of the CCES that many French Canadian prelates loathed Burke, and that some English-speaking Catholics felt he was keeping the society from reaching its full potential (revenues were a fraction of what they could have been). McNeil, however, had little room to manoeuvre. A papal appointment, Burke could not be removed by his archbishop or the society{apos}s board, which still supported him. McNeil even failed to secure his episcopal appointment to British Columbia or the Yukon, a move he thought would obviate the need to petition Rome for his removal. Acrimony persisted until 12 Aug. 1915, when Burke resigned as president and editor. Upon his departure, Pope Benedict XV raised him to protonotary apostolic, the highest rank of monsignor.

Burke was an unwavering supporter of Canada{apos}s participation in World War I. The Register had devoted much space to reporting Allied advances and German atrocities, and encouraging Canadian backing of Britain. Three days before his resignation Burke secured an informal appointment as {d-0}a sort of inspecting Chaplain for his Church{d-1} in the Canadian chaplaincy service. Within a month he had proceeded to England, where, on 15 October, he accepted officially a commission as an honorary major and chaplain. Through his Conservative connections and loyalty to militia minister Sir Samuel Hughes and the Reverend Richard Henry Steacy, the senior chaplain and an Anglican, he then secured promotion to lieutenant-colonel and presumed himself to be the senior Catholic chaplain. His boldness outraged the other Catholic chaplains, many of whom had served longer (most at the rank of captain) and who resented the fact that Burke had no fixed duties with a brigade or hospital. He had set up headquarters at the Regent Palace Hotel in London, and spent his time touring from post to post with his own staff car and driver. He insisted that his position was endorsed by the apostolic delegate and the Canadian bishops. Stagni, however, though he had commended his enlistment, was clear that Burke had not been commissioned {d-0}supervising chaplain.{d-1}

What enraged Burke{apos}s colleagues most was his open assurance that Catholic troops were being well served and that there was no urgency to increase the number of priests. Prior to his arrival, the chaplains had, in fact, been desperate for assistance; many wounded and dying soldiers, they claimed, were going without the sacraments. By July 1916 Burke had prompted a revolt led by Captain Wolstan Thomas Workman, a Franciscan chaplain, and Captain John Joseph O{apos}Gorman, a priest from the archdiocese of Ottawa. Well connected to the episcopacy and military bureaucrats in Canada, O{apos}Gorman set in motion actions that led to the reform of the service, Workman{apos}s appointment as senior Catholic chaplain, and Burke{apos}s resignation on 21 Sept. 1917.

Burke returned not to Toronto but to Wilmette, Ill., to stay with his friend, now monsignor, Francis Kelley. Burke{apos}s name surfaced briefly in Toronto early in 1919 in connection with a national educational committee formed by the Navy League of Canada. Later that year Kelley decided to send him on a fact-finding mission to Mexico, where the anti-clerical measures of president Venustiano Carranza had forced its bishops into exile in the United States. With the approval of the Department of State, Burke travelled to Mexico on behalf of the bishops and the American CCES. Again he stirred up controversy: he claimed to represent the American hierarchy and exhibited an unanticipated level of faith in Carranza, who he thought, given Mexico{apos}s revolutionary politics, was the {d-0}most conservative ruler{d-1} it had ever had. He added fuel to the fire when, in the Jesuit journal America (New York), he criticized Mexico{apos}s religious orders and clergy for being too distant {d-0}from the life of the people.{d-1} His outlook enraged the exiled bishops and Kelley demanded his recall.

Burke went to Toronto, but given the lack of work and McNeil{apos}s ill will, he proceeded to Rome, where he reported on Mexico to Pope Benedict. Burke returned in 1921 to North America and served briefly on the Pacific coast with the American CCES. Back in Rome, he took up freelance writing, working out of the Knights of Columbus Bureau, and continued his squabble with McNeil over his stipend from the Toronto archdiocese. He visited North America just one more time, in June 1926 for the International Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. Burke suffered a stroke that autumn; he died in December and was buried in Campo Santo cemetery near St Paul{apos}s Outside the Walls church in Rome. It was a peaceful end for a controversial priest. In his memoirs, Kelley wrote of Burke: {d-0}His opinions were like dogmas of Faith. No wonder Canada split over him. Half of his world swore by him and the other half at him.{d-1}

[There is some question about Alfred Edward Burke{apos}s date of birth. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912) and Art O{apos}Shea, A. E. Burke (Charlottetown, 1993) both cite 8 Sept. 1862, although in the biographies and parish reports compiled by Burke for Bishop Peter McIntyre (Arch. of the Diocese of Charlottetown, Peter McIntyre papers, case 4/file 10), Burke gives his birth date as 8 Sept. 1860. His attestation paper for the Canadian Expeditionary Force (LAC, RG 150, Acc. 1992-93/166) confirms 1862. m.g.mcg.]

Burke delivered {d-0}The Irishman{apos}s place in the empire{d-1} to the Empire Club of Canada, a talk that appears in its Speeches (Toronto), 1909-10: 225-32. He also spoke on {d-0}The need of a missionary college{d-1} before the Catholic Church Extension Soc. of the United States of America; this speech was published in The first American Catholic Missionary Congress (Chicago, 1909), 77-84. He wrote The tunnel between Prince Edward Island and the mainland ([n.p., 1905?]), a copy of which can be found in the Borden papers at LAC, MG 26, H, 318: 188794-807.

Arch. de la Soc. Hist. de Saint-Boniface (Winnipeg), Fonds de la Corporation archiépiscopale catholique romaine de Saint-Boniface, sér. Langevin. Arch. of the Diocese of Charlottetown, J. C. McDonald papers; Sacred Heart (Alberton), annual parish report, 1888. Arch. of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Toronto, Burke clergy personnel file; First World War coll.; MN DS15 (McNeil Roman corr.); Neil McNeil papers; OC07 (Catholic Church Extension Soc. papers); OC20 RR01 (Ruthenian and Ukrainian papers, memorial to the first plenary council, 1 Oct. 1909). Archivio Segreto Vaticano (Rome), Delegazione apostolica del Canadà, 130.1, 184.18. LAC, MG 27, II, C1; III, B8; RG 9, III, 393, 4618. PARO, P.E.I. Geneal. Soc. coll., family files, subject{apos}s file. Catholic Register (Toronto), 1908-16. Daily Mail and Empire, 11 May 1905. Le Droit (Ottawa), 9 sept. 1913. Canadian (London, Ont.), 10 (1904), no.12: 5. Canadian album (Cochrane and Hopkins), 3: 435. Canadian annual rev., 1908-19. Canadian who{apos}s who, 1910. The Catholic Church in Prince Edward Island, 1720-1979, ed. M. F. Hennessey (Charlottetown, 1979). D. W. Crerar, {d-0}Bellicose priests: the wars of the Canadian Catholic chaplains, 1914-1919,{d-1} CCHA, Hist. Studies, 58 (1991): 21-39. J. P. Gaffey, Francis Clement Kelley and the American Catholic dream (2v., Bensenville, Ill., 1980). F. C. Kelley, The bishop jots it down: an autobiographical strain on memories (New York and London, 1939). J. C. Macmillan, The history of the Catholic Church in Prince Edward Island from 1835 till 1891 (Quebec, 1913). M. G. McGowan, {d-0}{s-0}Religious duties and patriotic endeavours{s-1-unknown}: the Catholic Church Extension Society, French Canada and the prairie west, 1908-1916,{d-1} CCHA, Hist. Studies, 51 (1984): 107-19; {d-0}Toronto{apos}s English-speaking Catholics, immigration, and the making of a Canadian Catholic identity, 1900-30,{d-1} in Creed and culture: the place of English-speaking Catholics in Canadian society, 1750-1930, ed. Terrence Murphy and G. [J.] Stortz (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1993), 204-45; {d-0}A watchful eye: the Catholic Church Extension Society and Ukrainian Catholic immigrants, 1908-1930,{d-1} in Canadian Protestant and Catholic missions, 1820s-1960s; historical essays in honour of John Webster Grant, ed. J. S. Moir and C. T. McIntire (New York, 1988), 221-43. Past and present of Prince Edward Island . . . , ed. D. A. MacKinnon and A. B. Warburton (Charlottetown, [1906]).

Raised a {d-0}poor farmer boy{d-1} in Illinois, Rufus A. Burriss moved to Ontario about 1893 as pastor of the Disciples of Christ church at Bowmanville. He came under the influence of Daniel Francis Burk*, pre-eminent boomer of northwestern Ontario, who was a native of that town. Determined to help the {d-0}tenant farmer and others who are being oppressed{d-1} to escape from {d-0}landlordism{d-1} and become freeholders, Burriss conceived a Christian colonization scheme in this region for {d-0}poor renting families{d-1} from the United States. {d-0}We will plant the cause of Christ upon the banks of Rainy River,{d-1} he proclaimed in December 1897 in the Disciples publication Christian Standard (Cincinnati, Ohio). This promotion attracted a large correspondence. Robert Beith, mp for Durham West, lobbied Clifford Sifton, the Liberal minister of the interior, to assist Burriss. Despite scepticism on the part of the bureaucracy, he was hired on commission as dominion immigration agent for {d-0}New Ontario{d-1} on 1 Feb. 1898 and that summer he moved his family from Bowmanville to Port Arthur (Thunder Bay).

Burriss{apos}s job was to promote agricultural settlement in cooperation with the Ontario government and its crown-lands agents, on whom he would depend for surveys and colonization roads. The attraction for each settler was 160 acres of free-grant land. Using the slogan {d-0}Manless Land for Landless Men,{d-1} Burriss lectured with missionary zeal, gave lantern shows in the American Midwest, wrote for the press, and distributed pamphlets, circulars, notebooks, maple-leaf brooches, and souvenir postcards. His aggressive, evangelical promotion, which targeted the poor, suited Sifton{apos}s belief that {d-0}just as soon as you stop advertising . . . the movement is going to stop{d-1} and his preference for settlers of humble origin. After a joint arrangement had been made with Ontario{apos}s Bureau of Colonization, Burriss was taken on by the Department of the Interior in May 1901 at a salary of $1,000 per annum. The opening in 1902 of the Canadian Northern Railway through the Rainy River valley aided his efforts as did his role as secretary-treasurer of the West Algoma Agricultural Society and the New Ontario Industrial Exhibition.

Following Sifton{apos}s resignation in February 1905, Burriss{apos}s situation became uncertain. His fellow agent at Port Arthur, Conservative appointee James Michael McGovern, resented him, and the commissioner of immigration at Winnipeg, John Obed Smith, had no use for the Port Arthur agency. Because the dominion was focusing on western Canada, Burriss{apos}s work was an anomaly: it could be done by Canadian agents resident in the United States and the Ontario Bureau of Colonization. The first attempt to close his office came in January 1906 but failed because of the intervention of Liberal friends. The second try, made after the Conservatives had come to power in October 1911, was successful and he was dismissed as of 31 December. The cost to Canada for his salary and expenses from 1898 to 1911 totalled $26,929.56.

According to Mae Nugent Burriss, a daughter, Rufus A. Burriss may have attracted as many as 3,000 families to northwestern Ontario. Not all of them took free land, however - many settlers were able to purchase established farms or better land - and fewer were American than he had desired; for every American family, he claimed in 1901, about three came from eastern Ontario. The settlers located in Dorion Township, the Slate River valley townships of Paipoonge and Neebing, the Whitefish River valley townships of O{apos}Connor, Gillies, and Conmee, and the 37 tiered townships along the Rainy River. They supplemented their income from farming by lumbering and working for the railway. A township and settlement west of Fort Frances were named for Burriss. Although the Christian aspect of his settlement scheme there, including the town-site of Christiana, did not prosper, he did attract American evangelicals such as preacher Clara Babcock of Illinois, said to be the first ordained woman amongst the Disciples. Burriss and his mentors D. F. Burk and James Conmee* of Port Arthur can take credit for promoting agricultural settlement in northwestern Ontario, land which most colonization bureaucrats dismissed as {d-0}rocky wilderness.{d-1}

Rufus Allen Burriss{apos}s article {d-0}My first moose,{d-1} Canadian Courier (Toronto), 11 Nov. 1911: 9-11, contains some useful biographical information. The online catalogue of the LAC lists other publications by Burriss, all of which pertain to {d-0}New Ontario{d-1} and the Rainy River district.

AO, RG 80-2-0-422, no.21634; RG 80-3-2-75, no.901112. Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Geneal. Soc., International geneal. index. DCB, Biog. data file, Burris/Burriss family, notes by M. N. Burriss, the subject{apos}s daughter. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1901, Port Arthur [Thunder Bay], Ont., Ward 2: 19; RG 76, 165, file 47195. Bridgeburg Review (Bridgeburg [Fort Erie], Ont.), 6 Feb. 1930. Daily Times-Journal (Fort William [Thunder Bay], Ont.), 9 Nov. 1901, 22 Sept. 1904, 18 March 1919. Weekly Herald and Algoma Miner (Port Arthur), 26 Aug. 1898, 2 Sept. 1899. Reuben Butchart, The Disciples of Christ in Canada since 1830 . . . (Toronto, 1949). Can., Parl., Sessional papers, reports of the Dept. of the Interior, part II, immigration, 1898-1903. W. R. and N. M. Wightman, The land between: northwestern Ontario resource development, 1800 to the 1990s (Toronto, 1997).

Business and politics were often the foundation of lucrative careers in 19th-century Canada. In 1890, during a slump in the lumber industry, Burrows built a colonization road into the Dauphin area. He thought that connections to prominent politicians would help him to develop the lumber resources of this newly opened settlement frontier, so in 1892 he stood in Dauphin for election to the Legislative Assembly as a Liberal Conservative (the label was consciously ambiguous). He successfully promoted a railway link to his constituency. Burrows was appointed land commissioner for the Lake Manitoba Railway by its contractors, William Mackenzie and Donald Mann*, in 1896. The position gave him access to information about future routes and allowed him to acquire valuable timber berths along the railway pushing up into northwestern Manitoba. Moreover, Burrows{apos}s sister Elizabeth Armanella (Arma) had married Liberal politician Clifford Sifton in 1884. When Sifton became federal minister of the interior in 1896, and thus responsible for the disposition of western resources, Burrows{apos}s prospects continued to improve.

Burrows{apos}s success in acquiring timber berths was quite evident during the period when Sifton had discretionary authority to allot them and, in addition, was willing to influence the tendering system. Sifton{apos}s actions brought howls from the Conservative opposition who hounded him on the subject in the House of Commons from 1899 to 1906 - to little avail as it turned out. Until Sifton resigned his portfolio in 1905, Burrows used their relationship to advance his business interests. By 1908 Burrows held more timberlands in western Canada than any other person.

Burrows{apos}s prominence as a businessman had launched his political career and in the end it was also his undoing. Although he was a major employer in the Dauphin district, his hold on his seat in the assembly was chancy. He had won by only nine votes in 1892 and when he sought re-election in January 1896 he increased his margin by just three votes; he defeated Archibald Glenlyon Campbell* on both occasions. He continued to identify himself as a Liberal Conservative, but supported Liberal premier Thomas Greenway*. Not an active member, he depended a good deal on his railway connections and on Sifton{apos}s access to local patronage. Although only issues of economic development affecting his own district (and thus himself) drew his interest, his performance was enough to win him another term in 1899; during this term he sat as a Liberal. He declined to stand in 1903. But he was not finished with politics.

The following year, as one of Sifton{apos}s Manitoba lieutenants, Burrows was well placed to win the nomination in the new federal constituency of Dauphin. Election notices were delayed, however, and the vote postponed until after the national election on 3 November. When it was evident that Sir Wilfrid Laurier*{apos}s Liberal party had won a comfortable majority, Burrows{apos}s Conservative opponent withdrew, allowing him to win by acclamation. In the House of Commons, Burrows devoted himself to western development, especially to the Hudson Bay Railway and the extension of Manitoba{apos}s boundaries. He was continually badgered by the opposition over his timber business. From 1906 to 1908 the Conservatives under Robert Laird Borden* waged a campaign to discredit the government on charges of corruption and Burrows was an inviting target. They failed to overturn Laurier in the general election of 1908 but the attacks proved politically fatal to Burrows. He was beaten rather badly.

Burrows then confined himself to the consolidation and expansion of his lumber business. In Manitoba he had two major sawmills, in Grandview and Bowsman, and other lesser operations under various company names, making him the largest producer of lumber in the province. In north-central Alberta he and Sir Daniel Hunter McMillan* were the principal shareholders of the small Imperial Pulp Company. In 1911 he formed the larger Phoenix Lumber Company to carry on operations there. The following year he began to expand his retail operations. His prosperous Northern Lumber Company eventually had some 30 retail outlets across the prairies. Burrows had been a founding member of the Western Retail Lumbermen{apos}s Association, established in 1890 to serve its members by limiting entry to the business and holding the line on prices.

AM, MG 12, J. Man. Culture, Heritage and Recreation, Hist. resources branch (Winnipeg), Lyle Dick, {d-0}T. A. Burrows, timber baron of the northwest{d-1} (unpublished research paper, 1976). LAC, MG 26, J; MG 27, II, D15; RG 15. QUA, Thomas Alexander Crerar fonds. Univ. of Man. Libraries, Dept. of Arch. and Special Coll. (Winnipeg), J. W. Dafoe fonds. A. F. J. Artibise, Winnipeg: a social history of urban growth, 1874-1914 (Montreal and London, 1975). R. C. Brown, {d-0}The politics of Billingsgate,{d-1} in The west and the nation; essays in honour of W. L. Morton, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto, 1976): 161-73. J. M. S. Careless, {d-0}The development of the Winnipeg business community, 1870-1890,{d-1} RSC, Trans., 4th ser., 8 (1970): 239-54. CPG, 1892-1908. D. J. Hall, Clifford Sifton (2v., Vancouver and London, 1981-85). D. F. Parrot, {d-0}Grandview and Theodore A. Burrows,{d-1} Manitoba Hist. (Winnipeg), no.21 (spring 1991): 22-23. T. D. Regehr, The Canadian Northern Railway, pioneer road of the northern prairies, 1895-1918 (Toronto, 1976). Theodore Sparks, {d-0}The early lumber industry of Winnipeg,{d-1} in {d-0}Northwest Review,{d-1} 45th anniversary (Winnipeg, 1930). Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell). Deborah Welch, {d-0}T. A. Burrows, 1857-1929: case study of a Manitoba businessman and politician{d-1} (MA thesis, Univ. of Man., 1983).

Cairns and his wife went west in 1902, arriving in Saskatoon, then a small village. Mill owner James Robert Wilson recounted meeting him: {d-0}On one cold afternoon I noticed a man walking across the prairie toward the mill. He asked what I thought of Borden village [to the northwest] and mentioned that he thought of starting a bakery and grocery store there.{d-1} Persuaded by Wilson to stay in Saskatoon, he opened a bakery in December. When the trainloads of colonists led by Isaac Montgomery Barr* arrived in the spring of 1903, he worked 24 hours a day, one of a handful of merchants who did not gouge them. Later that year he moved to a large store with a theatre on its second floor; among the performers were poet Emily Pauline Johnson*, actor Walter Jackson McCrea*, and the touring company of Thomas Henry Marks*. His third store opened in 1906 at the centre of the growing city and soon employed 75 people. It was replaced six years later by a splendid five-storey building at 2nd Avenue and 23rd Street. Financed in part by the Canadian Agency (an English investment firm) and executed in the Chicago School style by the Montreal firm of David Robertson Brown and Hugh A. Vallance, who had designed the University of Saskatchewan, the store welcomed 12,000 people on opening day (17 March 1913) and had 250 employees in 25 departments. Because of Cairns, property prices at this location jumped during Saskatoon{apos}s boom years to almost $2,000 a front foot on land that had cost $20 an acre 20 years earlier. In 1917 the J. F. Cairns Company Limited was incorporated.

Though best known as a merchant, Cairns played other important roles in the young community. He was the secretary of the Board of Trade at its founding in January 1903 and president the following year. In 1904 and 1905 he took part in delegations to attract more railways. He served as first chair (1908-14) of the Collegiate Institute Board and remained a member until 1923. {d-0}Not only was Mr. Cairns the prime mover of creating the school board,{d-1} recalled secretary W. P. Bate, {d-0}he nursed it through its adolescence, and started it on the high road to success.{d-1} He served as well with the parks commission and the industrial fair, and was first president in 1911 of the Saskatoon Auto Club, which opened a resort at nearby Pike Lake. (It was there, on 15 June 1917, the darkest day of Cairns{apos}s life, that his son, Hugh Charles John (Jack), drowned.) In 1914 and 1915 he was a board member of the Young Men{apos}s Christian Association. Eminent too in sports, he built a baseball stadium, Cairns Field, which sat 1,700 and drew an opening-day crowd of 6,422 on 14 May 1914. Playing professionally in the Western Canada League and sponsored by Quaker Oats, the Saskatoon Quakers won titles that year and in 1919; a number of Quakers made it to the major leagues. In 1921 Cairns was president of the Saskatoon Baseball Club. As was consistent with his public prominence, he was a freemason, a Shriner, a Rotarian, and an Oddfellow and he belonged to clubs in Saskatoon, Winnipeg, and Los Angeles.

Cairns was deeply involved in early industrial projects, most of them failures. A founder in 1904 of the Saskatoon Cement Works, which flourished, he had a stake too in the Saskatchewan Power Company, established in 1908 to dam the South Saskatchewan River, but it failed for lack of capital in 1912. He then joined the Canadian Agency in an attempt to acquire the company{apos}s charter and the rights to construct a street railway. Cairns worked behind the scenes to secure city council{apos}s backing and discourage public debate; he was thus not the faultless figure lionized by American writer Elbert Hubbard. When the scheme ground to a halt, Cairns and Canadian Agency representatives concentrated on developing subdivisions. He had an interest as well in Saskatoon Gas and Oil in 1911 and Saska-Alta Petroleum Products in 1914, and was a prime mover and first president in 1914 of the Industrial League, formed to bring industry to Saskatoon, though by then its real-estate boom had ended and credit had dried up.

In politics Cairns was an active Liberal. Within three weeks of his arrival in 1902, he was at a party meeting. {d-0}Every Liberal in town was there,{d-1} he remembered. {d-0}There were seven of us.{d-1} Nominated as an electoral candidate in 1906 and 1908, he stepped aside each time; selected again in 1915, he withdrew in 1917 in favour of a Unionist candidate.

In 1924 Cairns sold his store to the Hudson{apos}s Bay Company. The following year he became manager of one of Saskatchewan{apos}s new liquor stores, a sign of the end of Prohibition. He died in 1928, just short of 58 years and much mourned. Cairns left two monuments to his industry, his store and Cairns Field, both now demolished.

Daily Phoenix (Saskatoon), 30 Oct. 1907; 28 July, 24 Dec. 1908; 5 March 1910; 2, 15, 18 April 1912; 4 Feb., 17 March 1913; 13, 15-16 May, 15 Oct. 1914; 28 May 1915; 30 Oct. 1917; 8 March, 23 Aug. 1919; 19 March 1928. Daily Star (Saskatoon), 16 Jan. 1916. Saskatoon Phoenix, 9 Dec. 1902; 26 Jan., 20 March, 3 Aug. 1903; 29 Jan., 5 Feb., 11, 19-20 May 1904; 26 Jan., 17 Feb. 1905; 11 Jan. 1906. N. F. Black, History of Saskatchewan and the North-West Territories (2v., Regina, 1913). Lorraine Blashill, From a little stone school: the story of the development of the Saskatoon public school system over the past one hundred years (Saskatoon, 1982). John Gilpin, {d-0}The dark side of the {s-0}Saskatoon Spirit{s-1-unknown}; James F. Cairns and power, street railway and land development in Saskatoon, 1908-1914,{d-1} Saskatchewan Hist. (Saskatoon), 45 (1993), no.2: 15-23. Hist. Assoc. of Saskatoon, Narratives of Saskatoon, 1882-1912, by men of the city ([Saskatoon, 1927]). Elbert Hubbard, Cairns of Saskatoon (East Aurora, N.Y., 1913). Don Kerr and S. [D.] Hanson, Saskatoon: the first half-century (Edmonton, 1982). Who{apos}s who and why, 1921.

Archibald Campbell{apos}s father had immigrated to western Upper Canada from Caithness, Scotland. His mother, also of Scottish background, had been brought up on the family farm in Ekfrid Township; the Campbells moved there from Wardsville in 1864. Archibald received his early education in local schools and graduated from St Thomas High School. He was apprenticed in engineering and surveying for three years to the county engineer for Middlesex and Elgin and under James Anthony Bell, the city engineer in St Thomas. Commissioned a provincial land surveyor in April 1885, he began practice there. In 1888, the year he joined the Canadian Society of Civil Engineers, he formed a private partnership with Bell, specializing in waterworks, drainage systems, and bridges.

In 1891 Campbell succeeded Bell as city engineer and was a founding editor of the monthly Municipal World (St Thomas). He compiled its {d-0}Engineering Department{d-1} section, which ranged over the responsibilities of municipal engineers, from water and sewer systems to the placement of electricity lines. He was particularly interested in improved roadways and soon became recognized as a progressive advocate. Every aspect of building and managing rural and urban roads was covered in detail. {d-0}A good road-bed pays,{d-1} he wrote in May 1892. {d-0}It saves power, shortens distance and time, increases speed, insures comfort and safety, and is, in whatever way you state it, a good investment.{d-1} Public attention to roads had been eclipsed by enthusiasm for railways, but in the 1890s the bicycle craze and the formation of the Ontario Good Roads Association spurred renewed interest. Campbell{apos}s concern was practical: the construction and maintenance of good roads, from the farm gate to the markets and the grain elevators, meant that horses could easily pull greater loads and that transportation costs could be lightened and consumers{s-1-unknown} prices lowered. A second factor in his interest was improving the professional status of engineering. Roadwork was the responsibility of municipalities, which usually farmed the tasks out to influential citizens who then employed statute labour. The system was haphazard and standards were shoddy. Campbell used the Municipal World to champion the use of trained engineers. {d-0}Good engineering . . . becomes a source of economy instead of an expense to municipal government,{d-1} he argued in April 1892. {d-0}It is therefore real economy to employ a man thoroughly qualified, and to pay him a liberal salary.{d-1}

Campbell{apos}s advocacy, and the convenient fact that he was a Liberal, led to his appointment in April 1896 as provincial instructor in roadmaking, under Minister of Agriculture John Dryden*. In 1900 his position, then styled commissioner of highways, was transferred to Public Works, where he effectively became deputy minister. Through his influence, public dependence on statute labour and toll roads was reduced. In 1902 the beleaguered Liberal government of George William Ross*, seeking re-election, set aside a million dollars to assist counties in highway construction. Campbell stayed in his post when the Conservatives replaced the Liberals at Queen{apos}s Park in 1905. The promotion of high-grade roads was a growing concern for provincial authorities, particularly after motor vehicles began appearing; 178 automobiles were registered in Ontario in 1903 but in 1910 there were 4,230.

By then Campbell{apos}s administrative skills had attracted the attention of the federal minister of railways and canals, George Perry Graham*, who had him appointed as his deputy minister in February 1910. In addition, Campbell assumed the chair of the Canadian Government Railways{s-1-unknown} managing board. He thus became the executive officer of one of the largest federal departments, with more than 4,000 employees, including a large, professional engineering corps, among them Ernest Marceau* and Collingwood Schreiber*. Campbell{apos}s annual report for 1912-13 recorded that 8,591 miles of public and private railways were under construction (down some 300 miles from the previous year) and 29,303 were in operation; the aggregate tonnage passing through the canals had risen from 47,587,245 to 52,053,913. The most notable projects underway at this time were the National Transcontinental Railway [see Francis Cochrane*] and the new Welland ship canal. After 1914 Campbell ushered his department through the demands of wartime transportation and nationalizing the Canadian Northern Railway [see Sir William Mackenzie]. In June 1918 he took a leave of absence at full pay to investigate highway improvements for the reconstruction committee of the Union government of Sir Robert Laird Borden*. He resigned as deputy minister in June 1919 and was appointed dominion commissioner of highways.

During his years in Railways and Canals, Campbell had continued his promotion of roads. He attended conferences, gave papers, and was active in both the Canadian Cement and Concrete Association and the good roads committee of the Canadian Society of Civil Engineers. His appointment in 1919 was linked to the passage that year of the Canada Highways Act, which allocated 20 million dollars over 5 years to provide 40 per cent of the cost of constructing or improving roads for a national highway system. The provinces would contribute 60 per cent. All projects had to be approved by both levels of government and had to meet current engineering standards for the type of road (paved or gravel) being built. Campbell and his small staff reviewed all the proposals. The submission and approval of plans took longer than anticipated, so allocation was extended to 1928. This shared-cost program was an important stimulus to highway construction in the 1920s - in 1921 Campbell{apos}s office planned 17,951 miles - but the combined funding was only a tiny portion of what was needed to build a first-class system. In 1922 there were a mere 1,000 miles of paved highways in Canada. Campbell nonetheless travelled extensively to examine roadways, prepared specifications, and worked closely with the provincial departments of highways. In addition, he was a regular delegate at the conventions of the Canadian Good Roads Association, the Ontario Motor League, and the Canadian Automobile Association, where, among other measures, he advocated the abolition of speed limits.

In May 1927 Campbell, who had just returned from a motor tour of the roads between Ottawa, Montreal, and Quebec City, died suddenly in his rooms at the Victoria Chambers on Wellington Street, across from his west block office. The cause was stomach haemorrhaging and cardiac failure. A bachelor, he had devoted his life to his work and his causes - good roads and the professionalization of engineering. During his Ottawa years he developed an international reputation as an expert on highway construction and maintenance and was known throughout North America and Europe as {d-0}Good Roads{d-1} Campbell. After a memorial service at his Ottawa church, St Andrew{apos}s Presbyterian, Senator George Graham, his former minister, accompanied his body by train to Appin, Ont., for burial in the family plot in Longwoods Cemetery near Melbourne. His small estate, including his shares in Municipal World Limited, went to a brother, a sister, and a niece. Archie Campbell, the St Thomas Times-Journal noted, {d-0}was a maker of Canada and his work is the best and most permanent monument to his memory that could be devised.{d-1}

Archibald William Campbell{apos}s publications include Road bulletin no.1 ([Toronto, 1896?]), Road bulletin no.2 (Toronto, 1896), and The streets of Saint John: report (Saint John, [1897?]). A summary of his report on Winnipeg streets appears in Reports on Winnipeg pavements, comp. H. N. Ruttan (Winnipeg, 1900). His articles are listed in Science and technology biblio. (Richardson and MacDonald).

AO, F 977-6, Longwoods Cemetery, Caradoc Township, Ont.; RG 22-354, no.13218; RG 80-8-0-1056, no.10042. LAC, RG 32, 425, P.C. 1528, 22 June 1918; P.C. 1021, 15 May 1919. Ottawa Evening Journal, 10 May 1927. Times-Journal (St Thomas, Ont.), 10 May 1927. Assoc. of Ontario Land Surveyors, Annual report (Toronto), 1928: 114-16. Can., House of Commons, Debates, 1919; Parl., Sessional papers, 1918, no.30: 427; 1921, no.20: 83-84. Canada Gazette, 5 Feb. 1910: 2301. Canadian annual rev., 1905-1925/26. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). E. C. Guillet, The story of Canadian roads (Toronto, 1966). Municipal World (St Thomas), April 1892: 41; May 1892: 53. Ont., Legislature, Sessional papers, 1897, no.24; 1901, no.27; 1906, no.27. Statistics Canada, Historical statistics of Canada, ed. F. H. Leacy (2nd ed., Ottawa, 1983; also available online at Statistics Canada{apos}s website, www.statcan.ca), ser.T147, T171. Who{apos}s who in Canada, 1925/26.

A native of Glengarry County, Kenneth Campbell settled in Thorah in the 1820s; his wife was from Scotland. Strongly Roman Catholic, the family encouraged church vocations: Catherine Anne Campbell{apos}s brother Kenneth A. entered the priesthood and four of their nieces would become religious. After her early education in a township school and the requisite postulancy, Catherine Anne assumed the habit of the Sisters of St Joseph of Toronto on 3 May 1856. She was received into the community by its founder, Mother Delphine [Marie-Antoinette Fontbonne*], and given the name Sister Ignatius. Over the next 11 years she taught in various schools which were under the sisters{s-1-unknown} direction in the diocese of Toronto. The order was expanding rapidly [see Ellen Dinan*] and in 1867, under the name Sister Ignatia, she was appointed superior of the community{apos}s mission in Thorold, Ont.

As superior, she oversaw the growth of the sisterhood in London. Mount Hope, which served as a home for the infirm and the elderly as well as an orphanage, mother house, and noviciate, was extended, with the new building being dedicated on 7 Oct. 1877. In 1889 she negotiated the purchase of the former Hellmuth Ladies{s-1-unknown} College, which after extensive renovation was dedicated and named Mount St Joseph Motherhouse, Noviciate, and Orphanage on 26 April 1900. Renamed the House of Providence, Mount Hope became a facility for the elderly. Beyond London, the sisters established convents and staffed schools throughout southwestern Ontario, including Goderich (1873), St Thomas (1879), Ingersoll (1879), Belle River (1889), and Walkerville (Windsor) (1894). Mother Ignatia made the arrangements under which the community provided domestic service for the Congregation of St Basil at Assumption College in Sandwich (Windsor) from 1884 to 1904. As well, she oversaw the establishment of St Joseph{apos}s Hospital in London (1888) and St Joseph{apos}s Hospital in Chatham (1890).

Mother Ignatia served as general superior until 1902, when changes in canon law required that she relinquish her office. Immediately elected to the community{apos}s general council, she subsequently served as first councillor, mother assistant, and superior of the convent in St Thomas (1902-10), fourth councillor (1911-14), and chair of the committee to revise the community{apos}s constitutions. During her terms on general council, the community established foundations in Sarnia (1906) and in Seaforth and Woodstock (1913). In 1914 it acquired, as its new mother house, Sacred Heart Convent in London, formerly the residence of the Religious of the Sacred Heart.

Peter Campbell{apos}s parents immigrated to Canada from Scotland in 1817 and settled near Perth that same year. An able student, Robert was able to obtain a classical education from a well-educated Irish schoolmaster at the local common school. After a conversion experience in 1852, he began to prepare for the ministry. He graduated in 1856 from Queen{apos}s College, Kingston, with a ba (honours in all subjects) and later that year he became headmaster of Queen{apos}s College School. He continued to study, receiving an ma from Queen{apos}s in 1858. Although licensed to preach by the presbytery of Bathurst in 1860, he went abroad, visiting the British Isles and the Continent. He seems to have already had a reputation as a preacher, because on his return he received invitations from several congregations. He chose St Andrew{apos}s Church in Galt (Cambridge); on 10 April 1862 he was ordained and inducted into that congregation. After four years there, he accepted a call from the famous St Gabriel Street Church in Montreal. Campbell would retain this charge until his retirement in 1909, a ministry of 43 years. He held the title of minister emeritus from 1909 until his death.

Proud of his Scottish heritage, Campbell was a founding member of the Celtic Society of Montreal, established in 1883. Philosophically he was trained in the Scottish common sense tradition and espoused its realism; he remained unimpressed with the philosophical idealism sweeping through the church{apos}s institutions of higher learning and had little time for the theological liberalism that accompanied it. Although conservative in his socio-political outlook as well, he did not completely trust the bullish capitalism of his age. Campbell was doctrinally conservative but not reactionary. In spite of his high praise for the Westminster Confession, he sometimes qualified his acceptance of it. He agreed with some of the results of higher criticism of Christian Scriptures. No exponent of cultural Christianity, he remained evangelical in outlook. He averred that {d-0}every baptized child of the Church needs spiritual regeneration as much as any Hindu or Hottentot.{d-1} To a certain degree, he fell between the cracks, not nearly up-to-date enough for the theological liberals of his day, but not sufficiently conservative to satisfy strict Calvinist orthodoxy.

Campbell was both an ecumenist and a fervent Scottish Presbyterian. As an ecumenist, he freely recognized a valuable Christian witness in the other Canadian denominations he termed {d-0}evangelical{d-1}: Anglican, Baptist, Congregationalist, and Methodist. He also found a place in Christendom for the Roman Catholic Church; he even had nice things to say about the Unitarians. Of the Jews, Campbell comments: {d-0}Over against [the crucifixion of Christ] is to be placed the fact that our great redeemer was a Jew, and that Christians owe the large sources of their religion to that remarkable people.{d-1} As an unapologetic Scottish Presbyterian, he aggressively supported a union of the various branches of Presbyterianism in 1875, but later strongly opposed the union of Scottish and English denominations in Canada, finally consolidated in the establishment of the United Church of Canada in 1925. He tested severely his rugged constitution in his all-out fight to get the Presbyterian union through the Quebec legislature in 1875 and he would similarly ignore the limitations of old age as a leader in the struggle against interdenominational union.

In addition to his pastoral work, Campbell was a trustee of Queen{apos}s College for many years and for two academic years (1880-82) he was a lecturer in church history there. His writings give evidence of his acquaintance with current topics such as socialism, evolution, and higher criticism of the Bible. Queen{apos}s conferred on him an honorary dd in 1887. As soon as the union of 1875 had made it possible, he served the erstwhile Free Church theological college, Presbyterian College of Montreal, as a member of its board of managers from 1875 to 1883. He taught church history there as well, in 1904-5 and in 1916. Except for a brief hiatus (1894-95), he was a senator of the college from 1883 until his death, a tenure that made him one of its longest serving, most influential senators.

From 1892 until his death Campbell was senior clerk (secretary) of the General Assembly, the most important post in Presbyterian churches within the Scottish tradition. The clerk{apos}s word is authoritative in the intricacies of Presbyterian practice. Certainly Campbell{apos}s consummate skill in the position was freely acknowledged by friend and foe alike. The other high post in Presbyterianism is that of moderator of the General Assembly. Campbell had this honour in 1907.

Campbell had a considerable public role, especially in Montreal. He was a founding member and chaplain of the St Lawrence Curling Club. He was also active in such charitable organizations as the Prisoners{s-1-unknown} Aid Society. No stranger to legislators, he acted as lobbyist or publicist on numerous issues involving the church.

His literary output, while not extraordinary, was respectable for a conscientious parish minister. He is best remembered for his minutely detailed History of the Scotch Presbyterian Church . . . (Montreal, 1887). Over 800 pages long, it contains many small biographies of founders of Presbyterianism in Montreal and is still consulted today. His Relations of the Christian churches to one another . . . (Toronto, 1913) is a polemical but charitable refutation of church union. The best known of his shorter works are On the union of Presbyterians in Canada (Montreal, 1871) and The pretensions exposed . . . (Montreal, 1878), a vitriolic tract against ministers claiming to represent the true Church of Scotland. Less acerbic was his Union or co-operation . . . (Montreal, [1906?]). He wrote numerous articles for church magazines; the prestigious Catholic Presbyterian (London and New York) published his {d-0}Rise and progress of the Presbyterian Church in Canada{d-1} in 1879.

All the sources converge on two of Campbell{apos}s traits: his optimism and his vigour. He evidently had an irrepressible enthusiasm and an almost irritating ability to see hope in the most thorough defeats. He evangelized confidently in his east-end Montreal parish even when it seemed that once established as church members many of his flock moved to the more prosperous west end of the city. He retired from the pastorate at age 74 and kept up a punishing schedule of engagements. The last active day of his life - 28 Feb. 1921 - he participated in a meeting of the presbytery of Montreal, as had been his wont for 53 years; that evening he planned to attend a meeting of the Natural History Society of Montreal (of which he was honorary president). He was en route when the streetcar in which he was riding lurched forward and left him with injuries which would prove fatal two weeks later. His death robbed the Presbyterian Church in Canada of one of its most distinguished elder statesmen, the Quebec Christian community of a renowned ecumenist, and the Canadian scientific community of an acute observer of nature.

AO, RG 80-27-2, 79: 112. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). N. K. Clifford, The resistance to church union in Canada, 1904-1939 (Vancouver, 1985); {d-0}Robert Campbell, the defender of Presbyterianism,{d-1} in Called to witness: profiles of Canadian Presbyterians . . . , ed. W. S. Reid and J. S. Moir (4v. to date, [Toronto; Hamilton, Ont.], 1975-?), 1: 53-66. [James Croil], A historical and statistical report of the Presbyterian Church of Canada, in connection with the Church of Scotland, for the year 1866 (Montreal, 1867). G. C. Heine, A brief sketch of the life and work of the Rev. Robert Campbell, d.d., minister of St. Gabriel Church, Montreal (Montreal, 1922). Presbyterian Church in Canada, General Assembly, Acts and proc. (Toronto), 1921-22. Ephraim Scott, {d-0}The late Rev. Robert Campbell, d.d.,{d-1} Presbyterian Record (Montreal) 46 (1921): 104-6. Hew Scott et al., Fasti ecclesiæ scoticanæ: the succession of ministers in the Church of Scotland from the Reformation (new ed., 11v. to date, Edinburgh, 1915-?): 7. Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell).

CANNON, LAWRENCE JOHN, lawyer, office holder, and judge; b. 18 Nov. 1852 at Quebec, son of Lawrence Ambrose Cannon, a lawyer and city clerk at Quebec, and Mary Jane Cary; m. 2 Aug. 1876 Marie-Hermine-Aurélie-Alida Dumoulin, daughter of Jean-Gaspard Dumoulin* and Alida Pacaud, in Saint-Christophe-d{apos}Arthabaska, Que., and they had eight children; d. 30 Jan. 1921 at Quebec.

The great-grandson of Edward Cannon*, an Irishman who settled at Quebec in 1795 and worked there as a master mason with his son John*, Lawrence John Cannon belonged to one of the city{apos}s prominent families. At his baptism, his godfather was Augustin-Norbert Morin*, who was then co-premier of the Province of Canada with Francis Hincks*. Lawrence John did his classical studies at the Séminaire de Québec (1862-70) and the Séminaire de Nicolet (1870-71), and then enrolled at the Université Laval, where he obtained a degree in law in June 1874. Called to the bar in July, he practised for a few months at Quebec before moving in 1875 to Arthabaskaville (Victoriaville), where he went into partnership with Édouard-Louis Pacaud*. He soon became part of the little circle of friends which included the Pacaud brothers, Wilfrid Laurier*, Marc-Aurèle Plamondon*, and Joseph Lavergne. As the Liberal candidate for the riding of Drummond and Arthabaska in the federal election of 20 June 1882, Cannon was defeated by the Conservative incumbent, Désiré-Olivier Bourbeau. When the Temperance League of the County of Arthabaska was founded in 1885, he was a member of the first board of directors, along with Laurier and others. On 2 Feb. 1891 the government of Honoré Mercier* appointed him deputy attorney general and law clerk for the province of Quebec, an office he retained under successive Conservative and Liberal administrations until 1905. On 29 July of that year he became a judge of the Superior Court for the district of Trois-Rivières.

The most important event in Cannon{apos}s judicial career was his appointment on 7 April 1909 by the government of Sir Lomer Gouin as a one-man royal commission to make a general and complete inquiry into the administration of the affairs of the city of Montreal. This commission, which would also be known as the Cannon inquiry, was set up in response to pressure from a committee of citizens which, among others, included former mayor Hormisdas Laporte*, notary Victor Morin, and Senator Raoul Dandurand*. In view of the inefficient management by the committees of the city council, these citizens called for reforms in the municipal administration and especially for the creation of a board of control having the executive power. With the assistance of a secretary, lawyer Arthur Gagné, Cannon commenced his work on 19 April but adjourned it until 27 April, the date on which the inquiry really began. He held 115 sessions and heard 914 depositions, in the course of which 548 pieces of evidence were produced. His mandate required him to submit a report before 15 July, but the hearings, at which the lawyers for the citizens{s-1-unknown} committee, Joseph-Léonide Perron and Napoléon-Kemner Laflamme, acted as prosecutors, did not conclude until 14 September.

Reported in detail by the Montreal press, the hearings showed that there had been corruption and patronage in the innermost reaches of the city{apos}s administration. On 20 September, before Cannon had submitted his report, the provincial government held a referendum on the amendments it had made to the city{apos}s charter under a statute enacted in May 1909. These amendments reduced the number of aldermen per ward and created the board of commissioners, a board of control consisting of the mayor and four members elected for four years. A third of the citizens of Montreal took part in the referendum; 88 per cent voted in favour of creating a board and 92 per cent for reducing the number of aldermen from two to one per ward.

On 13 Dec. 1909 Cannon finished writing his report. He made it clear from the outset that the evidence presented to him enabled him to {d-0}form an accurate idea of the existing abuses and irregularities in the civic administration of Montreal.{d-1} Following the course of the inquiry, he dealt first with the organization and operation of the police. He concluded that there was systemic tolerance with regard to houses of prostitution, gaming houses, and the sale of alcohol on Sunday, that appointments and promotions required payments, and that the chief of police was sometimes {d-0}a too subservient instrument in the hands of certain aldermen.{d-1} He recommended that the police commission, composed of aldermen who supervised the police department, be abolished, and that the number of police officers be increased. Turning to the fire department, the judge again attacked a jobs-for-sale system controlled by go-betweens, aldermen, and officers of the fire brigade [see Zéphirin Benoit]. His comment on the situation was unequivocal: {d-0}It is hard to imagine a more wretched occupation.{d-1} The evidence concerning the roads department led him to the conclusion that it had to be entirely reorganized if it was to become economical, efficient, and honest. He recommended the abolition of the roads commission which supervised the department.

When he made these recommendations, Cannon knew that the voters had approved the board of commissioners, which marked the end of commissions made up of aldermen. He noted that this new authority {d-0}will have to find a solution to current abuses.{d-1} Evidence of corruption and patronage involving other authorities was mentioned by the judge. For example, he was led to describe the city{apos}s decision to drop charges against dairymen who supplied products of inferior quality as {d-0}quasi-criminal interference from the aldermen,{d-1} because, in his view, it endangered the health of the population. On the completion of his general inquiry, Cannon concluded that {d-0}the administration of the affairs of the City of Montreal by its Council since 1902 has been saturated with corruption arising mainly from the scourge of patronage{d-1} and that reduction of the number of aldermen and creation of a board of control would improve municipal administration. His recommendations concerning the creation of a {d-0}council composed of aldermen, representing the whole city,{d-1} as well as prosecution and fines for the individuals named by the inquiry, would not be acted on. In February 1910 the candidates backed by the citizens{s-1-unknown} committee took control of the city council. All the aldermen incriminated by the report either were defeated or did not stand for re-election. The board of commissioners would be retained until 1918.

On 6 July 1910 judge Lawrence John Cannon was transferred to the Quebec district, where he served until his death in 1921. The daily Le Soleil referred to him at this time as {d-0}that brilliant magistrate whose worthy and honourable career had won him the esteem and respect of all,{d-1} and it mentioned that his report on the administration of Montreal {d-0}is still famous both for the facts brought to light and for the conclusions of the learned judge.{d-1} Two of Cannon{apos}s sons would also be appointed to the bench: Lawrence Arthur Dumoulin*, judge of the Court of King{apos}s Bench and of the Supreme Court of Canada, and Lucien, judge of the Superior Court for the district of Quebec.

Lawrence John Cannon is the author of Rapport sur l{apos}administration de la ville de Montréal, décembre 1909 (s.l., n.d.) and, with François Laroche, of Tariffs of officers of justice and registrars in the province of Quebec, with supplement and index (Quebec, 1902), also published in French.

ANQ-MBF, CE402-S2, 2 août 1876. ANQ-Q, CE301-S1, 18 nov. 1852. VM-DGDA, P39; VM6, Dossiers de coupures de presse, D010.9: enquête-commission Cannon-année 1909. Le Soleil, 31 janv., 1er févr. 1921. J.-P. Brodeur, La délinquance de l{apos}ordre: recherches sur les commissions d{apos}enquête (1v. paru, La Salle, Qué., 1984- ), 55-71. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898). I.-J. Deslauriers, La Cour supérieure du Québec et ses juges, 1849-1er janvier 1980 (Québec, 1980), 166. {d-0}Les disparus,{d-1} BRH, 33 (1927): 210. Michel Gauvin, {d-0}The reformer and the machine: Montreal civic politics from Raymond Préfontaine to Médéric Martin,{d-1} Journal of Canadian Studies (Peterborough, Ont.), 13 (1978-79), no.2: 20-21. Linteau, Hist. de Montréal, 258-60. C.-V. Marsolais et al., Histoire des maires de Montréal (Montréal, 1993), 198-204. Que., Statutes, 1885, c.54. P.-G. Roy, Les juges de la prov. de Québec, 90-91. Rumilly, Hist. de Montréal, 3: 397-412.

During the 1880s Carey played an important role in the Toronto labour movement. In 1882 he had joined the Knights of Labor Maple Leaf Local Assembly 2622, which consisted primarily of Massey employees, and he served as district master workman for five years. Along with other experienced labour figures, notably printer Daniel John O{apos}Donoghue*, tailor Alfred Fredman Jury*, painters Charles March* and John W. Carter, and journalist Thomas Phillips Thompson*, Carey outlined strategies that would shape the course of the movement for the next decade. Observing that labour{apos}s interest had been damaged by the public, partisan activity of various Knights leaders, particularly Alexander Whyte Wright*, Carey resolved in 1891 that the order{apos}s District Assembly should cancel the credentials of any delegate who worked for the Conservatives or the Reformers. His denunciation of political involvement resulted in a shift in labour lobbying from the Knights{s-1-unknown} legislative committee to the Trades and Labor Congress of Canada, a move that would weaken the Knights{s-1-unknown} position.

Carey also belonged, in these years of turmoil, to the Toronto Trades and Labor Council, which had been pivotal in the organization of the Trades and Labor Congress in 1883. He represented the TTLC at the TLC{apos}s annual meetings in 1894, 1895, 1896, 1900, and 1901, and was president of the TLC in 1896-98. At its convention in 1897 he called for concrete reforms, such as public employment bureaus, and broad social and political action, to eradicate the defective {d-0}social customs{d-1} that were holding back Canada{apos}s toilers. {d-0}The educating and new power of the press, properly described as the library of the workingman and the reception of political power, have infused new ideas, new principles and new aspirations into the heads and hearts of the workers,{d-1} he maintained. This interest in the press may have been prompted too by Carey{apos}s shift of careers: about 1892 he had become a reporter with the Toronto Evening Telegram.

During this era the TLC struggled to define the position of Canadian labour more exactly with reference to the American Federation of Labor. Canadian locals demanded a greater share of its income, and some trade unions even wanted separation from the giant international. The movement for autonomy had begun at the 1894 meeting of the TLC, where a committee composed of Carey, Quebec machinist Patrick Joseph Jobin*, and Ottawa market gardener James W. Patterson proposed that the congress reconstitute itself as a Canadian labour federation with the power to issue charters and perform all the other duties of a national labour organization. At the convention the following year, however, the congress{apos}s leaders showed a reluctance to work towards autonomy. Two years later a motion to establish a Canadian federation was defeated.

Although the question of international as opposed to national unionism had been settled, the problem of having large numbers of organized workers in Canada paying dues to essentially American organizations remained. In 1898 Carey and TLC secretary George W. Dower (a Toronto typographer) met with Thomas Kidd, who had recently been selected as the AFL{apos}s first fraternal delegate to the TLC. They discussed a proposal by the AFL to make a $100 grant to the TLC to aid its legislative committee and curb dissatisfaction among its members. The TLC accepted the proposal and elected Carey as its first fraternal delegate to the AFL. The TLC was apparently unaware that the AFL was acting in its own interest. By 1901 Carey was clearly pitching the AFL line: more pure labour legislation and less direct political involvement. A Canadian federation was set up by unions expelled from the TLC in 1902, but it remained weak. This failure to organize an effective national body ultimately paved the way for the dominance of the AFL style of international unionism.

Carey remained active in the local labour movement. He served on the board of directors of the Toronto Labor Temple Company Limited from its formation in 1904, was its president for many years, and worked on numerous arbitrations. He was a familiar figure among Toronto workers, particularly those on the waterfront and at Union Station, where his duties as a reporter often took him. A bandsman in his youth, Carey was active as a representative and district officer of the American Federation of Musicians, which had been formed in 1896 and had expanded into Canada in 1901. According to the Labor Leader (Toronto), he was responsible for {d-0}many conciliations between irate theatre proprietors and orchestras.{d-1}

In October 1917 Newton Wesley Rowell*, a member of the newly formed federal Union government, pushed Carey{apos}s name for the post of undersecretary of labour. Carey had, helpfully, dampened resistance against conscription within the TLC and, Rowell believed, he could speak for Ontario{apos}s Irish Catholics, who felt under-represented in Ottawa. In the general election in December, Carey ran in Toronto South under the Independent Labor banner, but his candidacy was tainted by questions about his motives for going to Ottawa, and he lost to Charles Sheard. About 1925 he left the Telegram to become manager of the Labor Temple, situated on Church Street.

A devout Roman Catholic, Carey served on Toronto{apos}s Separate School Board for 35 years. He worshipped at St Mary{apos}s Church on Bathurst Street, was a founder there of St Mary{apos}s Athletic Association, and belonged to the Third Order of St Francis and the Knights of Columbus. He later attended St Francis{s-1-unknown} Church on Mansfield Avenue, where his son Harold became the curate; his daughter entered the Sisters of St Joseph.

AO, RG 80-2-0-138, no.37217; RG 80-5-0-78, no.12930; RG 80-5-0-147, no.14775; RG 80-8-0-59, no.17075; RG 80-8-0-1050, no.2675. Mount Hope Cemetery (Toronto), Gravestone and burial records. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1901, Toronto, Ward 5, div.11: 3 (mfm. at AO). St Michael{apos}s Cemetery (Toronto), Burial records. Globe, 28 March 1927. Labor Leader (Toronto), 1 April 1927. R. H. Babcock, Gompers in Canada: a study in American continentalism before the First World War (Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1974). Canadian annual rev., 1903-4, 1917, 1921, 1923. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). CPG, 1918. Directory, Toronto, 1883-1927. Eugene Forsey, Trade unions in Canada, 1812-1902 (Toronto, 1982). G. S. Kealey, Toronto workers respond to industrial capitalism, 1867-1892 (Toronto and Buffalo, 1980). G. S. Kealey and B. D. Palmer, Dreaming of what might be: the Knights of Labor in Ontario, 1880-1900 (Toronto, 1987). H. A. Logan, Trade unions in Canada: their development and functioning (Toronto, 1948). Middleton, Municipality of Toronto. James Naylor, The new democracy: challenging the social order in industrial Ontario, 1914-25 (Toronto, 1991). Margaret Prang, N. W. Rowell, Ontario nationalist (Toronto and Buffalo, 1975).

Carruthers probably had his first contact with the grain business at the beginning of the 1870s, when he went to work for the Toronto firm of T. C. Chisholm. Around 1875 he was hired by the Montreal and Toronto grain merchants Crane and Baird, and he was in charge of the company{apos}s Toronto office. At the time, barley was moving through this port in large quantities, and wheat was just starting to be produced in western Canada. He became a partner in the firm in 1879 but left it in 1885 to join with James Sylvester Norris in founding a grain trading company, Norris and Carruthers. Norris lived in Montreal, where the company owned an office and a warehouse, while Carruthers lived in Toronto, where it rented premises in the Board of Trade building. At almost the same time, the first shipments of western grain reached Montreal, thanks to the link between Winnipeg and Port Arthur (Thunder Bay), Ont., established by the Canadian Pacific Railway Company in 1883. Norris and Carruthers dissolved their partnership towards the end of 1893, and the latter immediately founded the company that would become the largest grain exporting firm in Canada, James Carruthers and Company.

By the mid 1890s Carruthers was a prosperous merchant, living in an elegant neo-Romanesque residence on Toronto{apos}s prestigious Jarvis Street. His firm had offices in Montreal, Toronto, and Winnipeg, and would soon open one in New York. In 1898 he also became a shareholder in a large grain elevator company in Manitoba. In addition Carruthers was very active in the chambers of commerce and grain exchanges in Canada and the northern United States, and he made numerous business trips to Great Britain. This extensive network was very useful to him from 1900 to 1920, when exports of Canadian wheat became the engine of Canada{apos}s economic growth. He carved out the lion{apos}s share of this trade for himself, and by the early 1910s he became known as {d-0}Canada{apos}s Wheat King.{d-1}

James and Louisa Carruthers had three sons, all of whom worked in his businesses. The eldest, George Andrew, was in charge of the company{apos}s Winnipeg office and later enlisted in the army. The other two died very young, Edgar around 1907 and William in 1915. Shortly after Edgar{apos}s death, James Carruthers left Toronto and settled permanently in Montreal, which by then had become the country{apos}s principal grain port. He and his wife lived in new apartments and stylish hotels, including the Ritz-Carlton. He remained active in the business world, made substantial donations to hospitals, and purchased military matériel for the Canadian army during World War I. He was a keen sportsman and between 1906 and 1908 he and Sir Hugh Montagu Allan* bought large parcels of land on which the Montreal Jockey Club{apos}s racetrack was built. Many of the Montreal bourgeoisie, as well as an impressive number of dignitaries, attended his funeral in September 1924.

ANQ-M, CN601-S480, 26 avril 1906; TP11, S2, SS20, SSS48, vol.8-o, 18 sept. 1879, no.806; vol.12-o, 12 mars 1885, no.30; vol.13-o, 13 déc. 1886, nos.134-35; vol.23-o, 25 juin 1902, no.127. AO, RG 22-305, no.2557; RG 80-5-0-54, no.10984. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1871, 1881, 1901, Toronto, St James{s-1-unknown} ward, div.6. Palais de Justice, Montréal, Cour supérieure, Greffes, R. H. Barron, 30 mars, 26 juill. 1906; 27 août 1908; H. M. Marler, 17 nov. 1908. Gazette (Montreal), 5 June 1897; 12 Feb. 1919; 20, 23 Sept. 1924. Globe (Toronto), 20 Sept. 1924. Manitoba Free Press, 20 Sept. 1924. Montreal Daily Star, 12 Feb. 1919, 20 Sept. 1924. La Presse, 12 févr. 1919, 20 sept. 1924. G. M. Adam, Toronto, old and new: a memorial volume . . . (Toronto, 1891; repr. 1972). C. W. Anderson, Grain: the entrepreneurs (Winnipeg, 1991). Annual financial rev. (Toronto and Montreal), 1901-24. Canadian annual rev., 1902-24. Canadian history makers . . . (Montreal, 1913). T. E. Champion, The Methodist churches of Toronto (Toronto, 1899). E. A. Collard, Passage to the sea: the story of Canada Steamship Lines (Toronto, 1991). Directories, Montreal, 1880-1924; Toronto, 1846-1909. Encyclopaedia of Canadian biography . . . , vol.2. V. C. Fowke, The National Policy and the wheat economy (Toronto, 1957). Thomas Galbraith, General financial and trade review of the city of Toronto for 1880 ([Toronto], 1881). Ross Hamilton, Prominent men of Canada, 1931-32 (Montreal, [1932?]). D. C. Masters, The rise of Toronto, 1850-1890 (Toronto, 1947). Montreal, old [and] new: entertaining, convincing, fascinating; a unique guide for the managing editor, ed. Lorenzo Prince et al. (Montreal, n.d.). Prominent people of the province of Quebec, 1923-24 (Montreal, n.d.). Benjamin Sulte et al., A history of Quebec, its resources and its people (2v., Montreal, 1908), 2. A. S. Thompson, Jarvis Street: a story of triumph and tragedy (Toronto, 1980). C. F. Wilson, A century of Canadian grain: government policy to 1951 (Saskatoon, 1978).

William Oliver Carson attended schools in London, where his father became a principal and, in 1891, inspector of public schools. In his youth Carson worked as a photographer and successfully ran for alderman on city council. His appointment in December 1906 as librarian of the London Public Library was attributed by some to Conservative influence at the municipal level; however, Carson quickly demonstrated the requisite administrative talent. In 1908 he established open access to book stacks, including fiction, and two years later he reorganized the reference and reading rooms. He advocated in-service training for promising assistants and promoted the library by speaking to such groups as the London and Middlesex Historical Society. The addition of a children{apos}s room in 1913 was followed in 1915 by the appointment of a full-time children{apos}s librarian and the introduction of a story hour. On 23 Dec. 1915 a branch was opened in the east end of the city at Dundas and Rectory streets; moved in 1926 to the corner of Dufferin and Quebec, it would be renamed the W. O. Carson Branch Library in 1961 to commemorate his tenure as chief librarian.

Carson became an important figure in the Ontario Library Association. He joined the executive in 1911 as a councillor, served as president in 1914-15, and spoke regularly at its annual meetings. In 1912 he delivered a thoughtful paper on the benefits of librarians{s-1-unknown} education and professional training. His presidential address in 1915 outlined his basic philosophy that strong local financing, capable leadership, efficient services, and good community relations would ensure the progress of public libraries and make them an effective national force.

The impression he made at the provincial level stood Carson in good stead when he applied for the post of inspector of public libraries in the Ontario Department of Education. Successful, he assumed his duties in April 1916. His office was responsible for public library development and worked with related institutions such as the Canadian Free Library for the Blind. It also dispensed grants to more than 30 historical, literary, and scientific societies. Despite the austerity of wartime Carson displayed vigour from the outset. His first reform was publication of the Ontario Library Review and Book-Selection Guide. Established in June 1916, funded by the provincial government, and distributed to all libraries, the OLR kept readers abreast of important issues bearing on libraries and served as an aid in the selection of books. The journal, to which Carson contributed numerous editorials and articles, was immediately popular. Carson also oversaw the extension of the department{apos}s existing training-school program to two months in 1917, with the aim of improving standards in librarianship.

Because he believed that the success of libraries depended upon qualified personnel, Carson had persuaded the department to extend library training to three months in 1919. The Toronto Public Library served as the home for the Training School for Librarianship (renamed the Ontario Library School in 1923) until 1927; Dorothy A. Thompson, hired by Carson to assist in the public libraries branch, was the instructor in charge from 1920 to 1927. To encourage candidates, no fees were charged, texts and supplies were provided, and a large portion of students{s-1-unknown} travelling expenses was reimbursed.

Although this short course in training satisfied most needs during the 1920s, Carson personally considered that a professional one-year course, following the example of library-school education at various American universities, was ideal. It was not, however, until September 1928 that a one-year academic program, under the directorship of Winifred Glen Barnstead*, began at the Ontario College of Education in arrangement with the University of Toronto. The Department of Education continued to assist with financing the school{apos}s operations; thus, the university granted diplomas to graduates and the department issued certificates.

Carson strengthened the role of the public libraries branch and expanded quarters for his staff. Much of their work consisted of assigning travelling libraries to rural areas and checking more than 500 annual library reports. The branch also issued Reference work and reference works: containing hints on reference library service . . . in 1920, a pioneering Canadian library publication. At times, the inspector{apos}s role was not free from controversy. When the minister of education, Robert Henry Grant, ordered Carson to conduct a special report on Hamilton Public Library in the early part of 1921, he reluctantly dissected the library{apos}s operations. His proposals for remedial action roused some disagreement but ultimately improved services.

In the 1920s Carson was active in the American Library Association, serving two terms on its council. He contributed a separate chapter on Canadian activities as one of seven commissioners in the ALA{apos}s 1924-26 landmark study of adult education. Although there was a growing interest in forming a Canadian library organization in affiliation with the ALA at the association{apos}s annual conference in Seattle in July 1925, where Carson presided over three gatherings of the Canadian members, and at the ALA{apos}s Toronto meeting of June 1927, he was unwilling to support this cause. The inspector, following the premier and minister of education, George Howard Ferguson*, was reluctant to endorse actions that were too closely connected with American-based organizations. Moreover, Carson did not believe that a national body could be successfully launched at the time. He favoured the step-by-step building up of provincial associations or councils from coast to coast to provide the basis for a national organization, taking as his model Ontario{apos}s example of cooperation between the OLA and the Department of Education. Carson{apos}s colleague George Herbert Locke*, chief librarian at the Toronto Public Library and ALA president in 1926-27, was much more active in promoting a Canadian body and a better representative of Ontario{apos}s library interests on the national stage.

William Oliver Carson authored numerous articles, including {d-0}Reference work in the library,{d-1} {d-0}The status and training of the public librarian,{d-1} {d-0}The Canadian public library as a social force,{d-1} and {d-0}Libraries in war-time and some factors that require consideration,{d-1} Ontario Library Assoc., Proc. (Toronto), 1909: 22-35; 1912: 106-14; 1915: 36-42; 1917: 59-62; {d-0}The Ontario public library rate,{d-1} American Library Assoc., Bull. (Chicago), 15 (1921): 126-28; {d-0}Canadian considerations,{d-1} in Libraries and adult education; report of a study made by the American Library Association (Chicago, 1926), 93-102; and {d-0}Public libraries of Ontario,{d-1} Library Journal (New York), 52 (1927): 451-56. His {d-0}Report of special inspection of the Hamilton Public Library{d-1} (typescript, 1921) and some related material is preserved in Hamilton Public Library, Special Coll. Dept. (Hamilton, Ont.), Arch. of the Hamilton Public Library, I-A-3. Material at the London Public Library (London, Ont.) includes annual reports and library board minutes, 1905-30, as well as a library and art museum scrapbook index, vol.1, 1914-64, and a photograph of Carson (reproduced in the author{apos}s Free books for all . . . , infra).

AO, F 1195; RG 2-43, library inspectors{s-1-unknown} records, 1911-37; RG 2-146; RG 2-226; RG 2-227; RG 2-228; RG 2-232; RG 2-373; RG 80-5-0-281, no.10868; RG 80-8-0-1120, no.7043. L. [D.] Bruce, Free books for all: the public library movement in Ontario, 1850-1930 (Toronto, 1994). G. H. Locke et al., {d-0}Mr. W. O. Carson,{d-1} Ontario Library Rev. (Toronto), 14 (1929-30), no.2: 40-41. Ont., Legislature, Sessional papers, reports of the inspector of public libraries, in reports of the minister of education, 1916-28. Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell), 1. Basil Stuart-Stubbs, {d-0}1925: CLA launched . . . in Seattle?{d-1} {d-0}1925: CLA launched . . . in Seattle? part 2,{d-1} {d-0}1927: CLA born again . . . in Toronto?{d-1} and {d-0}1927-30: the muddle years [CLA],{d-1} Feliciter (Ottawa), 44 (1998), no.5: 20-25; no.6: 26-31; 45 (1999): 98-105, 122; 46 (2000): 148-49.

CASHIN, Sir MICHAEL PATRICK, businessman, office holder, and politician; b. 29 Sept. 1864 in Cape Broyle, Nfld, son of Richard Cashin and Catherine Coady; m. 23 Oct. 1888 Gertrude Clare Mullowney in Witless Bay, Nfld, and they had four sons and one daughter; d. 30 Aug. 1926 in St John{apos}s.

Michael Cashin received his early schooling in Cape Broyle and during the summers crewed for his father, an inshore fisherman. After completing his education at St Patrick{apos}s Hall School and St Bonaventure{apos}s College in St John{apos}s, he worked there briefly as a clerk. In 1886 his brother John died. With a loan from St John{apos}s merchant Edgar Rennie Bowring, Michael took over, revitalized, and expanded his brother{apos}s fishing business at Cape Broyle. The business prospered, and Cashin{apos}s wife, Gertrude, played a significant role in it. Their activities included the provision of bait, ice, and other supplies to American and Nova Scotian banking vessels and the purchase of cod oil from them. In the early 1900s the Cashins and Bowring Brothers invested briefly in a developing whaling industry in Newfoundland and established a whaling factory at Cape Broyle. Bowrings had the controlling interest with the Cashins being responsible for the plant and workers.

Cashin was also the {d-0}King of the Wrecks.{d-1} The eastern coast of the Avalon peninsula, and especially the area near Cape Race, has historically earned a reputation as a graveyard for ships. Salvaging material from shipwrecks was the responsibility of government officials known as wreck commissioners, who entered into agreements with local fishermen to save the cargoes. The spoils were split among the fishermen, the owners and underwriters, and the wreck commissioner. Cashin{apos}s association with Bowring Brothers, the exclusive agents for Lloyd{apos}s of London in Newfoundland, gave him the opportunity in the late 1890s and early 1900s to gain financially by salvaging wrecks. Through both personality and physical strength, he established his authority over the fishermen, who looked to the wrecks as a means of supplementing their incomes.

His wife{apos}s astute management of their business allowed Cashin to concentrate on a public career. He had entered politics in 1893 and won election as an independent to the House of Assembly for Ferryland, a district that would continue to return him by substantial majorities. Soon after taking his seat he joined the Liberal party of Prime Minister Sir William Vallance Whiteway*. Whiteway lost the 1897 election to Conservative leader Sir James Spearman Winter*, and Robert Bond assumed the leadership of the defeated Liberals in the assembly. The following year the Winter government signed a controversial contract with railway builder Robert Gillespie Reid*, and the Liberals split on the matter. Several, including Cashin, joined Bond{apos}s rival, St John{apos}s West mha Edward Patrick Morris*, in supporting the contract. In 1900, however, Morris and Cashin returned to Bond{apos}s Liberal party, which in that year won a resounding electoral victory.

In March 1905 Cashin broke with Bond and sat as an independent Liberal. He disagreed with the government{apos}s Foreign Fishing Vessels Act of that year, which prohibited American vessels from purchasing bait or supplies, or engaging Newfoundland crews, within Newfoundland{apos}s territorial waters, a measure that threatened the livelihood of many of his constituents. He became a vocal critic of the government, the small group of Conservative representatives providing little opposition. In 1907, after Morris had also left the government, he and Cashin cooperated closely with the Conservatives, with Morris being the acknowledged alternative to Bond.

When Morris{apos}s newly formed People{apos}s party won election in 1909, Cashin became minister of finance and customs, a position he would hold until 1919. All his budget speeches would be written by Patrick Thomas McGrath, his closest political adviser. Cashin oversaw a period of great prosperity between 1909 and 1913, but it was a prosperity built in part on trade deficits. Government revenues depended generally on a customs tariff and Newfoundland imported more than it exported. The administration spent liberally on branch railways, including a line through Cashin{apos}s district from St John{apos}s to Trepassey. In 1913-14 and 1914-15 the government experienced budgetary shortfalls. After the outbreak of World War I, however, Newfoundland prospered from increased demands for its fishery products and there were substantial surpluses between 1915 and 1919. During the war Cashin served as vice-chairman of the Newfoundland Patriotic Fund and of the finance committee of the Patriotic Association of Newfoundland. He also supported the decision of the government of William Frederick Lloyd* to enact conscription in April 1918.

Lloyd had been brought into the government in 1917 when Morris formed a coalition with the opposition, which consisted of Lloyd{apos}s Liberals and seven representatives of the Fishermen{apos}s Protective Union under William Ford Coaker*. Following Morris{apos}s resignation on 31 Dec. 1917 to accept a peerage in Britain, Lloyd became prime minister in January. After the armistice in November 1918, there was no further rationale for the coalition. Anticipating a general election, which the assembly in April 1919 scheduled for November, and wishing to distance himself from the FPU{apos}s influence, Cashin moved to claim the leadership of the remnants of the People{apos}s party, whose members still constituted a majority in the assembly. On 20 May he moved a vote of no-confidence in his own government and the motion was seconded by the prime minister. The vote carried that day and on 22 May Cashin formed a new administration.

In the election on 3 November Cashin{apos}s newly named Liberal-Progressive party was soundly defeated by a coalition alliance headed by Coaker and Liberal leader Richard Anderson Squires*. Cashin presented a vigorous opposition in the assembly to Prime Minister Squires and his government. He was especially critical of Coaker, now minister of marine and fisheries, and his efforts to regulate the price of fish and the marketing of fish overseas.

In 1923 a combination of ill health and the need to broaden his party{apos}s appeal among Protestant voters brought Cashin{apos}s resignation as leader in favour of John Robert Bennett*. He nevertheless left his safe Ferryland seat that year to run in the three-member district of St John{apos}s West, where Squires was a candidate. He placed second, just 11 votes ahead of Squires. The Squires government won re-election, but a series of scandals later in the year led it to resign. There then followed several brief administrations as political factions changed allegiance. Another election took place in 1924, but Cashin did not stand. He retired from public life because of continuing ill health, due evidently to diabetes. His son Peter John* was successful in his old district of Ferryland.

For his services during the war, Cashin had been created a kbe in 1918. In 1925 he received a honorary degree from Niagara University in Niagara Falls, N.Y., for his public career. {d-0}From the fishing boat to Prime Minister{apos}s chair he went,{d-1} journalist Joseph Roberts Smallwood* wrote of him in 1926. {d-0}He started in common with every fisherman and he never forgot that such was his beginning. . . . With him down through his forty years of public endeavor he carried the wholesome tang of the sea.{d-1}

Fishermen{apos}s Advocate (Port Union, Nfld), 3 Sept. 1926. Peter Cashin, My life and times, 1890-1919 (Portugal Cove, Nfld, 1976); {d-0}Sir Patrick McGrath: a biography{d-1}(Canadian Broadcasting Corporation radio broadcast, St John{apos}s, 1967; transcript in Memorial Univ. of Nfld, Centre for Newfoundland Studies, St John{apos}s). Encyclopedia of Nfld (Smallwood et al.), 5: 636-37. I. D. H. McDonald, {d-0}To each his own{d-1}: William Coaker and the Fishermen{apos}s Protective Union in Newfoundland politics, 1908-1925, ed. J. K. Hiller (St John{apos}s, 1987). Newfoundland Quarterly (St John{apos}s), 26 (1926-27), no.2: 24. S. J. R. Noel, Politics in Newfoundland (Toronto, 1971).

After two years with the Ogdensburg and Lake Champlain system - he would return to the Central Vermont as president in January 1913 - Chamberlin moved to Ottawa to become general manager on 1 Sept. 1886 of the much larger Canada Atlantic Railway, controlled by timber magnate John Rudolphus Booth. This railway, which enjoyed traffic exchanges with the Grand Trunk, the Northern, and the Central Vermont systems, served as a vital transportation link between the upper lakes and Lake Champlain. As general manager, Chamberlin also took an interest in timber operations in the Ottawa valley, which provided most of the railway{apos}s local freight; for 17 years he was president of the Colonial Lumber Company Limited, based in Pembroke, Ont.

The strategic location of the CAR would make it a takeover target for all three of Canada{apos}s transcontinental systems: the long-established Canadian Pacific, the Canadian Northern, and the Grand Trunk Pacific/National Transcontinental. In mid 1904 negotiations were sufficiently advanced that an announcement of purchase by the Canadian Northern was widely anticipated. At the last minute, however, the federal government intervened and the CAR was acquired by the Grand Trunk Railway, effective 1 Jan. 1905. The sale was disappointing to many of those involved in the earlier negotiations, and resulted in Chamberlin{apos}s immediate resignation, though he would retain his position with Colonial Lumber and continue to maintain a residence in Ottawa. Following his abrupt departure from the CAR, he engaged in railway contracting in Canada, South America, and Mexico. He formed, for instance, the Standard Construction Company, which obtained contracts for sections of the Morelia and Tacambaro Railway through the state of Michoacán in Mexico. He was also the railway{apos}s president.

In 1909 the elevation of Charles Melville Hays* to the presidency of the Grand Trunk resulted in Chamberlin{apos}s appointment that year as vice-president and general manager of the Grand Trunk Pacific, an affiliated company whose main line was to extend from Winnipeg to Prince Rupert, B.C. The government-built National Transcontinental Railway, which the GTP in 1904 had agreed to lease once construction was completed, was to link the GTP and the Grand Trunk{apos}s eastern system. In 1909 both the GTP and the NTR were still being built, but the former had already become embroiled in several local disputes that tarnished its image in western Canada. Construction of its main line was being financially assisted by the federal and provincial governments. GTR officials, however, were disappointed when, mainly because of western demands, Ottawa also granted assistance to the rival Canadian Northern. There was insufficient western traffic to justify two new transcontinental systems. The GTP was particularly vulnerable: it was being squeezed in the south by the CPR and in the north by Canadian Northern branch lines. As a result, it never developed an adequate traffic base; its prospects were further undermined when construction costs on its lines and on the NTR significantly exceeded original estimates. The GTP could become profitable only if there were many years of sustained immigration and settlement.

A month after the unexpected death of C. M. Hays, when the Titanic sank in April 1912, the GTR{apos}s directors chose Chamberlin as his successor. (By this time he was evidently living in Winnipeg.) It was his misfortune to take over the presidency just when the affairs of the GTP and the NTR threatened to draw them, and the affiliated GTR, into a financial morass. Fear of a possible European war made it difficult and much more expensive to borrow money at a time when the GTP and the NTR were facing heavy construction costs. Restrictions on emigration by various European governments were reducing the flow of settlers to the west, and with the outbreak of war in 1914 the cost and availability of labour, rolling stock, and supplies would become extremely problematic. Chamberlin{apos}s skills fell short of the leadership needed to contend with these difficulties, which may well have been insurmountable. Cast by railway historian G. R. Stevens as a muddler of {d-0}mediocre{d-1} ability, in August 1913 Chamberlin unwisely, and publicly, confirmed the GTP{apos}s obligation to take over the NTR at its completion. (The last spike would be driven on 17 Nov. 1913.) He had a knack, moreover, for irritating key members of the federal cabinet, including finance minister William Thomas White*.

Grand Trunk officials hoped the government would either take control of the western lines or allow the GTP to go into receivership without dragging the parent company into bankruptcy. Instead, in June 1916 the government appointed a royal commission to recommend solutions to the problems of the GTR/GTP/NTR and the Canadian Northern, which too had become heavily obligated to the government [see Sir William Mackenzie]. That fall the commission gave Chamberlin a golden opportunity to state how his company {d-0}might have suffered hindrance in carrying out its programme.{d-1} His written report, in G. R. Stevens{apos}s estimate, constituted an {d-0}appalling gaffe.{d-1} Chamberlin{apos}s harsh criticism of the assistance given the Canadian Northern, his inflammatory rhetoric, and his vehement defence of GTR policies based on excessively optimistic projections of western development antagonized the commissioners, and key politicians and government officials as well. When Chamberlin later testified in person, he only managed to confirm the GTR{apos}s dire situation.

Chamberlin spent the last years of his life in declining health in Pasadena, where he died in 1924. A Canadian Press dispatch announcing his death described him as {d-0}one of the most competent and successful railwaymen in the Dominion.{d-1} Historians have rendered a much harsher judgement on his career.

LAC, RG 31, C1, 1901, Ottawa, Central Ward, div.8: 25. Globe, 28 Aug. 1924. New York Times, 28 Aug. 1924. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). A. W. Currie, The Grand Trunk Railway of Canada (Toronto, 1957). Frank Leonard, A thousand blunders: the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway and northern British Columbia (Vancouver, 1996). H. A. Lovett, Canada and the Grand Trunk, 1829-1924 . . . ([Toronto, 1924]; repr. New York, 1981). J. N. Lowe, {d-0}Canada{apos}s third transcontinental railway: the Grand Trunk Pacific/National Transcontinental railways,{d-1} Journal of the West (Los Angeles), 17 (1978), no.4: 52-61. Poor{apos}s manual of railroads (New York), 1909. G. R. Stevens, Canadian National Railways (2v., Toronto and Vancouver, 1960-62), 2. F. A. [A.] Talbot, The making of a great Canadian railway . . . the construction of the nearly completed Grand Trunk Pacific Railway from the Atlantic to the Pacific . . . (London, 1912). Who{apos}s who and why, 1919/20.

Elzéar Charest is listed as an architect in the Quebec City directories from 1875. In 1880, while still apprenticed to architect Joseph-Ferdinand Peachy*, he collaborated with sculptor Louis Jobin in creating the allegorical float for the town of Beauport in the Saint-Jean-Baptiste parade. His early work as an architect on his own, which included several houses built between 1880 and 1885 in Saint-Jean ward and at Saint-Sauveur (Quebec), suggested he was destined to embrace the eclectic style prevalent towards the end of the 19th century. His first important public building, the Saint-Pierre market in Saint-Sauveur (1888), deviated little from the standard mansard-roof design established a few years earlier by architect Paul Cousin in the Montcalm market. On the other hand, Charest{apos}s plan for Zéphirin Paquet*{apos}s department store on Rue Saint-Joseph in Quebec City (1890) is remarkable in several respects, with features that were surprisingly modern for the time; for example, this six-storey granite building was equipped with an elevator and electric lighting. However, the lack of discernible dominant elements in the façade shows how difficult it was to reconcile ornamental expression with the new rational values called for in a department store building. As well, when Charest was chosen in the competition for the construction of the new city hall at Quebec in 1890 (the jury was chaired by Eugène-Étienne Taché*) his plan, which was too reminiscent of the Second Empire decorative tradition, was soon dropped by the city council; after a long delay, it was replaced by a proposal from Georges-Émile Tanguay (1894) that enjoyed the support of the city engineer, Charles Baillairgé*.

Following this repudiation, Charest was offered the post of director of the provincial Department of Public Works in 1891, probably as a form of compensation thought up by Taché, who was then deputy minister for crown lands. Charest succeeded engineer Jean-Baptiste Derome and would remain in charge of the department until 1915, serving under eight different ministers and several administrations. Principally responsible for the construction and maintenance of public buildings throughout the province, Charest took advantage of a situation he judged propitious for the invention of symbols expressing the identity of provincial institutions. To this end, he turned to the kind of heraldic and architectonic idiom introduced by the work of Taché and, to a lesser extent, by the beautification plans of Governor General Lord Dufferin [Blackwood*]. At the same time he devised a personal interpretation of the {d-0}fortress style{d-1} inspired by medieval castles that was characterized by the concentration of embellishment in the roofs and by the almost exclusive use of sheet metal. The courthouse in Hull, built between 1891 and 1894 and now no longer standing, was an excellent example of the fortress style. The ornamentation consisted solely, however, of sheet metal; the humble materials used were in sharp contrast to Charest{apos}s original ambition to impose a distinctive provincial style of architecture through a network of public buildings in small towns.

By choosing to focus on decorative details rather than develop a cohesive architectural style and, above all, by confining himself to a traditionalism out of touch with the political expectations of the day, Charest failed to entrench his proposals and as a result, by around 1910, he found himself to a certain extent professionally marginalized. In fact, for the construction of the courthouse at Sherbrooke (1904-6), he recycled the principal features of the design he had submitted 13 years earlier in the competition for the city hall at Quebec. In the Sherbrooke design, the fortress style was enhanced by reference to the symmetry and hierarchy of plans typical of the Second Empire. In the case of the École Normale of the Sisters of the Good Shepherd in Chicoutimi (1907), Charest opted for a building heavily marked by classical rhetoric, thereby acknowledging that the fortress style had failed to become a representative form of public building within the province of Quebec. The house he built for himself in Saint-Jean ward (804-10 Rue Richelieu, 1907), complete with its corner turret, would be the final expression of Charest{apos}s adventure in this type of ornamentation, an adventure that nevertheless remains a conspicuous contribution to the architectural originality of Quebec City.

ANQ-Q, CE301-S6, 4 juin 1850; S97, 3 juill. 1876. L{apos}Action catholique (Québec), 6 avril 1927. L{apos}Événement, 7 avril 1927. Le Journal de Québec, 30 nov. 1877; 27 mars, 5 juill. 1880; 5 mai 1881; 22 févr. 1883; 25 janv. 1884; 27 févr. 1886. La Minerve, 27 févr. 1886. La Semaine commerciale (Québec), 5 juill. 1907. Le Soleil, 7 avril 1927. Claude Bergeron, Architectures du XXe siècle au Québec (Québec, 1989), 95. Robert Caron, Inventaire des permis de construction des Archives de la ville de Québec, 1913-1930 (3v., Ottawa, 1980). Guy Coutu, Chicoutimi: 150 ans d{apos}images ([Chicoutimi, Qué.], 1992), 222-23. Patrick Dieudonné, {d-0}Le style forteresse ou l{apos}apport d{apos}Elzéar Charest à l{apos}éclectisme québécois,{d-1} Continuité (Québec), 45 (automne 1989): 12-16. Early Canadian court houses, comp. Margaret Carter (Ottawa, 1983). Luc Noppen et al., Québec monumental, 1890-1990 (Sillery, Qué., 1990), 78. Luc Noppen et Lucie K[oenig] Morisset, Québec, de roc et de pierres: la capitale en architecture (Sainte-Foy, Qué., [1998]), 85-88. J. R. Porter et Jean Bélisle, La sculpture ancienne au Québec; trois siècles d{apos}art religieux et profane (Montréal, 1986), 237. Que., Parl., Sessional papers , report of the commissioner of public works and colonization, later the commissioner of colonization and public works, 1900-2.

Educated in Amherst, Clarence Campbell Chipman is said to have worked in the federal departments of Agriculture, Public Works, and Finance before 1882. In 1880 he was with the Department of Finance in Ottawa, but he most likely did not join the civil service in 1867, as some sources have claimed. On 27 Jan. 1882 he became private secretary to Sir Charles Tupper*, minister of railways and canals. When Tupper was officially appointed Canadian high commissioner in London in May 1884, Chipman accompanied him there as assistant secretary and accountant. In this position Chipman organized Canada{apos}s contribution to the universal exposition held in Antwerp the following year and in 1886 he served as accountant for Canada{apos}s participation in the Colonial and Indian Exhibition in London. After acting as Tupper{apos}s assistant in the Atlantic fisheries negotiations in Washington in 1887-88, he was promoted chief clerk in the Department of Marine and Fisheries and private secretary to the minister, Tupper{apos}s son Charles Hibbert, on 1 July 1888. He participated in the negotiations over the seal fishery in the Bering Sea in 1889 [see Sir Charles Tupper] and was later said to have written a treatise on the fisheries of Canada in 1891.

On 12 May 1891 Chipman was appointed trade commissioner of the Hudson{apos}s Bay Company, a senior Canadian position within the firm. He was one of a series of professional administrators who were hired from outside the HBC by its London committee in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to shake up the managerial staff. The HBC, and particularly its governor, Sir Donald Alexander Smith*, had been attracted by Chipman{apos}s administrative abilities. As well, Smith had sought someone who would adhere to his policy of fiscal restraint. As commissioner, Chipman supervised over 100 posts, shops, and depots stretching from Quebec to the Yukon; he hired managers, checked accounts, and developed strategies to comply with the wishes of the London committee. He served in his new post until October, when the committee decided to separate the fur trade into two departments, fur trade and saleshop (retail trade), but to combine their administration with that of the land department under a single person, Chipman, who was named chief commissioner.

Faced with falling profits from furs and competition from companies with smaller infrastructures, the London committee issued Chipman a mandate in 1892 to reduce costs. Chipman followed this course of action rigorously, generating the greatest amount of profit while effecting strict economy and promoting efficiency. He expanded the firm{apos}s network of steamships in order to move more goods at lower costs and he promoted the use of the telegraph to bring news of international fur prices to traders. The firm{apos}s administrative operations were centralized in Winnipeg, eliminating haphazard accounting and overlap of personnel. The HBC adopted a conservative approach to land sales, selling only when market conditions were favourable, and it expanded its retail department. Chipman introduced cost accounting, price standardization, and regular inspections. He also suggested that cash replace barter in trading for furs. In 1910 the company embarked on a thorough inspection of the retail business and afterwards decided to divide it into departments by {d-0}placing at the head of each a man especially conversant with these respective interests.{d-1}

In May 1911 Chipman was demoted to the position of commissioner of the land department. On 12 September the London committee, which had new members who wanted to change the firm{apos}s methods, resolved that he be given notice. He was to be paid at the rate of £1,500 a year to 31 May 1912, after which time he would receive his pension. Following his departure, the HBC reverted to the structure it had abandoned on his appointment in 1891 and enhanced the role of middle managers. Thus, the company{apos}s operation in Canada became more specialized as its bureaucratic structure was enlarged. This development would not have been possible without the measures Chipman had brought in to make its management more effective.

The correspondence of Clarence Campbell Chipman while he served as trade commissioner and then chief commissioner of the Hudson{apos}s Bay Company can be found in the following series at the AM, HBCA: D.13-D.14, D.17-D.22, D.24-D.27, D.44.

AM, HBCA, A.1/160, ff.106-7. AO, RG 80-5-0-105, no.1911. Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Geneal. Soc., International geneal. index. Ottawa Free Press, 25 April 1882. Times (London), 13 Feb. 1924. C. J. Brydges, The letters of Charles John Brydges, 1883-1889; Hudson{apos}s Bay Company land commissioner, ed. Hartwell Bowsfield, intro. J. E. Rea (Winnipeg, 1981), xi-lxxxii. Can., Dept. of the Secretary of State, The civil service list of Canada . . . (Ottawa), 1883-91. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). {d-0}C. C. Chipman, commissioner Hudson{apos}s Bay Co., 1891-1911,{d-1} Beaver (Winnipeg), 4 (1923-24): 218-19. Directory, Ottawa, 1880-83. J. S. Galbraith, {d-0}Land policies of the Hudson{apos}s Bay Company, 1870-1913,{d-1} CHR, 32 (1951): 1-21. P. C. Nigol, {d-0}Efficiency and economy: commissioner C. C. Chipman and the Hudson{apos}s Bay Company, 1891-1911{d-1} (ma thesis, Univ. of Man., Winnipeg, 1994). E. J. Stardom, {d-0}Adapting to altered circumstances: trade commissioner Joseph Wrigley and the Hudson{apos}s Bay Company, 1884-1891{d-1} (ma thesis, Univ. of Man., 1987).

After attending the Oblate juniorate at Notre-Dame de Lumières in France, on 28 July 1873 Eugène-Casimir Chirouse entered the Oblate noviciate at Notre-Dame-de-l{apos}Osier, where he made his religious profession on 29 July 1874. He took his perpetual vows at the Autun scholasticate on 15 Aug. 1875 and was ordained there on 7 June 1879. Sent to British Columbia, where his uncle Eugène-Casimir Chirouse was serving as an Oblate missionary, he arrived in New Westminster in October 1879 with fellow Oblate Jean-Marie-Raphaël Le Jeune.

Chirouse spent the winter at St Charles{apos}s mission in New Westminster and then was assigned to St Mary{apos}s mission, where he would serve until 1927. While stationed at St Mary{apos}s, he was active in ministering to native groups further afield; he made three visits each year to native camps on the coast as far north as Bute Inlet and in the interior up to Lillooet. He also participated in the large religious gatherings the Oblates organized for natives. Perhaps the most significant of these for him was his uncle{apos}s funeral, held at St Mary{apos}s in June 1892 and attended by 1,200 natives.

Earlier in 1892 Chirouse had been arrested in an incident at LaFontaine (Fountain) that redounded not only on him, but also on Oblate practices in British Columbia. On 18 March 1892 the council of the Fountain band had asked Chirouse, who had just ended a mission there, for advice on the punishment of Lucy Curry and a young man who had been « detected in improper intimacy.{d-1} Chirouse recommended 15 lashes and left the council to carry out the sentence. The next morning he continued on his course and was thus unaware of Lucy{apos}s repeat offence, and identical punishment, on 19 March. On 29 March, Chirouse, Chief Kilapoutkue, and two other men of the Fountain band were charged with assault. All four were arrested and, after a preliminary inquiry before Lillooet justice of the peace John Martley, were remanded to a higher court for trial. Under the Speedy Trials Act, Chirouse was tried by county court judge Clement Francis Cornwall on 3 May 1892. Acting without a jury, Cornwall found Chirouse guilty of causing grievous bodily harm and sentenced him to one year in jail. Kilapoutkue and the two other native men were also found guilty and were sentenced to six months and two months respectively. A public outcry supporting Chirouse ensued and several editorials and open letters appeared in provincial newspapers. In May, Bishop Paul Durieu* personally appealed to Governor General Lord Stanley*, who revoked the sentences of all four men.

For the Oblates and most interested British Columbians, the primary issue was the natives{s-1-unknown} use of physical coercion and the Oblates{s-1-unknown} sanction and encouragement of it. A commonly repeated defence of Chirouse was that native chiefs had a traditional right to use corporal punishment to control members of their bands. In a notice of 10 Oct. 1873 Chief Justice Matthew Baillie Begbie* had recognized the right of native chiefs to use such measures to ensure social peace; justices of the peace were not to interfere except in cases of excessive severity. In issuing similar notices to individual Oblates, however, he also seems to have sanctioned their right to promote physical punishment, which they did. By 1876 Begbie had decided that such punishment could be meted out only for legal infractions, not for sins. Contemporary historians have come to see « force and coercion{d-1} as underpinning what has been called the « Durieu system,{d-1} a two-pronged method of proselytization which aimed at repressing vice and sin and forming true Christian spirituality in native communities. Chirouse{apos}s conviction, it has been argued, heralded the end of the Durieu system in British Columbia: the Oblate use of force would no longer be sanctioned by the government or countenanced by the populace. A close examination of Durieu{apos}s instructions to his missionaries, however, suggests that in seeking to achieve both goals of the two-pronged system, he did not rely solely on physical coercion.

Despite his long service as a dedicated missionary and educator in British Columbia, Eugène-Casimir Chirouse is best remembered for the events of 1892. After his sentence was revoked he returned to St Mary{apos}s, where he served as director of the school and at various times as superior of the mission. In the 1880s the mission school had had an average of 25 students. It became a government-funded industrial school in 1893, after which the average attendance rose to 62 pupils. Concentrating on agricultural instruction for boys and domestic training for girls, it drew its students from the Fraser Canyon region. Chirouse continued to work there until mid January 1927, when he was admitted to St Paul{apos}s Hospital in Vancouver, suffering from carcinoma of the stomach. He died three weeks later and was buried in the Oblate cemetery in Mission.

Arch. Départementales, Drôme (Valence, France), État civil, Bourg-de-Péage, 16 juin 1854. Arch. Deschâtelets, Oblats de Marie-Immaculée (Ottawa), HE 1791.D96C 17 (copie de lettres au père J.-M.[-J.] Le Jacq, 27 nov. 1883-25 févr. 1884, sur la « Direction des sauvages{d-1}); P 1-7296 (fonds de la province oblate St Peter, 1850-90); P 1091-1104 (cas de Lucie). BCA, GR-2951. Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Vancouver Arch., Early bishops{s-1-unknown} corr. Gaston Carrière, Dictionnaire biographique des oblats de Marie-Immaculée au Canada (4v., Ottawa, 1976-89), 1: 201. E. McC. Lemert, « The life and death of an Indian state,{d-1} Human Organization (New York), 13 (1954-55), no.3: 23-27. Month (London), June 1892. Paul Tennant, Aboriginal peoples and politics: the Indian land question in British Columbia, 1849-1989 (Vancouver, 1990). Margaret Whitehead, The Cariboo mission: a history of the Oblates (Victoria, 1981).

François-Xavier Choquet was born to a farming family in Varennes which placed a high value on education and permitted him to attend the Collège de L{apos}Assomption from 1863 to 1869 and the Petit Séminaire de Montréal from 1869 to 1871. Following his classical education, he pursued legal training in the Montreal office of Louis-Amable Jetté* and at McGill College. He received a bcl in 1874 and was called to the bar the following year. He practised with Jetté and Frédéric-Ligori Béïque*, both prominent Liberals, until 1878 when Jetté was named to the Superior Court. For years he had his own firm and then in 1886 he joined another prestigious partnership, also headed by Rouges, that of Honoré Mercier*, Cléophas Beausoleil*, and Paul-Gédéon Martineau. After Mercier departed in 1891 the firm was renamed Beausoleil et Choquet and the following year it became Beausoleil, Choquet et Girard. Choquet{apos}s Liberal connections are evident in his choice of associates and are confirmed in his work; it was his firm that was charged with handling all electoral disputes for the Liberal party.

During the 1890s Choquet{apos}s fine legal reputation was rewarded: on 7 March 1893 he obtained a federal nomination as qc and from 1894 to 1897 he served as a member of the council of the Montreal bar. His political commitment was an additional factor in his appointments as a commissioner to revise the charter of Montreal (September 1897), as a judge of sessions of the peace, police magistrate, and licence commissioner (24 Dec. 1898), and as a federal extradition commissioner (20 July 1901). He would remain active as judge and extradition commissioner for more than 20 years.

In the first decade of the 20th century Choquet became a social reformer, advocating child welfare. In this activity he was joined by his wife, Marie-Caroline Barry. The couple worked to establish the Children{apos}s Aid Society of Montreal and in 1908 Choquet became its first president. Marie-Caroline was one of the three vice-presidents. The Choquets vigorously supported the federal Juvenile Delinquents Act, passed in 1908. The act provided for the establishment of provincial and municipal juvenile courts with wide powers of investigation and sentencing and it forbade the incarceration of young offenders with adults. In 1910 the Quebec government proclaimed the act and took steps to create a juvenile court in Montreal. The Montreal Juvenile Delinquents{s-1-unknown} Court officially opened in March 1912 with Choquet as its first judge.

At the court{apos}s opening, Choquet shared his understanding of the legislation{apos}s aims, that each young delinquent {d-0}be treated, not as a criminal, but as a misdirected and misguided child, and one needing aid, encouragement, help, and assistance.{d-1} For more than a decade Choquet served as judge of the juvenile court, embracing child-saving ideas prominent in English-speaking Canada and in the United States. The press, with affection and deference, named him the Children{apos}s Judge and his recasting of a law court into a {d-0}home of mercy{d-1} was lauded as a sign of progress. He was a strong supporter of probation in lieu of confinement but did support the Borstal system for youthful offenders (a system developed at Borstal prison, in Kent, England, which included education, work, vocational training, and group counselling). Working with him in the court were probation officers Rose Henderson* and Marie Clément and clerk Owen Dawson. He stepped down as judge in April 1922. The Montreal juvenile court had been shaped by the presence of this fatherly figure whose progressive ideals irreversibly altered the treatment of youthful offenders in the city.

François-Xavier Choquet is the author of {d-0}The juvenile court,{d-1} an article published in the Canadian Municipal Journal (Montreal), 10 (1914): 232-33.

LAC, MG 30, C27, 7: 25A.35.4 (letter from K. Weller to W. L. Scott). Le Devoir, 23 mars 1912. Gazette (Montreal), 24 Oct. 1907, 1 Jan. 1927. Montreal Daily Star, 4 Jan. 1927. Montreal Herald, 3 Jan., 8 June 1912; 3 March 1914; 11, 20 April 1922. La Presse, 13 janv., 8 juin 1923; 3 janv. 1927. W. H. Atherton, Montreal, 1534-1914 (3v., Montreal, 1914). I.-J. Deslauriers, Les tribunaux du Québec et leurs juges: Cour provinciale, Cour des sessions de la paix, Tribunal de la jeunesse, Cour municipale (Cowansville, Qué., 1987). L. E. Mendelsohn, {d-0}History of the Montreal juvenile court: an historical-descriptive study of the Montreal juvenile court, later known as the Social Welfare Court{d-1} (msw research report, McGill Univ., Montreal, 1969). Tamara Myers, {d-0}The voluntary delinquent: parents, daughters, and the Montreal Juvenile Delinquents{s-1-unknown} Court, 1918,{d-1} CHR, 80 (1999): 242-68. Jean Trépanier et Françoise Tulkens, Délinquance & protection de la jeunesse: aux sources des lois belge et canadienne sur l{apos}enfance (Montréal, 1995).

Michael Clark was educated at Elmfield College in York, England, where he earned a gold medal in languages, and the University of Edinburgh (mb, cm). In 1882, while a medical student, he visited Canada to marry the eldest daughter of George Smith of Cherrybank Farm near Hamilton, whom he had known before the family emigrated. After graduation he practised in northern England; at Newcastle upon Tyne he also sat on the local school board. In 1902, for reasons of health and apparently also to establish careers for his sons, he moved to Alberta and began farming northwest of Olds. He soon got into politics. A Liberal, he ran unsuccessfully for the seat of Rosebud in 1905 in the province{apos}s first election. Three years later he was returned to the House of Commons for Red Deer, which he would represent until 1921. Little is known of his medical practice. A Methodist in his youth, he enjoyed walking and swimming, supported women{apos}s suffrage, and in 1911-12 served on the board of the University of Alberta.

Politically Clark established a reputation for his idealism, the strength of his convictions, and his representation of western and agrarian interests. Considered in the commons {d-0}a party of one{d-1} for his {d-0}old-time{d-1} doctrines of free trade, he took some swings at protection and was prepared to exceed the measures proposed by the government of Sir Wilfrid Laurier* in January 1911 for reciprocity with the United States. In a verbose supportive speech on 23 February, he proudly linked his beliefs to the early free-trade principles of Sir Robert Peel and Richard Cobden in Britain. The Conservative response came from Ontario mp Richard Blain, who dismissed Clark as a foreign anachronism and asked why he had never voted against any of the tariffs sustained by the Liberals. Following their defeat that year, Clark became a vigorous critic of Robert Laird Borden*{apos}s government. In 1913 he saw its Naval Aid Bill as a stimulus to the {d-0}mad war of armament.{d-1} According to one summary, with {d-0}canny humour and clear directness{d-1} he attacked the {d-0}German {s-0}scare{s-1-unknown} as being an attenuated thing resting in disordered minds, assumed the extreme and well-known English Radical view as to . . . preparations for war, [and] deprecated any form of Imperial Federation.{d-1} After the outbreak of conflict in August 1914, however, his politics shifted dramatically as he placed his loyalty to Britain first, a sentiment reinforced by the enlistment of his son Michael. At a Liberal convention in Calgary that month, he sponsored a resolution to terminate partisanship while the crisis threatened the British empire.

In 1917 Clark parted with Laurier to support conscription, one of the earliest western Liberals to do so. He backed the Union government formed by Borden in October 1917 but, perhaps because of illness, refused a place in cabinet. During the campaign for the general election in December, he angered many Liberals, including his own riding organization, which rejected his candidacy, by insisting on the need for a coalition to coordinate the war effort. A party led by Quebec, he claimed in a shot at Laurier, was not up to the task. He won Red Deer as a Liberal-Unionist, but did not always embrace the government{apos}s reformist initiatives after the war. In 1919 in the committee on hereditary titles for Canadians, headed by William Folger Nickle*, who wanted them abolished, Clark defended tradition and the {d-0}splendid place{d-1} of the British nobility in the war.

During the parliamentary session of 1920 Clark joined the rural-oriented Progressive party under Thomas Alexander Crerar*. The association did not last long: in September 1921, in a widely publicized break, Clark told Crerar he would not be running as a Progressive in Alberta because of his distaste for the {d-0}class{d-1} politics of the United Farmers there. In December he stood as a Liberal in the Saskatchewan riding of Mackenzie, but was defeated by a Progressive. He subsequently retired from politics. Predeceased by his wife and two sons, he died at his Belford Glen Ranch in 1926 and was buried in Olds.

Throughout his public career, Clark had been acclaimed as the {d-0}finest speaker in western Canada.{d-1} Though rarely on his feet in parliament {d-0}for any length of time,{d-1} he commanded the attention of every mp, one reporter said, expressing an estimate found repeatedly in the press.

AO, RG 80-5-0-112, no.12562. GRO, Reg. of births, Belford, 12 May 1861. Calgary News Telegram, 30 April 1912. Farmer{apos}s Telegram and Family Magazine (Winnipeg), 3 Oct. 1917. Morning Albertan (Calgary), 29 April 1912, 6 Dec. 1917. Olds Gazette (Olds, Alta), 6 Aug. 1926. Strathmore and Bow Valley Standard (Strathmore, Alta), 4 Aug. 1926. John Blue, Alberta, past and present, historical and biographical (3v., Chicago, 1924), 1: 136. Can., House of Commons, Debates, 23 Feb. 1911: 4143-69. Canadian annual rev., 1910, 1913, 1916, 1919, 1921. CPG, 1918. Olds: a history of Olds and area (Olds, 1980). See Olds first: a history of Olds and surrounding district ([Olds], 1968). L. G. Thomas, The Liberal party in Alberta: a history of politics in the province of Alberta, 1905-1921 (Toronto, 1959). Univ. of Alta Arch., Who{apos}s who at the University of Alberta, 1908-1919 ([Edmonton], 1991). Who{apos}s who (London), 1910. Who{apos}s who in Canada, 1925/26.

After graduating from high school in Elora, Charles K. Clarke began work in 1874 as a clinical assistant at the provincially run Asylum for the Insane in Toronto. His hiring was largely due to the fact that two of his sisters had married psychiatrists, one a son of the asylum{apos}s superintendent, Joseph Workman*. Clarke received his medical degrees from the University of Toronto (mb 1878, md 1879), and in 1880 he was appointed assistant medical superintendent of the Hamilton asylum, where he found the staff an {d-0}uncontrollable rabble.{d-1} In 1882-85 he occupied the same position at the Rockwood Asylum in Portsmouth (Kingston). Upset by asylum politics, he decided to resign but when Rockwood{apos}s medical superintendent, Clarke{apos}s brother-in-law William George Metcalf*, was killed by a patient in 1885, Clarke was promoted superintendent. He accepted, he later said, {d-0}to protect several hundred defenseless creatures from a political hireling who might be pitchforked into the position.{d-1}

At Rockwood, Clarke introduced an infirmary for acute cases, occupational therapy, and a psychiatric training program for nurses, the first in Canada. In 1895 he was named professor of mental diseases at nearby Queen{apos}s College, which would confer an lld on him in 1906. In 1904 he became co-editor of the American Journal of Insanity (Baltimore). The next year he succeeded Daniel Clark* as head of the Toronto asylum, a position he would hold until 1911, when he became medical superintendent of the Toronto General Hospital. A founder and vice-president in 1907 of the Canadian Hospital Association, a year later he assumed the posts of psychiatrist at the TGH and, at the university, professor of psychiatry and dean of the faculty of medicine. He stepped down from the superintendence of the hospital in 1917, becoming its medical director, and left it altogether the following year when he was made medical director of the Canadian National Committee for Mental Hygiene. Two years later he resigned as dean to devote his full energy to this committee.

Despite Clarke{apos}s dedication to psychiatry, his personal interests were diverse. At age 15 he had lost two middle fingers in a hunting accident, but he still became quite adept with his hands, building boats, a house, and a pipe organ, among other projects. He was an avid tennis player - in 1890 he and Dr William Gage won the Canadian doubles championship. In later years he took up golf and played the violin in the Toronto Symphony Orchestra. Associates remembered him as a {d-0}mirthful conversationalist.{d-1} A serious naturalist and ornithologist, he had a summer home in eastern Ontario. 

Clarke{apos}s professional career can be broken into two stages. The first, until 1911, was accented by his service in the asylum system, where, for most of the 19th century, psychiatry was based. The physicians of Workman{apos}s generation believed there was little they could do for patients other than shelter them, hoping their symptoms would remit. But by the turn of the century, more and more psychiatrists, dissatisfied with practice in asylums, began looking outside for ways of preventing and treating mental illness. The upshot was a growing interest in outpatient psychiatry, child-guidance clinics, Freudian psychoanalysis, scientific research into the biological conditions of mental disease, and such eugenic policies as sterilization and restrictions on marriage and immigration. Essentially conservative, Clarke did not subscribe to some of these new directions - including Freudianism and {d-0}sex problems ad nauseam{d-1} - but quite often he was in the forefront of innovative thinking.

During the asylum phase of his career Clarke worked constantly to improve the conditions of patients. Possessed of an authentic fondness for the mentally ill, he abhorred the stigma they traditionally bore. Following the lead of Metcalf, Richard Maurice Bucke*, and others, at Rockwood he had rebelled against traditional techniques, easing restraints on patients and attempting to treat them humanely. He tried assiduously to destroy any resemblance between an asylum and a prison, and would eventually succeed in reducing the stigmatic designation by having Ontario{apos}s asylums renamed hospitals for the insane. But while he rejected many past policies he did not strictly oppose gynaecological surgery on patients to cure disorders; he did, however, object to the appeal made by R. M. Bucke and Alfred Thomas Hobbs of the London asylum to the National Council of Women of Canada to gain wider support for this type of treatment. A frequent expert witness at trials, he argued that some criminals were actually insane and not responsible for their actions. For instance, though he had not examined Métis leader Louis Riel*, he later diagnosed him as an {d-0}insane paranoiac{d-1} who should not have been hanged.

By the 1890s Clarke{apos}s enthusiasms had begun to wane. His persistent requests of the government, for more resources and policies for better care, had fallen on deaf ears. Physically strong, he had survived a number of attacks by patients, but too many incurable and violent cases appeared to be entering his wards. His interests, in fact, were shifting to preventive psychiatry or, as it was called, mental hygiene. A steady source of professional articles in journals, he longed to found an institute where, unlike in an asylum with its never-ending administrative demands, he would have time to examine patients thoroughly and oversee the scientific study of mental diseases. Undoubtedly Clarke would have excelled in such an environment - few physicians had a keener clinical eye when it came to distinguishing one psychiatric condition from another. His model was the clinic in Munich of pioneering German psychiatrist Emil Kraepelin.

When Clarke accepted the Toronto job in 1905 he hoped his dream could be realized. Working closely with provincial secretary William John Hanna*, he researched the project and travelled to Europe with others in 1907 to inspect psychiatric facilities there. Ultimately his plan fell through, though in 1909 he would introduce Kraepelin{apos}s classification of mental diseases. Clarke put some blame for this failure on politicians and professional rivals among hospital neurologists, but he mainly held his colleagues in asylum psychiatry responsible. If his charge is true, it is hard to fault them for complaining: Clarke wanted to monopolize the most interesting and treatable patients, and dispatch the rest to the public asylums.

Clarke{apos}s resignation from the Toronto asylum in 1911 highlighted his transition to the second stage of his career. He now devoted himself to prevention and the treatment of psychiatric outpatients. He had already opened an outpatients{s-1-unknown} clinic at the TGH in 1909 under the direction of the brilliant Dr Ernest Jones; it was discontinued in 1913, when Jones left and pending completion of a new hospital complex, but a new Social Service Clinic was opened in the spring of 1914. There Clarke, Clarence Meredith Hincks*, and other psychiatrists diagnosed troubled young men and women sent by Toronto{apos}s schools, courts, and social agencies. Still interested in provincial policy regarding the mentally handicapped, in 1912 Clarke had helped form the Provincial Association for the Care of the Feeble-Minded. At the same time that it argued for better care, he and others castigated the government for its reluctance to segregate {d-0}imbeciles{d-1} from their families.

During the early years of World War I, much of Clarke{apos}s attention shifted to that conflict. Military service depleted the staff of the TGH, which gradually began filling up with returning servicemen. In 1915, the same year that Clarke established a ground-breaking clinic for venereal diseases, he helped in the organization of No.4 Canadian General Hospital unit, which went overseas, and in 1918 he became consultant in psychiatry to Military District No.2 (Toronto and central Ontario). The following year the federal Department of Soldiers{s-1-unknown} Civil Re-establishment selected Clarke and one of its own psychiatrists, Captain Clarence B. Farrar*, to conduct a country-wide examination of asylums, in part to push for greater provincial aid for mentally disturbed veterans. In Ontario the two doctors encountered resistance from the office of provincial secretary William David McPherson, which, mindful of Clarke{apos}s record of criticism, insisted that only provincial inspectors could visit hospitals there. According to Farrar, Ontario held Clarke to be a persona non grata.

During the war years Clarke returned to an issue that had preoccupied him for some time. After 1900, in an extreme demonstration of preventive medicine, he had emerged as one of the most vocal and most publicity-seeking critics of Canadian immigration. The years between the end of the century and the war witnessed an enormous boom of newcomers, from 21,716 in 1897 to 400,870 in 1913. As a result, a growing number of foreign-born patients began appearing in Ontario{apos}s asylums - Clarke saw many more in Toronto than he had at Rockwood. The composition of this influx concerned him. Of the 1,244,597 immigrants who came between 1900 and 1909, 315,151 were from central and eastern Europe. Mostly anecdotal information conveyed the impression that a large percentage suffered from hereditary mental disability. Such impressions drew attention to Canada{apos}s immigration law. Before 1902 virtually no medical inspections were made at the points of entry, and the laws governing deportation were inadequate. Even when inspection was begun there were too few physicians and facilities to handle the flow at the busiest ports. Later amendments to the Immigration Act helped, but the testimony of medical inspectors and public-health officials stressed that too many mentally and physically handicapped immigrants were still entering the country. Clarke agreed, and his inspection in 1901 of the hospital for the insane at New Westminster, B.C., which housed considerable numbers of Chinese-born patients, reinforced his view. In 1905 he stepped up his lobbying for more and better-trained psychiatrists as medical inspectors. In addition, he began publishing articles on the {d-0}defective and insane{d-1} immigrant. However, in 1907-8, he later recalled, he found himself {d-0}in the centre of an unpleasant controversy, as the facts and figures presented did not appeal to practical politicians who were anxious to cultivate the vote of the new immigrant who had recently arrived.{d-1} He therefore toned down his campaign, concluding that the time was not ripe for aggressive activism.

In 1916, sensing that changing circumstances had revitalized public opinion, Clarke rejoined the immigration debate. Many Canadians now felt that the best and healthiest young men of Canada were being sacrificed on the battlefields while the unfittest stayed home and begat their own kind. Such concern would lead to heightened fear about the immigration of unfit aliens once the war was over. The Provincial Association for the Care of the Feeble-Minded folded in 1918 when Clarke, Hincks, Helen MacMurchy*, and others founded the Canadian National Committee for Mental Hygiene, initially to attend to the psychiatric care of soldiers. It favoured prevention, including the screening of immigrants, whom it viewed as a primary source of mental degenerates (and therefore also of vice, disease, and unemployment). The growing interest in mental health, thus perceived, persuaded Clarke that the time was right to renew pressure on Ottawa. He drew on the enormous literature in the United States about immigration, much of which was part of the eugenic movement then sweeping North America. (Coined in 1883 in Britain, the term eugenics meant the study of heredity and the production of healthy offspring through the prevention of inherited disease.) A convert like most physicians of his day, Clarke believed that many European nations were trying to get rid of their insane and otherwise {d-0}defective{d-1} citizens by sending them to Canada or the United States, where, by reproducing their own kind, they posed a national menace.

Clarke used various means to alert public and official opinion to the eugenic dimensions of immigration. The receptive Public Health Journal (Toronto) published his denunciation in 1916 of the {d-0}defective immigrant{d-1} and in 1918 his theory on feeble-mindedness as the foundation of criminality. Among mps he circulated copies of his unpublished novel, {d-0}The amiable morons,{d-1} a thinly disguised account of Valentine Shortis*, the Irish immigrant who in 1895 had killed two men and wounded a third with no apparent emotion or motive. Clarke had testified at Shortis{apos}s trial that he was a hereditary degenerate who had been insane at the time of the murders. Avoided by publishers, the manuscript emphasized the link between immigration and hereditary illness.

After 1919 Clarke continued to find an audience. From his Toronto clinic he drew statistical findings about immigrants that are now seen as dubious and unrepresentative, but which were then readily received in many quarters. His often sensationalized linkage of feeble-mindedness, immigration, and national degeneration fed into the premises of such moral reformers as Charlotte Elizabeth Hazeltyne Whitton*, who were glad to have {d-0}scientific{d-1} endorsement of extreme, even nativist, immigration policies. In 1920 a meeting of the Presbyterian Church{apos}s Canadian Council for the Immigration of Women proved very receptive to Clarke{apos}s constructs and his proposals to weed out Jewish children fleeing famine in Ukraine. On another occasion that year, the arrival at Saint John of the first contingent of Barnardo orphans to come to Canada since the war, Clarke staged a public demonstration to reinforce his preferences and arguments. Though the children had been carefully examined in England, Clarke and {d-0}an array of medical experts{d-1} nonetheless put them through {d-0}thorough tests - followed by congratulations on the high-grade type of children.{d-1}

Clarke{apos}s crusade helps explain how, in delivering the prestigious Maudsley Lecture before the Royal Medico-Psychological Association in England on 24 May 1923, he could announce that immigration had pushed Canada to the brink of crisis. It was being {d-0}bled white{d-1} by emigration to the United States and pumped full of defectives, many of them British. The lecture underscored the fact that the issue exerted a powerful, almost mesmeric attraction on his mind. He campaigned so relentlessly that he alienated numerous provincial and federal authorities. On occasion acerbic, combative, and stubborn, he was rarely diplomatic when it came to immigration and other concerns that he felt strongly about. Such force was necessary to sway minds on what, in his opinion, were vital public-health questions. By the late 1920s, however, the psychiatric profession was beginning to move away from the crude eugenics advocated by Clarke and the CNCMH.

Though Clarke{apos}s professional life was largely taken up with CNCMH activities after 1918, other involvements contributed to his high profile. His controversial campaign for a true psychiatric clinic bore fruit in 1921, when a site was secured on Surrey Place near the TGH and the university; in 1923 Clarke was present at the laying of the cornerstone for the Toronto Psychiatric Hospital. Commissioned that year to assess Homewood Retreat, a private asylum near Guelph, he scored the sharp decline in its facilities for the acutely insane and the human costs of a greater resort to chemical and mechanical restraint. During the 1920s two of his children were also active in the field: Eric Kent was a psychiatrist in Toronto{apos}s health department, while Emma DeVeber, who had served overseas as a nurse and at the TGH clinic, was supervisor of mental hygiene nursing with the city. An Anglican - his second wife was a lifelong Roman Catholic - C. K. Clarke died of cardiovascular disease in 1924 and was buried in Mount Pleasant Cemetery. The Clarke Institute of Psychiatry in Toronto, which was named in his honour in 1966, merged into the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health in 1998.

If Clarke{apos}s commitment to public-health reform went as far as punitive eugenic policies, it was less a comment on him than it was a reflection of the times. His bending of clinical findings for eugenic purposes had resulted in part from the inexactitude of diagnosing feeble-mindedness. But in clinical situations where the symptom-pictures were more precisely defined, as in the diagnosis of dementia praecox (schizophrenia), he was on surer ground. That he possessed much purer psychiatric knowledge and ability is affirmed by his scientific publications and professionally significant advancement of Kraepelin{apos}s classification. He had played a seminal role too in many of the momentous changes that had occurred in the field, especially in the break from asylums. Clarke served as mentor for some of the luminaries of the next generation of Canadian psychiatrists, including the internationally renowned Hincks and Farrar, who regarded Clarke as {d-0}the father of Canadian psychiatry.{d-1}

[Manuscript sources for a study of Clarke{apos}s life can be found in a number of locations. Many of his published and unpublished papers are available in the C. K. Clarke fonds in the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health Arch., located at the Centre{apos}s Queen Street site in Toronto. Clarke{apos}s involvement in the debate over immigration is documented in LAC, RG 76 and AO, RG 63. His correspondence with other North American psychiatrists is scattered among various collections, among them the G. A. Blumer papers in the Isaac Ray Medical Library, Butler Hospital, Providence, R.I., and the Adolf Meyer papers at the Alan Mason Chesney Medical Arch. of the Johns Hopkins Medical Institutions, Baltimore, Md.

Clarke published one book, A history of the Toronto General Hospital . . . (Toronto, 1913), and numerous articles, some of which are catalogued in Cyril Greenland, Charles Kirk Clarke: a pioneer of Canadian psychiatry (Toronto, 1966). Among the medical journals to which he contributed were the American Journal of Insanity (Baltimore), the Canadian Journal of Mental Hygiene (Toronto), the Journal of Mental Science (London), the Public Health Journal (Toronto), and the Bull. of the Ontario Hospitals for the Insane (Toronto). Clarke also wrote the foreword to William George Smith{apos}s book A study in Canadian immigration (Toronto, 1920). i.d.]

AO, RG 80-5-0-95, no.12772; 80-5-0-322, no.8081. Daily British Whig (Kingston, Ont.), 21 Jan. 1924. Rainer Baehre, {d-0}The ill-regulated mind: a study in the making of psychiatry in Ontario, 1830-1921{d-1} (phd thesis, York Univ., Toronto, 1985). T. E. Brown, {d-0}{s-0}Living with God{apos}s afflicted{s-1-unknown}: a history of the Provincial Lunatic Asylum at Toronto, 1830-1911{d-1} (phd thesis, Queen{apos}s Univ., Kingston, 1981). Canadian annual rev., 1920. Jay Cassel, The secret plague: venereal disease in Canada, 1838-1939 (Toronto, 1987). Ian Dowbiggin, Keeping America sane: psychiatry and eugenics in the United States and Canada, 1880-1940 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1997); {d-0}{s-0}Keeping this young country sane{s-1-unknown}: C. K. Clarke, immigration restriction, and Canadian psychiatry, 1890-1925,{d-1} CHR, 76 (1995): 598-627. C. B. F[arrar], {d-0}I remember C. K. Clarke,{d-1} American Journal of Psychiatry, 114 (1957-58): 368-70. Cheryl Krasnick Warsh, Moments of unreason: the practice of Canadian psychiatry and the Homewood Retreat, 1883-1923 (Montreal and Kingston, 1989). K. J. McConnachie, {d-0}Science and ideology: the mental hygiene and eugenics movement in the inter-war years, 1919-1939{d-1} (phd thesis, Univ. of Toronto, 1987). Angus McLaren, Our own master race: eugenics in Canada, 1885-1945 (Toronto, 1990). Wendy Mitchinson, The nature of their bodies: women and their doctors in Victorian Canada (Toronto, 1991). Desmond Morton and Glenn Wright, Winning the second battle: Canadian veterans and the return to civilian life, 1915-1930 (Toronto, 1987). Geoffrey Reaume, Remembrance of patients past: patient life at the Toronto Hospital for the Insane, 1870-1940 (Toronto, 2000). TPH: history and memories of the Toronto Psychiatric Hospital, 1925-1966, ed. Edward Shorter (Toronto, 1996). Mariana Valverde, The age of light, soap, and water: moral reform in English Canada, 1885-1925 (Toronto, 1991). Vital statistics from N.B. newspapers (Johnson), 53, nos.137, 2530.

The son of an Irish-born physician turned magistrate and businessman, Lionel H. Clarke was educated at Trinity College School in Port Hope. Around 1878 he moved to Palmerston, northwest of Guelph, to pursue the grain business. About 1889 he expanded to Toronto, where by 1893 he had established L. H. Clarke and Company in partnership with Wilmot Deloui Matthews*. Operating out of offices in the new Board of Trade Building, in 1900 they founded a second firm, Canada Malting Company Limited. Despite tariffs that made Canadian malt uneconomical for brewers in the United States and western Canada and fires that destroyed the partners{s-1-unknown} Palmerston works and in 1913 badly damaged Canada Malting{apos}s Winnipeg plant, Clarke would focus on this trade for the remainder of his life. He achieved a respectable prosperity, which included appointments to the boards of other companies.

Despite his provincial and national interests, Clarke{apos}s local contributions were his most significant legacy. In 1888 he had joined Toronto{apos}s Board of Trade, which, within the year, became concerned about attempts by the Canadian Pacific and Grand Trunk railways to solidify their domination of Toronto{apos}s waterfront. The city{apos}s port and commercial districts were separated by a wide band of level crossings, where trains took several lives each year and frequently blocked the movement of goods to and from the wharves. The port had gone into decline, unable to compete with railways whose policies and rates, it seemed to board members, favoured Montreal over Toronto. The fire that destroyed 14 acres of the city{apos}s core in 1904 provided an opportunity to deal with the crossings. The railways favoured bridges over their tracks. The board proposed a viaduct to raise the trackage, a plan for which was ready in June 1907, when Clarke was vice-president of the board and a member of its railway and transportation committee. Approved by city council in September, the plan was handed back to Clarke to take to the federal Board of Railway Commissioners, which ordered the railways to construct a viaduct. Much of the credit for this accomplishment went to Clarke during his presidency in 1908, though it would take another five years to forge an agreement.

The fire of 1904 had also forced the city to deal with the issues of water supply and sewage disposal, and thereby clear the way for federal support of harbour improvements. Silt and sewage blocked the wharves at a time when plans to expand the Welland Canal and build a deep waterway along the St Lawrence offered hope for Toronto{apos}s development as a major distribution centre. The problem was driven home to Clarke when the master of a Scottish steamer appeared at his door in 1908 to complain that insufficient water at the wharves hindered the discharge of his cargo and about the lack of public docks and high handling charges. Along with such Board of Trade members as William James Gage, Clarke was instrumental in persuading federal and municipal officials to replace the existing harbour trust with a commission capable of building the needed public wharves, dredging a deeper harbour, and creating by means of infill industrial sites in Ashbridges Bay [see Sir John Alexander Boyd*; John Irvine Davidson*].

When Ottawa formed the Toronto Harbour Commissioners in May 1911, Clarke became its chairman, a position he would hold until his death. In 1912, expanding upon earlier proposals put forward by the railway companies, the Toronto Guild of Civic Art, and the Board of Trade, he directed the preparation of a plan for waterways, parks, and roads that would serve as a blueprint for development until the 1950s. Its details and implementation were left to a staff headed by engineer Edward Lancelot Cousins*, but Clarke brought vision to the project and played an important role in the meetings, inspections, and presentations that won financial support for a scheme estimated to cost more than $24 million. As industrial sites emerged, he advised the staff on leases. In 1913, as an alternative to the city{apos}s purchase of the utility and street railway interests of Sir William Mackenzie, he surprised city council with proposals for a bold system of underground and surface lines emanating from the lakefront. Although the harbour commissioners and the railways reached an agreement that year on the viaduct and a new Union Station, Clarke would die before the completion of the viaduct and waterfront plans.

In addition to his parks and harbour work, Clarke served on the Toronto and York County highway commission from 1911 to 1913. With his wife he ran summer camps at Vineland, on the Niagara peninsula, for residents of the Toronto Boys{s-1-unknown} Home. Clarke{apos}s public and charitable involvement likely provided some distraction from the loss of his eldest son, Lieutenant Lionel Esmonde Clarke, in June 1916 in Belgium. His serious demeanour and forcefulness hid his warmth and sense of humour; known to shun publicity, he preferred to spend time with his family and pursue his hobbies of riding, hunting, angling, and reading. It surprised many when he was appointed lieutenant governor of Ontario on 27 Nov. 1919, though his populist approach suited the reform spirit of the recently elected United Farmers government of Ernest Charles Drury*. There was less formal ceremony at Clarke{apos}s official residence in Chorley Park, which became a rallying point for interest groups who sought his recognition. As the Clarkes embraced a heavy schedule of public and social duties, their sense of humanity changed Ontarians{s-1-unknown} perception of the role of lieutenant governor. The premier and Clarke disagreed publicly in 1920 over the government{apos}s proposal to close Government House as a cost-saving measure, but Drury would remember him as {d-0}a gentleman and a man of taste.{d-1}

By the summer of 1921 stomach cancer had confined Clarke to his summer residence on Copperhead Island in Georgian Bay. He died at Government House in August and received a state funeral at St Paul{apos}s Anglican Church. Few would have argued with the assessment by Senator Angus Claude Macdonell in 1918 that there was no more disinterested man in the service of his country than Lionel H. Clarke.

Lionel Herbert Clarke published an illustrated article on the Toronto waterfront development, {d-0}Putting a new front on Toronto,{d-1} in Canadian Magazine, 42 (November 1913-April 1914): 205-15.

AO, F 775, MU 2131, 1920, no.6; RG 3-4-0-11; RG 24-12; RG 80-8-0-803, no.5484. Toronto Port Authority Arch., RG 1 (records of the board of commissioners)/5, box 2, folder 9, A. C. Macdonell to L. H. Clarke; RG 3 (central registry files), box 148, folder 15, financial report by R. G. Dun and Co., 26 Jan. 1933; box 230, folders 22-23. Daily Mail and Empire, 28 Nov. 1919; 16 July, 30 Aug. 1921. Evening Telegram (Toronto), 26 Nov. 1913, 30 Aug. 1921. Globe, 29 Nov. 1919. Star Weekly (Toronto), 29 Nov., 6 Dec. 1919; 9 July 1921. Toronto Daily Star, 29-31 Aug., 30 Sept. 1921. Toronto Sunday World, 19 Aug. 1921. World (Toronto), 11 Feb. 1891. Canadian annual rev., 1913. Directory, Toronto, 1893-1921. E. C. Drury, Farmer premier: memoirs of the Honourable E. C. Drury (Toronto, 1966), 104. G. W. Englehardt, Toronto, Canada: the book of its Board of Trade . . . ([Toronto, 1897]). W. J. Gage, Address of Mr. W. J. Gage, president of the Board of Trade of the City of Toronto, delivered at annual meeting, January 19, 1911 ([Toronto, 1911]). C. M. Johnston, E. C. Drury: agrarian idealist (Toronto, 1986). Roy Merrens, {d-0}Port authorities as urban land developers: the case of the Toronto Harbour Commissioners and their outer harbour project, 1912-68,{d-1} Urban Hist. Rev. (Toronto), 17 (1988): 92-105. Ont., Legislature, Sessional papers, 1909, no.5: 5. Ontario Gazette (Toronto), 1900: 738, 1017. W. R. Plewman, Adam Beck and the Ontario Hydro (Toronto, 1947). G. H. Stanford, To serve the community: the story of Toronto{apos}s Board of Trade (Toronto, 1974). Jeffrey Stinson and Michael Moir, Built heritage of the east bayfront (Can., Royal commission on the future of the Toronto waterfront, Technical paper, no.7, Toronto, October 1991). Toronto, Board of Trade, Annual report, 1895-1921 (mfm. at TRL); Board of Trade News, December 1919, September/October 1921 (copies at TRL). The Torontonian society blue book and club list (Toronto), 1921. Who{apos}s who and why, 1921.

Early in 1883 Coldwell settled in Brandon and began to practise there. He was joined by Thomas Mayne Daly*, who was called to the bar the following year. Their successful general partnership lasted until 1892, when Daly moved to Winnipeg. Coldwell afterwards established other partnerships. He would be named a kc in 1903. From about 1887 to 1907 he served on the Brandon City Council, during which time he became widely known and admired. After the death on 4 Nov. 1907 of Brandon{apos}s representative in the Legislative Assembly, Stanley William McInnis*, Conservative premier Rodmond Palen Roblin* invited Coldwell to enter his cabinet as provincial secretary and municipal commissioner. Coldwell was sworn in on 14 November and four days later he was elected by acclamation at a by-election in Brandon.

On 5 March 1908 Coldwell was appointed Manitoba{apos}s first minister of education, the post for which he would be remembered (eight months later he resigned as provincial secretary). He was re-elected easily in the general election of 11 July 1910. In the spring of 1912 he introduced and guided through the assembly a series of changes to the Manitoba Public Schools Act of 1897 which became known as the Coldwell amendments. The story behind them is tortuous, if instructive.

For many years, and particularly after the creation of Saskatchewan and Alberta in 1905, Manitoba had been clamouring for extension of its boundaries northward. In 1911 the time seemed propitious. Roblin{apos}s government had given important and dependable support to the federal Conservative party in the first decade of the 20th century. Now there appeared to be a real chance of victory in the federal election. The Manitoba Conservative party and its electoral machine took full part in the federal campaign and, despite the popularity of reciprocity on the prairies, Roblin delivered eight of the province{apos}s ten seats to Conservative leader Robert Laird Borden*, who became prime minister on 10 Oct. 1911. Among Borden{apos}s promises was a commitment to extend Manitoba{apos}s boundaries to Hudson Bay. The territory that would be included in the enlarged province, much of the District of Keewatin, would be subject to Manitoba{apos}s school legislation, however, and therein lay the rub.

In addition to the unhappy Manitoba Catholics there were other obstacles to the extension of the province{apos}s boundaries. A group of French Canadian Conservative Nationalistes allied with Borden{apos}s government and led by backbencher Paul-Émile Lamarche strongly opposed the federal bill to extend the boundaries because it provided no guarantees for Catholic schools in the district to be annexed. Despite verbal assurances by Robert Rogers*, the federal minister of the interior and a close friend of Roblin{apos}s, that the Manitoba premier would deal fairly with the district{apos}s Catholics, Lamarche and six of his colleagues voted against the legislation, which passed on 12 March. Other Conservative Nationalistes, such as Frederick Debartzch Monk*, remained loyal to Borden{apos}s government. The federal Conservatives{s-1-unknown} cohesion was badly damaged. The Coldwell amendments, it was hoped, would help to heal the breach.

In mid March Archbishop Adélard Langevin* of St Boniface was asked by a Conservative friend to open negotiations with Rogers and the Roblin government over changes to the Public Schools Act. Langevin accepted and thought he had obtained major improvements. The measures introduced into the Manitoba assembly by Coldwell on 1 April were declaratory rather than substantive. The Laurier-Greenway compromise of 1896 [see Thomas Greenway*] had provided that in rural schools with 25 Catholic pupils, or urban schools with 40, a qualified teacher of that faith would be provided if their parents requested one. This provision also applied to Protestants in heavily Catholic areas. Coldwell{apos}s amendments proposed that any reference to school be interpreted to mean {d-0}any and every school building [and] school room.{d-1} If applied to individual classrooms, the legislation could have the effect of allowing public aid to parochial schools in the cities.

To the extent that they mollified the Nationalistes in Borden{apos}s government, the Coldwell amendments may have been successful. The Catholics of Winnipeg and Brandon, however, won no benefit from them. The Roblin government neglected or chose not to take the necessary step to make the amendments effective. They did not repeal another section of the Public Schools Act which levied heavy penalties on any school trustee who permitted the segregation of children by religion during the school day. Urban Catholics were dismayed, and the Manitoba Free Press could say smugly a year later that the Coldwell amendments {d-0}have not to date changed by a hair{apos}s breadth the status of the Public School in Manitoba.{d-1}

Although Coldwell{apos}s entry into provincial politics had been auspicious, his departure was inglorious. In 1915 he was linked to the scandal over construction of the new parliament building that caused Roblin{apos}s government to resign in May. Both the contractor and the Conservative party were the financial beneficiaries of massive overpayment by the government. A royal commission chaired by Chief Justice Thomas Graham Mathers reported on 24 Aug. 1915 that Roblin, Coldwell, and two other cabinet ministers, Walter Humphries Montague and James Henry Howden, had entered into a fraudulent conspiracy. The four men were brought to trial on 24 July 1916; it resulted in a hung jury on 28 August and a new trial was ordered. The following year the crown stayed proceedings. The ostensible reason was the ill health of Roblin and Howden (Montague had since died), but this hardly explains why the charges against Coldwell were dropped. By then Coldwell had returned to his law practice; he continued to work until his death in 1924.

AM, MG 13, G1; MG 14, B36; RG 18, A4, boxes 10-11. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1871, Hullett Township, Ont., div.1: 2. Univ. of Man. Libraries, Dept. of Arch. and Special Coll. (Winnipeg), J. W. Dafoe fonds. Manitoba Free Press, 25 Jan. 1924. Réal Bélanger, Paul-Émile Lamarche: le pays avant le parti (1904-1918) (Sainte-Foy, Qué., 1984). Canadian annual rev., 1912. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). G. R. Cook, {d-0}Church, schools, and politics in Manitoba, 1903-12,{d-1} CHR, 39 (1958): 1-23. CPG, 1908-15. {d-0}Documents inédits: correspondance Langevin-Audet,{d-1} RHAF, 1 (1947-48): 271-77. A. I. Inglis, {d-0}Some political factors in the demise of the Roblin government: 1915{inch} (ma thesis, Univ. of Man., 1968). J. A. Jackson, The centennial history of Manitoba ([Toronto], 1970). W. L. Morton, Manitoba: a history (Toronto, 1957).

COSTANZO, FILUMENA (Florence) (Sanfidele (Lassandro)), bootlegger{apos}s accomplice and convicted murderer; b. 1900 in Cosenza, Italy, daughter of Vincenzo Costanzo and Angela ---; m. 16 Oct. 1915 Carlo (Charles) Sanfidele in Fernie, B.C.; they had no children; d. 2 May 1923 in Fort Saskatchewan, Alta.

Filumena Costanzo immigrated to Canada with her mother and father, sister and brother, in 1909. The family settled in Fernie, where Costanzo{apos}s father was employed as a coalminer, the primary occupation in the Crowsnest Pass [see Frank Henry Sherman*]. In 1915, at the age of 14, Florence (who had changed her name on the advice of a teacher) married 23-year-old Carlo Sanfidele. As was the custom among Italians at the time, the marriage had been arranged by her father. Shortly after it took place, she and her husband moved to Pennsylvania in search of employment, but within only a few months they had returned to Canada, settling in Blairmore, Alta. It appears that Carlo adopted the surname Lassandro because he had entered the United States illegally and hoped he could avoid prosecution under the assumed name. By 1916 he was employed in Blairmore as a chauffeur to local businessman Emilio Picariello.

On 1 July 1916 Prohibition came into force in Alberta, making the sale of alcohol illegal. Soon after introduction of the legislation, a brisk bootlegging trade developed which involved the transportation of alcohol from neighbouring wet jurisdictions, including British Columbia and Montana, to southern Alberta and the clandestine sale of the illicit product to slake the thirst of the local mining community. By this time Carlo was working for Picariello as manager of the Alberta Hotel in Blairmore in addition to serving as a chauffeur. As part of his duties he took his employer{apos}s powerful McLaughlin Six motor car on bootlegging runs. Picariello{apos}s operation was extensive, stretching from Nelson, B.C., to Regina. His son Stefano (Steve) also was a driver. Picariello was able to continue his runs into British Columbia even after the sale of alcohol was prohibited there in 1917 and its manufacture was banned the following year. Florence Lassandro and the young Picariello were close in age and Picariello Sr believed the appearance of a young couple crossing the border seemingly out for an afternoon picnic was the perfect cover. As a result, the two rode together on numerous runs. On occasion, Florence drove alone. But whether alone or with Stefano Picariello, she participated in this illegal activity over several years.

On 21 Sept. 1922 officers of the Alberta Provincial Police pursued and attempted to intercept an automobile believed to contain illegal liquor and driven by Picariello{apos}s son. As the car entered the main street in Coleman, Alta, the local police signalled it to stop, but when no attempt was made to comply, Constable Stephen Oldacres Lawson fired at the vehicle, striking Stefano in the hand. The police gave chase, but Picariello{apos}s vehicle soon outdistanced them and they abandoned their pursuit. News of the incident reached Emilio Picariello that evening. Believing that his son might have been seriously injured or even killed, he armed himself and, together with Florence Lassandro, drove to the Coleman police barracks. Constable Lawson emerged and heated words were exchanged. As the confrontation escalated to physical grappling, two shots were fired apparently from Picariello{apos}s vehicle, both of which missed Lawson. The constable turned away from the car, perhaps to retrieve his own firearm, and a third, fatal shot struck him in the back. His wife and one of his daughters witnessed the incident from the doorway of the barracks. Picariello and Lassandro immediately fled in their vehicle and eluded the police during the night of 21-22 September. They were finally apprehended in Blairmore late in the day on the 22nd.

Both Picariello and Lassandro were charged with murder. After a preliminary hearing in Coleman, the pair were remanded for trial in Calgary before Mr Justice William Legh Walsh*. With the financial means to retain top-flight counsel, Picariello hired prominent Calgary defence lawyer John McKinley Cameron* to act for both accused. The trial attracted much local and national attention. Prohibition itself was extremely controversial and Picariello{apos}s reputation as a rum-runner was well known. Also, the shooting of a policeman, then as now, was regarded as a particularly contemptible act. At the same time, Picariello was conspicuous in the Blairmore area as a local politician and a philanthropist and was widely called the {d-0}Emperor.{d-1}

Cameron believed that a mysterious bystander had been responsible for the fatal shot but no supporting evidence could be found and the argument presented in court, also reasonably consistent with the facts, was that of self-defence. The jury, however, was unconvinced and the six-day trial resulted in convictions. In passing the obligatory sentence of death, Walsh acknowledged that some leniency might be extended to Lassandro because she was a woman, but that she should nevertheless prepare to meet her end. On Picariello{apos}s instructions, Cameron appealed to the Supreme Court of Alberta and, upon dismissal of the case there, to the Supreme Court of Canada. The original convictions were upheld.

Jailed in Fort Saskatchewan, with no reprieve or commutation despite further efforts by her lawyer, Lassandro spent the night before her execution in prayer with a Franciscan priest. Then in the early dawn of 2 May 1923, minutes after Picariello had met his end, she in turn ascended the scaffold steps. Protesting her innocence to the last and maintaining that she forgave {d-0}everyone,{d-1} Florence Lassandro was hanged.

Reaction to the conviction and execution of Lassandro and her co-accused was mixed. The Italian community in the Crowsnest Pass was appalled but there is evidence of a general view in Calgary that their treatment was entirely appropriate. An appeal by Lassandro{apos}s family to have her remains returned to Blairmore was refused by the provincial government and both Lassandro and Picariello were interred in an unmarked grave in a north Edmonton cemetery.

With its ingredients of murder, courtroom drama, and ultimate tragedy, the story of Florence Lassandro{apos}s brief life has received considerable attention, both literary and theatrical, including a full dramatic opera. Sometimes portrayed as an innocent victim caught up in events or controlled by the Svengali-like Picariello, she remains something of an enigma. What is clear, however, is that her death on the Fort Saskatchewan gallows provided fuel and focus for the public debate on both Prohibition and capital punishment.

GA, M 4843/30-31; M 6242; M 6840. Blairmore Enterprise (Blairmore, Alta), 1922-23. Calgary Herald, 1922-23. F. W. Anderson, A dance with death: Canadian women on the gallows, 1754-1954 (Saskatoon and Calgary, 1997). Brian Brennan, Scoundrels and scallywags: characters from Alberta{apos}s past (Calgary, 2002). Jock Carpenter, Bootlegger{apos}s bride ([Calgary], 1993). Ann Chandler, {d-0}The lady & the bootlegger,{d-1} Beaver (Winnipeg), 84 (2003-4), no.3: 40-44. Citymakers: Calgarians after the frontier, ed. Max Foran and S. S. Jameson (Calgary, 1987). R. E. Spence, Prohibition in Canada: a memorial to Francis Stephens Spence (Toronto, 1919).

William L. Cotton left school in New London at 16 to learn the printing and newspaper business in Charlottetown under the direction of John Ings, editor of the Islander. After two years in Halifax as a reporter for Edmund Mortimer McDonald*{apos}s Halifax Citizen in the early 1870s, he returned to Charlottetown, where in June 1873 he became editor and manager of the Examiner, owned by Jedediah Slason Carvell*. Two years later he bought the paper and in 1877 he turned it into a daily, the first in Prince Edward Island. The move was a bold one, but a spirit of optimism was abroad in Charlottetown, and large homes and new public buildings were under construction. The boom did not last, but the Examiner did, and its main competitor, the Patriot, followed suit in becoming a daily in 1881. At least until 1901 Cotton continued to publish a weekly edition as well. In 1922 the Examiner was absorbed by the Charlottetown Guardian, with which it had been merged in 1915, and Will Cotton retired after having edited it for 49 years. However, he sat on the Guardian{apos}s editorial board, and wrote a column for the paper, mostly essays in Island history that were brought together and republished in 1927 under the title Chapters in our Island story.

He had continued the Examiner{apos}s tradition of support for confederation established by its founder, Edward Whelan*, and just a month after he became editor the Island entered the Canadian union. For four decades the Examiner was the only Conservative paper in Charlottetown, and Cotton himself was a lifelong Conservative, although the Guardian noted when he died that he maintained {d-0}a spirit of independence which at times made him restless under party discipline.{d-1} He was no reactionary, however, and he wrote early editorials urging free education, land reform, construction of the Prince Edward Island Railway {d-0}from Georgetown to Cascumpec,{d-1} and installation of an up-to-date water and sewage system in Charlottetown. Around 1880 the standard of coverage and commentary in the paper began to decline, but Cotton continued to take stands from time to time. For example, when it was still an issue of controversy, he urged on his fellow Islanders acceptance of the automobile, which the provincial legislature had banned from the public roads in 1908 in an act that remained in force until 1913, when motor vehicles were allowed to operate on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Thursdays. He also wrote knowledgeably on agricultural matters - a necessity for a newspaper editor in the Garden Province - and his readers were treated to complete descriptions of the people and places he encountered on several trips he made, to the west and to Britain with Margaret Ellin in 1922.

Cotton served for many years as chairman of the trustees of St Peter{apos}s Anglican Cathedral in Charlottetown. These trustees constituted an unusual form of church government that had been designed to protect St Peter{apos}s Anglo-Catholic character when it was made the Anglican cathedral for Prince Edward Island in 1879 by Hibbert Binney*, the bishop of Nova Scotia, who had episcopal jurisdiction over the Island. Cotton{apos}s marriage had been only the second solemnized in St Peter{apos}s after its erection as a chapel of ease for the parish church of St Paul{apos}s in 1869. Cotton also served for many years as secretary and treasurer of the Island{apos}s Children{apos}s Aid Society.

He was an even-tempered, dark-haired man with a bushy beard, married to a wife who set exacting standards of respectability and decorum for her husband and their large family. There was, however, one room in their home that was his sole domain, where Margaret Ellin{apos}s writ did not run. The fact that there was no source of heat in the room made no difference to Cotton, and he used it in winter as well as summer, well bundled up.

Cotton died in 1928 and his wife in 1944. A stained glass window in their memory was subsequently installed in All Souls{s-1-unknown} Chapel at St Peter{apos}s Cathedral, the masterpiece created by two of her brothers, architect William Critchlow Harris* and painter Robert Harris*. One of the finest such windows in Prince Edward Island, it was designed by Frederick W. Cole and made by the English firm of William Morris of Westminster (London). Its subject is Christ, who is shown robed and crowned as King, reigning from the cross. Important portraits of the couple by Robert Harris form part of the permanent collection of the Confederation Centre Art Gallery and Museum in Charlottetown, and are often included in the gallery{apos}s exhibitions.

PARO, P.E.I. Geneal. Soc. coll., family files, Cotton family, contemporary obit. notices and tributes. Charlottetown Guardian, 1922-28. Examiner (Charlottetown), 1875-1922. Canadian annual rev., 1913. The Island family Harris: letters of an immigrant family in British North America, 1856-1866, ed. R. C. Tuck (Charlottetown, 1983). PARO, {d-0}Checklist and historical directory of Prince Edward Island newspapers, 1787-1986,{d-1} comp. Heather Boylan (Charlottetown, 1987). Deborah Stewart, {d-0}The Island meets the auto,{d-1} Island Magazine (Charlottetown), no.5 (fall/winter 1978): 9-14.

This experience and legal training led to his appointment on 3 March 1882 as law clerk to the Senate, a position he would hold for 48 years. The Ottawa Citizen hailed the choice, saying, {d-0}Mr. Creighton will fill the position with credit,{d-1} a prediction he fulfilled from the beginning. On 27 June the same year he added the title of master in chancery, and in 1909 he became parliamentary counsel to the Senate. Between 1885 and 1886 he was employed in the consolidation and revision of the statutes of Canada [see George Wheelock Burbidge*]. He was also instrumental in drafting important legislation, including the Gold and Silver Marking Act (1906), which was almost entirely the product of his legal skills. Creighton supplemented his $2,500 annual salary from the Senate by writing articles for Scribner{apos}s (New York) and other magazines. He was made a cmg in 1913; he was also appointed a kc.

Throughout his engineering and legal career, Creighton pursued his love of sports, which he had first developed during his boyhood in Halifax, where a freewheeling, stick-ball game called {d-0}ricket{d-1} or occasionally {d-0}hockey{d-1} was played on ice. In Montreal, Henry Joseph, a teammate, later credited him with organizing the first public exhibition of ice hockey at the Victoria Skating Rink on 3 March 1875, played by two teams drawn from the club, where Creighton also served as a judge of figure skating. His nine-man team won two {d-0}games{d-1} (goals) to one over the opposition led by Charles Torrance. {d-0}It was this exhibition which aroused city-wide interest and gave rise to the formation of other ice hockey teams and to the rapid development of the game,{d-1} McGill{apos}s physical education director Emanuel M. Orlick would write in the Gazette in 1943.

On the hockey rink, Creighton was praised for his ability to pass the flat, circular piece of wood in use at the time as a puck and for his attempts to initiate combination play. In 1876, while he was captain of a team from the Montreal rugby football club, of which he was vice-president, it was noted that he played {d-0}offside,{d-1} or ahead of the puck carrier, evidence that early Montreal games were played under the newly formed (field) Hockey Association and rugby rules, rather than the so-called Halifax rules, which permitted forward passing. In February 1877 he captained a team from the Metropolitan Club against members of the St James{s-1-unknown} Club. On this occasion the Gazette published {d-0}the rules of the game{d-1}; only the word {d-0}ice{d-1} distinguished them from field hockey regulations in use at the time. As vice-president of the football club, Creighton led a Montreal delegation to a meeting in Toronto in October 1875 to organize an interprovincial association and moved a successful motion to adopt {d-0}rugby union rules,{d-1} with their vital {d-0}onside{d-1} stipulation.

Barrister and businessman Byron Arthur Weston of Dartmouth, N.S., described Creighton as {d-0}tall and spare.{d-1} He weighed only 144 pounds at age 25, when he played rugby for Canada against Harvard University. Though he was {d-0}quiet and retiring,{d-1} according to Senator Charles Elliott Tanner of Pictou, N.S., Creighton{apos}s name appeared in a magistrate{apos}s court docket in an unresolved case in 1883 that involved the burning of cayenne pepper and removal of furniture from an apartment. One of the few members of his family not to enter the Creighton business in Halifax (his grandfather had operated James G. A. Creighton and Son, a ship chandler and wholesale food business), he seldom returned to the city of his birth. He maintained connections with his home province, however, and in 1874 wrote a testimonial for spring skates - the {d-0}first in the world adjustable with a lever{d-1} - made by the Starr Manufacturing Company of Dartmouth.

After moving to Ottawa, where he preferred to be known under the old family name of Aylwin rather than James, Creighton continued his interest in sports. He was a key member of the Rideau Rebels hockey club, formed in 1889 and made up of two sons of Governor General Lord Stanley*, viceregal aides-de-camp, members of parliament, and senators. The team occasionally travelled in the governor general{apos}s private railway car and helped to promote the sport across southern Ontario with exhibition games in such centres as Kingston, Lindsay, and Toronto. Creighton was in his 40th year when he played his last game with a parliamentary team against Government House.

Credited by some modern-day writers with being the {d-0}inventor of hockey,{d-1} the modest law clerk never claimed that honour or participated in early debates over the birthplace of the game. A few years before his death, he wrote to Rebel teammate and former mp Henry Alfred Ward to stake his only sporting claim: that he had had the honour to be captain of the first regular hockey club to be formed in Canada, which was at Montreal in 1877. Before the Montreal winter carnival popularized the game, Creighton described the city{apos}s interest in outdoor sports in an article, {d-0}French-Canadian life and character,{d-1} for Picturesque Canada (1882-84), edited by George Monro Grant*. He cited {d-0}the brilliant fancy dress entertainments{d-1} that attracted royalty to the Victoria Skating Rink, listed curling, golf, bicycle, and football clubs, and saluted lacrosse - {d-0}the national game of Canada{d-1} - but ignored the ice game he had helped to foster.

A long-time member of the Rideau Club of Ottawa, Aylwin Creighton died there of a heart attack in 1930. At his funeral former prime minister Sir Robert Laird Borden* was among the mourners. Obituaries listed his recreations of angling, exploration, book collecting, and skating but made no mention of his part in helping to found Canada{apos}s national winter sport. More recently hockey historian Michael McKinley has observed that {d-0}Creighton{apos}s genius in putting hockey under a roof was to allow it to grow in a kind of sporting hothouse, protected from the harsher elements.{d-1} Authors Sydney Francis Wise and Douglas Mason Fisher have classed him with the founders of organized lacrosse and basketball, William George Beers* and James Naismith*, as among {d-0}the rare few who originate or crystallize games or competitions.{d-1} In 1993 Creighton was inducted into the Nova Scotia Sport Hall of Fame as the {d-0}father of organized hockey.{d-1} At the Hockey Hall of Fame in Toronto, this trailblazer has been nominated but not yet inducted as a builder.

ANQ-M, CE601-S68, 25 juin 1878. MUA, RG 46, J. W. Regan to Henry Joseph, 29 March 1944. Private arch., J. W. Fitsell (Kingston, Ont.), Team photograph of the Ottawa Rideau Rebels, 1889; M. J. Pothier (Dartmouth, N.S.), Creighton family tree. Gazette (Montreal), 3-4, 17 March 1875; 27 Feb. 1877; 27 Nov. 1943. Ottawa Citizen, 4 March 1882, 28-30 June 1930. Ottawa Evening Journal, 28-30 June 1930. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). CPG, 1927. J. W. Fitsell, Hockey{apos}s captains, colonels and kings (Erin, Ont., 1987), 30-39. Michael McKinley, Putting a roof on winter: hockey{apos}s rise from sport to spectacle (Vancouver and New York, 2000). Nevill Miroy, The history of hockey (Laleham-on-Thames, Eng., 1986). B. M. Patton, Ice-hockey (London, 1936). Who{apos}s who in Canada, 1929. S. F. Wise and Douglas Fisher, Canada{apos}s sporting heroes (Don Mills [Toronto], Ont., 1974).

Of Scottish descent, James H. Crocket obtained his early education at the Presbyterian Academy in Chatham, N.B., where his father was principal. In 1870 his father was appointed head of the Normal School in Fredericton and James subsequently attended the Model and Collegiate schools there. In 1875, at age 16, he began his career in the newspaper business as a correspondent for the Saint John Daily News. Two years later he moved to Saint John to work on the staff of the paper. He joined A. W. Patterson as co-publisher of the Gleaner (Chatham) in 1879, but the weekly lasted only until about April of the following year. In 1881, in partnership with Herman Henry Pitts, he started the York Gleaner (Fredericton), a single-sheet weekly, well named in that it consisted of gleanings from other papers. Later that year he acquired Pitts{apos}s shares and became the sole owner. The paper continued until December 1884, but meanwhile, in May, Crocket had started a tri-weekly edition, the Gleaner (a semi-weekly edition may have existed earlier in the decade). On 25 Nov. 1889 it became the Daily Gleaner, reflecting the change in frequency of publication. Crocket would remain as president and managing editor until his death in 1930. During a brief period in 1909 he took on the additional task of directing the Standard (Saint John).

Crocket managed his paper efficiently. At the printing plant, he adopted the latest innovations in equipment. Initially the Gleaner had been produced with a hand-turned press. This was replaced by a steam-driven, flat-bed press, followed in 1908 by a rotary press. In 1907 he had a Linotype installed and the next year he added the first stereotype equipment in Fredericton. In 1907 as well he had brought the first {d-0}news wire{d-1} service to the city. His improvements paid off. From a circulation of 500 in 1893, the daily grew steadily, reaching almost 2,000 in 1903 and 6,000 in 1922, the largest circulation of a daily in the province. His brother Charles Stewart (Stuart) Ogg Crocket was also in the newspaper business. From 1897 to about 1904 he was publisher of the Weekly Globe (St Stephen (St Stephen-Milltown)). As publisher-editor of the Tribune (later the Campbellton Tribune) from 1905 to 1939, Charles would be described by historian John Russell Harper as an {d-0}outstanding spokesman for the interests of northern New Brunswick.{d-1}

James Crocket had a reputation as a vigorous and hard-hitting editorial writer, basing his arguments on sound research. A partisan of the Conservatives at the turn of the century, he played an important role in party leader John Douglas Hazen*{apos}s election to the Legislative Assembly in 1903. During the debate in the assembly in 1906 on the financial state of the province, the opposition claimed that the government of Lemuel John Tweedie* had overdrawn its account. The Gleaner enjoined the administration to {d-0}come clean{d-1} with its constituents. According to the paper, the banks had refused the government an advance of $38,000.

Crocket{apos}s aggressive style was evident in the Gleaner{apos}s editorial on what would become known as the Emmerson affair. In the House of Commons on 19 Feb. 1907 a Conservative mp from New Brunswick, George William Fowler, accused ministers or members of Sir Wilfrid Laurier*{apos}s government of connections {d-0}with women, wine and graft.{d-1} An editorial in the Gleaner on 27 March identified New Brunswick mp Henry Robert Emmerson*, minister of railways and canals, as one of the individuals in question and went on to claim that Emmerson had been ejected from a Montreal hotel because of his immoral associations. Emmerson denied the Gleaner{apos}s reports but resigned his portfolio. He then took steps against the Gleaner and the papers that had reprinted the editorial. On 21 May, Crocket was arrested on a charge of defamatory libel. At trial he was defended by Hazen; Emmerson{apos}s counsel was William Pugsley, who would soon replace him as New Brunswick{apos}s representative in Laurier{apos}s cabinet. As a result of justice Pierre-Amand Landry*{apos}s declaration in June 1907 that the Gleaner{apos}s statements, regardless of their accuracy, were in the public interest, Emmerson explained to the press that it was a {d-0}waste of time to proceed with the case.{d-1} In January 1908 the Supreme Court of New Brunswick heard an application on behalf of Crocket to dismiss the action. No one appeared for Emmerson and the case was dropped.

In close contact with federal and provincial Conservatives, Crocket worked behind the scenes in 1914 to obtain the resignation of Conservative premier James Kidd Flemming following charges of corruption. According to the Canadian annual review for 1919, after a second major scandal rocked the party, Crocket {d-0}urged a change of leadership at once{d-1} and he would continue to press the issue for some time. There was discontent within the party in Fredericton for other reasons. It was felt by some, including the Crocket family, that a prominent Conservative lawyer, Richard Burpee Hanson*, had not sufficiently supported Crocket{apos}s brother Oswald Smith in his pursuit of a nomination to the Court of King{apos}s Bench in 1913. Hanson had, moreover, opposed James{apos}s desire to be appointed to the Senate. Hanson, who had a financial interest in the Gleaner, was concerned about what he felt was Crocket{apos}s less than enthusiastic support for some of his projects as Crocket gradually shifted his support to the Liberals in the early 1920s. The conflict climaxed on 14 Feb. 1924 with an editorial in the Gleaner that made five accusations against Hanson. Included were charges that he had altered a court decree, that he had advised both parties in a case in 1922, and that in another lawsuit he had {d-0}supposedly{d-1} fabricated evidence which was found to be missing. Hanson demanded a retraction. The Gleaner refused and the case went to court. Hanson was awarded $100. An appeal by the Gleaner was unsuccessful. By 1923 Crocket was firmly in the Liberal camp and he would remain there for the rest of his life.

Following Crocket{apos}s death in 1930, the management and ownership of the Gleaner passed to his sons, James Alexander and William Wallace. In addition to having been a successful businessman and a noteworthy newspaper editor and publisher, James Harvie Crocket had played a role in the province{apos}s political dramas.

Daily Gleaner (Fredericton), 19 April 1930. Union Advocate (Newcastle, N.B.), 23 April 1930. Canadian annual rev., 1903, 1907-8, 1916-17, 1919. W. W. Crocket, {d-0}The press in Fredericton,{d-1} in Fredericton{apos}s 100 years; then and now, ed. Frank Baird (Fredericton, [1948]), 226-33. A. T. Doyle, Front benches & back rooms: a story of corruption, muckraking, raw partisanship and intrigue in New Brunswick (Toronto, 1976). Charles M. McK. Ferris, {d-0}The New Brunswick elections of 1917{inch} (MA thesis, Univ. of N.B., Fredericton, 1974). R. E. Garland and L. G. Machum, Promises, promises . . . an almanac of New Brunswick elections, 1870-1980 (Saint John, 1979). Hanson v. The Gleaner, Limited (1925), New Brunswick Reports (Toronto), 52: 195-214. J. R. Harper, Historical directory of New Brunswick newspapers and periodicals (Fredericton, 1961). Louise Manny, {d-0}From Miramichi to Fredericton: a Gleaner story,{d-1} Atlantic Advocate (Fredericton), 58 (1967-68), no.1: 22-24, 27. [J. A. Neville], Fredericton newspapers and their times (n.p., [1933?]). N. W. Ayer & Son{apos}s American newspaper annual and directory . . . (Philadelphia), 1884, 1893, 1903, 1922. New Brunswick newspaper directory, 1783-1988, comp. H. [C.] Craig (Fredericton, 1989). Prominent people of New Brunswick . . . , comp. C. H. McLean ([Saint John], 1937). W. W. Thorpe, {d-0}Richard Burpee Hanson: a study of his relations with the constituency of York-Sunbury{d-1} (MA thesis, Univ. of N.B., 1973). Vital statistics from N.B. newspapers (Johnson), vol.64, no.663.

Crowe{apos}s career would see him active in almost all the significant industries of western Canada. He acted as a subcontractor for construction on the Canadian Pacific Railway east and west of Rat Portage (Kenora, Ont.). In 1883 he entered the lumber business in the Point Douglas (Winnipeg) area, founding Boyd and Crowe with Nathaniel Boyd. By 1890 the firm no longer existed and Crowe had established H. Crowe and Company, lumber and grain merchants, with his brother Herbert. Soon the firm concentrated exclusively on the growing grain trade. As Manitoba, and Winnipeg in particular, developed into the centre of the trade on the prairies, Crowe became increasingly influential in the business. In 1893 the Crowes and four other Winnipeg grain firms, including that of Nicholas Bawlf*, merged and established the Northern Elevator Company Limited to compete with eastern-based firms. George was vice-president of the company for several years and as its representative he served as president of the Winnipeg Grain and Produce Exchange in 1895. By 1905 the highly successful firm would own and operate over 134 elevators in the northwest, each with an average capacity of 30,000 bushels. Crowe, who would be called {d-0}the dean of the export grain trade of western Canada{d-1} by the Manitoba Free Press, would remain active in the trade until 1920.

A Conservative, Crowe served as president of the Liberal-Conservative Association of Winnipeg. He had been elected to the Winnipeg City Council for 1885 and he held office again from 1912 to 1914. An active Presbyterian, he was a commissioner of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Canada and vice-president of the Canadian council of the Laymen{apos}s Missionary Movement for Saskatchewan and Alberta. He had been appointed to the board of management of Manitoba College in 1886; he would serve until his death and from 1914 to 1918 he was its chairman. In 1904 he had joined the Citizens{s-1-unknown} Committee that fought against segregated prostitution in Winnipeg [see Frederic Beal Du Val]. A member of the elite Manitoba Club, he was president of the Winnipeg branch of the Canadian Club in 1907 and 1908. He contributed generously to the Young Men{apos}s Christian Association of Winnipeg.

George Crowe was typical of the Anglo-Protestant elite that had come to dominate Manitoba in the years following the Red River resistance of 1870. He had arrived in Winnipeg during the turbulent early years and he benefited from its spectacular growth. He reflected the boosterism that the city exuded in abundance. He died in September 1924 and was buried in Winnipeg{apos}s Elmwood Cemetery.

Harry J. Crowe was educated in public schools in Halifax, the preparatory school at Horton Academy in Wolfville, and the Halifax Business College and Writing Academy. After graduation he worked for a year with a Halifax grocery firm, taking responsibility for its banking affairs, and in 1884 or 1885 he joined his father{apos}s wholesale grocery firm. Crowe purchased his father{apos}s interest around 1890 and managed the company with one of his brothers. A joint venture with a Boston adventurer to develop mining properties in the western United States failed, and he was forced to sell the Halifax firm to cover his losses. After acquiring a half-share in a grocery store and lumbering business in Bridgetown, Crowe developed a strong interest in lumbering and established sawmills in different parts of the province.

He went to Newfoundland about 1902 to enter the timber trade there and became enthralled with the industrial potential of the island. Shortly afterwards he divested himself of his Nova Scotia operations. He befriended Robert Gillespie Reid* and his sons William Duff and Henry Duff, who owned Newfoundland{apos}s railway system and held extensive timber, land, and mineral assets. In 1903 he established the Newfoundland Timber Estates Company Limited with W. D. Reid, Henry Melville Whitney of Boston, and Benjamin Franklin Pearson* of Halifax. This firm conducted lumbering operations at Glenwood and Millertown, on properties purchased from Lewis H. Miller*, and at Gander Bay. Crowe realized that Newfoundland wood was better suited to papermaking than to lumbering and proceeded to purchase most of the available timber operations in central Newfoundland. Working with the Reids, he helped to bring the Harmsworth newspaper interests of England to Newfoundland; as the Anglo-Newfoundland Development Company Limited, this group purchased many of the holdings of Newfoundland Timber Estates and established a pulp and paper mill at Grand Falls, which commenced operations in 1909. Crowe also helped to persuade A. E. Reed and Company Limited, another English firm, to establish a pulp mill at nearby Bishop{apos}s Falls; it got underway in 1911.

Crowe{apos}s method of conducting business was to purchase existing timber grants instead of acquiring the rights directly from the crown. The properties were then grouped together under one or other of his holding companies. Before 1914 he conducted extensive logging operations in the Botwood and Point Leamington areas. By that time his various concerns were providing the Grand Falls and Bishop{apos}s Falls mills with over one hundred thousand cords of pulpwood annually. He seems to have continued his operations at Botwood, at least, throughout the war years.

In 1911 Crowe had met with William Ford Coaker*, the leader of the Fishermen{apos}s Protective Union, which included loggers within its ranks. Crowe agreed to improve conditions in his 12 camps by upgrading sleeping and eating accommodations, installing baths, and providing a medical doctor to look after the loggers{s-1-unknown} needs. He also undertook to employ union men and guaranteed a monthly wage for each logger. Botwood, Crowe{apos}s main centre of operations, was the site of further interventions by him. Since he deplored Newfoundland{apos}s denominational school system, which he told a public audience at Botwood in 1910 {d-0}caused the lack of development in the people, as well as the resources of this Island,{d-1} he funded a non-denominational kindergarten there in 1915. Consisting of approximately 45 students, aged four to seven years, it was conducted by a teacher, Edna Alexander, he brought in for a year from Toronto, where he had taken up residence around 1910. He also arranged for domestic science classes to be taught in the community. In 1916 he secured the loan for a year of two teachers from the Toronto Board of Education to continue the kindergarten school in Botwood and establish another in Twillingate.

From his first entry into Newfoundland{apos}s business life, Crowe had befriended most of the island{apos}s leaders and he remained on good terms with whatever government was in power. An avid confederate, he worked actively to promote Newfoundland{apos}s union with Canada and, in both 1909 and 1915-16, he served as an intermediary in failed discussions between Canadian and Newfoundland politicians and the Reid Newfoundland Company on the matter. His confederate views were part of his wider belief that all Anglo-Saxon countries should have close relations. Since 1902 he had advocated a union of the English-speaking countries, including the United States, through a commercial preference. In a 1910 interview in the Montreal Gazette, for example, he called for a reciprocity agreement between Canada, Newfoundland, Great Britain, and the United States. In 1915 Crowe first visited the British West Indies and he quickly became an advocate of their political union with Canada, and with Newfoundland, an idea that received the endorsement of the London Times. He promoted his views through frequent public speeches and contributions to the press. His ambitions were partially realized in 1921, when Canada ratified an agreement with the British West Indies that extended mutual trade preferences and provided for the subsidization of steamship service between the region and Canada.

In the last years of his life Crowe sold the timber properties in the White Bay area that he had acquired in 1923 to the International Paper Company, which was pursuing an aggressive policy of expansion and had been urged by Crowe to look at the Newfoundland market. He also sold to this American firm his properties in the Bay d{apos}Espoir region on the south coast of the island. From 1912 he had unsuccessfully promoted the construction of a railway from Bishop{apos}s Falls to Bay d{apos}Espoir to allow for the development there of a pulp and paper mill based on the substantial hydroelectric power in the region. In 1922 he had failed as well in his attempts with British and American interests to acquire the bankrupt Newfoundland Railway from the Reid Newfoundland Company.

The sale of his properties apparently made Crowe a much wealthier man, but his ability to enjoy his good fortune was hampered by long-standing ill health. In 1927 he suffered a paralytic stroke and sought help at the Battle Creek Sanitarium only to undergo a second attack there. He died the following year at his home in Toronto. The value of his estate{apos}s assets, after his debts were discharged, was $676,000, of which $168,000 represented his timber holdings in Newfoundland. In his will he left a fund to the Salvation Army to train men and women for service in India and another to be used to establish scholarships for graduate nurses in Canada and Newfoundland. Before his death Crowe had often provided financial assistance to Memorial University College in St John{apos}s to help support summer school at the college for schoolteachers. His widow established a scholarship in his honour at Memorial, with preference to be given to high school graduates from the White Bay area.

William Coaker wrote a warm tribute to Crowe in the Fishermen{apos}s Advocate (Port Union, Nfld), considering him to be {d-0}one of the few men in his time who worked sincerely and incessantly through good and ill repute, without faltering, for the benefit of Newfoundland.{d-1} A spiritual man himself, Coaker noted that Crowe was {d-0}seriously inclined religiously and spent many hours in discussing the mysteries beyond the vale with the writer. He was steadfast in the belief that life here was the beginning of an existence that never ended.{d-1} Another observer wrote that Crowe was {d-0}the interesting and unusual combination of capitalist, man of affairs and the dreamer. He could, in the twinkling of an eye, turn his attention from weighty business problems, having to do with material progress, to the most idealistic plans for the betterment of any class of people.{d-1}

AO, RG 22-305, no.59468. Centre for Newfoundland Studies, Memorial Univ. of Nfld (St John{apos}s), Arch., coll-237 (Robert Bond papers), file 10.01.079, Crowe to Bond, 23 June 1922. PANL, GN 2/5, file 196A, Crowe to William Halfyard, 16 Nov. 1917; W. B. Grieve to Halfyard, 23 Nov. 1917. Daily News (St John{apos}s), 26 May 1928. Fishermen{apos}s Advocate (St John{apos}s), August 1911; (Port Union, Nfld), 1 June, 6 July 1928. Globe, 26 May 1928. Halifax Herald, 13 July 1895. Mail and Advocate (St John{apos}s), 11 Oct., 24, 30 Nov. 1915. Twillingate Sun (Twillingate, Nfld), 26 Nov. 1910; 3 Dec. 1910 (quoting the Montreal Gazette); 2 May 1911. J. [K.] Hiller, {d-0}The origins of the pulp and paper industry in Newfoundland,{d-1} Acadiensis (Fredericton), 11 (1981-82), no.2: 42-68; {d-0}The politics of newsprint: the Newfoundland pulp and paper industry, 1915-1939,{d-1} Acadiensis, 19 (1989-90), no.2: 3-39. Re Harry J. Crowe, deceased (1933), Newfoundland Law Reports (St John{apos}s), 13: 105-9. National encyclopedia of Canadian biography, ed. J. E. Middleton and W. S. Downs (2v., Toronto, 1935-37), 1: 118-20. Nfld, Royal commission on forestry, Report (St John{apos}s, 1955), 197-204. W. G. Reeves, {d-0}{s-0}Our Yankee cousins{s-1-unknown}: modernization and the Newfoundland-American relationship, 1898-1910{d-1} (phd thesis, Univ. of Maine at Orono, 1987). Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell), vol.1. Who{apos}s who in Canada, 1927.

Recalled to Bytown in 1847 because of the typhus epidemic raging there, Dandurand contracted the disease after a few weeks, and he would always remember this episode with horror. Soon after his recovery, Joseph-Bruno Guigues*, an Oblate who was now bishop of the diocese of Bytown, appointed him curé of the parish of Notre-Dame, where he was in charge from 1848 to 1874. Over the years he contributed to the construction of the cathedral, begun in 1841, by correcting the arrangement of the windows on the side walls. (He replaced a row of superposed windows with one of large windows.) He also erected the two towers and added a deep apse to the nave, all in Gothic style from his own plans. A generous and enterprising priest, he participated in the developments that enabled the ill-reputed village of Bytown to achieve the status of capital city. In particular, he supported the teaching and charitable work of the women who became the Sisters of Charity of Ottawa [see Élisabeth Bruyère*] by directing to them some of the parishioners{s-1-unknown} charitable donations and by guiding towards them young women in search of their future. He reportedly also obtained the assistance of the Brothers of the Christian Schools. On various occasions Dandurand was appointed administrator of the diocese in the absence of the bishop, and he became his vicar general in 1862.

Some of Dandurand{apos}s religious superiors, including Father Florent Vandenberghe, suspected that Bishop Guigues did not always respect the interests of his own congregation. Worried also about the legal implications of the vicar general{apos}s administration, they decided in 1870 to put an end to the agreement of 1856 which had defined the role of the Oblates in Ottawa, but they let Dandurand remain in the service of the diocese. Although he had experienced conflictual situations, he was by no means an ideologue. He had rather kept in step with the thinking of his bishop, whose pastoral letters (very likely written by others) showed strong ultramontane overtones, but whose administration was marked by realism and compromise.

When Guigues died on 8 Feb. 1874 Dandurand became administrator of the diocese, according to the wishes of the former bishop, who had also mentioned him as his most appropriate successor. {d-0}He has been my right hand, my support, my consolation, my other self,{d-1} he had written a few months earlier. But the Oblates objected to the appointment of one of their number, and furthermore, there were differences of opinion with regard to Dandurand. After a painful waiting period, the controversial choice of Bishop Joseph-Thomas Duhamel* added to his distress. For a while he even considered transferring to the secular clergy.

Dandurand was in his eighties when Adélard Langevin*, archbishop of St Boniface since 1895, offered him the hospitality of his residence. He did not remain idle, but with energy and compassion took care of the old people and orphan girls at the Hospice Taché and the Hospice d{apos}Youville in St Boniface; in 1915 he retired to the Juniorat de la Sainte-Famille, among his Oblate brothers.

Information on Father Damase Dandurand is available in several archival repositories, among them the parish archives of Notre-Dame (Ottawa) for the years 1844-45 and 1848-75; St Mary{apos}s (Winnipeg), 1875-76; St Charles, Man., 1876-1900; and St Boniface cathedral (Winnipeg); and the Arch. of the Archdiocese of Ottawa, in the Notre-Dame parish file. A document entitled {d-0}Archives of the Catholic Church of Bytown,{d-1} written in part by Father Dandurand, is also in the archdiocesan archives. Additional information is found in the Arch. de la Chancellerie de l{apos}Archevêché de Montréal, RC 4: ff.54, 65r; the Arch. de l{apos}Archidiocèse de Québec, 321 CN (diocèse d{apos}Ottawa); and the St Charles parish file at the Arch. de l{apos}Archevêché de Saint-Boniface. The following materials are also useful: Arch. Deschâtelets, Oblats de Marie-Immaculée (Ottawa), HEB 3178.D15 (dossier Damase Dandurand); Arch. Provinciales O.M.I. (Montréal), Codex historicus, Longueuil, and Dossier Dandurand; Arch. Générales des Oblats de Marie-Immaculée (Rome), Dossier Damase Dandurand, Dandurand à Mazenod, 3 déc. 1845; Archivio della Propaganda Fide (Rome), Scritture originali riferite nelle Congregazioni generali, vol.1003; and Arch. des Sœurs Grises (Winnipeg), Chroniques de la maison vicariale de Saint-Boniface, VII-VIII.

ANQ-M, CE601-S3, 24 mars 1819. Le Devoir, 14 avril 1921. La Presse, 22 mars 1919. Gaston Carrière, Dictionnaire biographique des oblats de Marie-Immaculée au Canada (4v., Ottawa, 1976-89), 1: 248-49; Histoire documentaire de la Congrégation des missionnaires oblats de Marie-Immaculée dans l{apos}est du Canada (12v., Ottawa, 1957-75), 1; {d-0}La vocation oblate du père Damase Dandurand,{d-1} Études oblates (Ottawa), 15 (1956): 159-63. Le centenaire du R.P. Damase Dandurand, o.m.i. (Saint-Boniface [Winnipeg], 1919). Robert Choquette, L{apos}Église catholique dans l{apos}Ontario français du dix-neuvième siècle (Ottawa, 1984). [Georges Derouzier, dit] père Alexis de Barbezieux, Histoire de la province ecclésiastique d{apos}Ottawa et de la colonisation dans la vallée de l{apos}Ottawa (2v., Ottawa, 1897). {d-0}Feu le R.P. Damase Dandurand, o.m.i.,{d-1} Les Cloches de Saint-Boniface (Saint-Boniface), 20 (1921): 63-68. Émilien Lamirande, Une figure méconnue, Damase Dandurand (1819-1921): le premier oblat canadien (Ottawa, 1996). Normand Pagé, La cathédrale Notre-Dame d{apos}Ottawa; histoire, architecture, iconographie (Ottawa, 1988).

The eldest son of the rector of Scarborough and later of the Church of the Holy Trinity in Toronto, Frank Darling was educated at Upper Canada College in Toronto and Trinity College School in Weston (Toronto). In 1866, after a short time as a bank teller, he joined the architectural office of Thomas Gundry and Henry Langley* as an apprentice. In late 1869 or early 1870 he left Toronto to train in London with one of the greatest architects of the age, George Edmund Street. Before returning in 1873, he also worked briefly with Arthur William Blomfield. This British experience had a profound effect on Darling. From Street he learned that the principles of Gothic architecture could form the basis of modern design. From Street{apos}s students Richard Norman Shaw, William Eden Nesfield, and Philip Speakman Webb he saw how historical forms could be skilfully adapted to meet the needs of contemporary life.

Darling began private practice in Toronto in 1873, when he entered into partnership with Henry Macdougall. His first commissions came from the city{apos}s Anglicans, and included the churches of St Matthias (1873-74), St Thomas (1874), and St Luke (1881) as well as the convocation hall (1877) and chapel (1884) of Trinity College. This early work was mostly executed in brick in a manner reminiscent of Street, Shaw, and Nesfield. Other projects show Darling in a continuing state of artistic experimentation: the Home for Incurables (1879-81) is an exercise in Shaw{apos}s eclecticism and the Victoria Hospital for Sick Children (1889) reveals the influence of American Henry Hobson Richardson.

In 1880 Darling, who was then in partnership with Samuel George Curry (a Port Hope native), had submitted a design modelled on Street{apos}s plan for the Law Courts in London to the competition for Ontario{apos}s new parliament buildings. Although Darling placed first, delays and back-room deals meant that his plan would never be built [see Kivas Tully*]. The competition nonetheless brought him recognition and, in 1885, the chance to do something new: a branch in Toronto for the Bank of Montreal. Its obtusely angled site at the corner of Front and Yonge was difficult, but he responded with a masterful essay in the newly fashionable classical mode, in which a carefully ornamented stone façade introduced a stunning glass-domed hall [see Joseph McCausland*]. Functional and stylish, the bank was a success for Darling. In it he anticipated the taste for monumental public architecture that would sweep North America in the first decades of the 20th century.

After 1885, Darling{apos}s commissions, besides the hospital, included the Toronto Club (1888) and additions to Trinity College. In 1892 he took into partnership an associate from the hospital project, the British-trained John Andrew Pearson*, who would work with him for the rest of his career. The years of Darling{apos}s greatest achievement began in 1898, when he was retained by the Canadian Bank of Commerce to design branches in Winnipeg and Toronto. Like its competitors, the Commerce found architecture an effective vehicle for self-promotion. Darling subsequently designed dozens of branches for the Commerce, as well as for the Metropolitan, Sterling, Dominion, Union, and Nova Scotia banks. Most of the Commerce buildings featured façades of stone and brick and were grandly classical in the manner of the English baroque or the French École des Beaux-Arts. They ranged from impressive structures with giant columns and massive stone entablatures, as in Montreal (1903-8), Vancouver (1906-8), and Winnipeg (1910-12), to handsome pavilions scaled to the needs of small towns and city neighbourhoods. Particularly charming were a series of prefabricated frame branches in frontier towns across the west that had been produced, shipped, and erected by the British Columbia Mills, Timber and Trading Company [see John Hendry*]. Darling{apos}s work for the Commerce brought social and financial success and offers of patronage, especially from a small circle of powerful Toronto businessmen. Besides George Albertus Cox* and Byron Edmund Walker, both presidents of the Commerce, this group included a childhood friend, Dominion president Edmund Boyd Osler, as well as meat packer Joseph Wesley Flavelle*, for whom he designed a house at Queen{apos}s Park (1901-2). Among his other important projects from this period were Convocation Hall at the University of Toronto (1904-7), the Royal Ontario Museum (1909-14), the Toronto General Hospital (1909-13), the Winnipeg Grain and Produce Exchange (1909-10), new buildings for Dalhousie University in Halifax (1912-15), and the headquarters of Sun Life Assurance in Montreal (1916-18).

The scale of this production had an enormous impact on the look of Canada{apos}s towns and cities. At a time when many businessmen preferred to hire American architects for high-profile commissions, Darling{apos}s bank architecture became recognizable for its balance of English and North American trends. For many buildings he modulated his characteristically classical language to suit specific conditions, as in his frequent use of Romanesque motifs on the campus of the University of Toronto. His accomplished, thoughtful approach to design, artistic confidence, and high standard of execution won him the admiration of his peers. He was made a member of the Royal Canadian Academy of Arts in 1886, president of the Ontario Association of Architects in 1895, and a director of the Toronto Guild of Civic Art in 1907. Darling claimed to abhor professional infighting, but, as president of the OAA, he became enmeshed in the association{apos}s unsuccessful efforts to secure compulsory registration, a step not all architects supported. He nevertheless remained a popular figure, known increasingly for his bold projects. Named to the federal planning commission for Ottawa and Hull in 1913, he was awarded the gold medal of the Royal Institute of British Architects two years later (the only Canadian architect so recognized) and honorary doctorates from the University of Toronto (1916) and Dalhousie (1922). Darling{apos}s professionalism generated equal respect among his clients. In his ongoing work for Dalhousie, which included Shirreff Hall (1920-21) [see Jennie Grahl Hunter Shirreff], Darling, in the estimate of university historian P. B. Waite, was {d-0}ingenious, flexible, sensitive to local conditions, and best of all, willing to listen to suggestions.{d-1} A close friend, architect C. Barry Cleveland, maintained that he stood {d-0}for absolutely straight and upright dealing.{d-1}

Darling combined a quiet charm with refined tastes. According to one biographer, {d-0}He had a good-natured tolerance, and on occasion he was master of the mordant phrase. A poor story-teller, but a good listener, geniality and wit went hand in hand with him, more especially when he could be provoked into exercising his ability as an architectural critic.{d-1} His collection of etchings and prints was strong in 17th-century French portraiture; his architectural library represented 20th-century modernists and landscapists as well as earlier revivalists. He was an enthusiastic golfer and clubman, and a conservative in politics. A lifelong bachelor, he was decidedly loyal to his family and friends; his widowed mother lived with him for several years before her death in 1909, and he took a particular interest in his nieces and nephews. In his will, Darling, who deeply regretted his inability to speak French and German, left a sum for a great-nephew{apos}s education, especially in the {d-0}modern languages.{d-1} Valued at more than $183,000, his estate would be distributed largely among his relatives, his servants and chauffeur, and J. A. Pearson. Provision was also made for the continued residential and financial needs of an old Scarborough acquaintance and her separated daughter. After eight months of poor health due to heart trouble, Darling died in May 1923 at his home at 11 Walmer Road. He was buried in the family plot at St John{apos}s, Norway (Toronto).

Darling had avoided controversy and written little. Others championed his architecture. Critic and professor Percy Erskine Nobbs* saw in his work support for his own belief that Canadian architecture could develop a distinctive voice only by charting a middle ground between the architectural cultures of Britain and the United States, with careful attention to local needs. This approach had been Darling{apos}s modus operandi. At a time of rapid architectural change, his ability to combine ideas, materials, and techniques from London, New York, and Chicago into a unified whole (without copying) was exceptional. Buildings such as his Bank of Nova Scotia in Winnipeg (1907-8) display a hybrid quality that was expressive of the complex patterns of Canadian intellectual and cultural life in the years leading up to World War I. The new houses of parliament in Ottawa (1916-27), designed by Pearson and Jean-Omer Marchand*, reflect in their spirit of progressive traditionalism, blend of references, and balance of old and new the substantial impact of Darling and his office. By adapting the fashions of the day to the wishes of his clients, he had helped shape an independent voice for Canadian architecture and lay the foundation for the creative exploration of Canadian themes by such architects as John MacIntosh Lyle* in the 1920s.

Frank Darling{apos}s address as president of the Ontario Assoc. of Architects appears in Canadian Architect and Builder (Toronto), 9 (1896), no.2: 17-19.

AO, RG 22-305, no.47775; RG 80-8-0-910, no.4200. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1901, Toronto, Ward 4, div.2: 7 (mfm. at AO). Univ. of Waterloo Library, Doris Lewis Rare Book Room (Waterloo, Ont.), William Dendy, {d-0}Frank Darling, 1880-1923, Canadian architect{d-1} (typescript with plates, 1979). Globe, 21-22 May 1923. E. [R.] Arthur, Toronto, no mean city ([Toronto], 1964; 3rd ed., rev. S. A. Otto, 1986). James Borcoman et al., Money matters: a critical look at bank architecture (exhibition catalogue, Canadian Centre for Architecture, Montreal, 1990). Canadian annual rev., 1913: 333; 1916: 797; 1921: 241. Kelly Crossman, Architecture in transition: from art to practice, 1885-1906 (Kingston, Ont., and Montreal, 1987). William Dendy, Lost Toronto (Toronto, 1978). William Dendy et al., Toronto observed: its architecture, patrons, and history (Toronto, 1986). M. E. and Merilyn McKelvey, Toronto, carved in stone (Toronto, 1984). G. E. Mills and D. W. Holdsworth, {d-0}The B.C. Mills prefabricated system: the emergence of ready-made buildings in western Canada,{d-1} Canadian Historic Sites: Occasional Papers in Archaeology and Hist. (Ottawa), no.14 (1975): 127-69. National Gallery of Canada, Canadian art, ed. C. C. Hill et al. (2v., Ottawa, 1988-94), 1: 254. Geoffrey Simmins, Ontario Association of Architects: a centennial history, 1889-1989 (Toronto, 1989). David Spector, {d-0}The buildings of the Winnipeg-based Union and Northern Crown banks: a glimpse into early twentieth century corporate architecture,{d-1} Manitoba Hist. (Winnipeg), no.21 (spring 1991): 25-31. Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell). Toronto Region Architectural Conservancy, Terra cotta - artful deceivers (Toronto, 1990). P. B. Waite, The lives of Dalhousie University (2v., Montreal and Kingston, 1994-98), 1.

Gordon Davidson moved to British Columbia at a young age and in 1906 he acquired his undergraduate degree extramurally from the University of Toronto through New Westminster{apos}s Columbian Methodist College, where two of his brothers had taught. He remained in the west for his graduate training; in 1908 he completed a master{apos}s degree in history at the University of California in Berkeley, writing a thesis entitled {d-0}Report on the manuscripts on British Columbia in the Bancroft collection.{d-1} After teaching high school in California for three years, he returned to Berkeley for doctoral studies. He spent 1914-15 in England on a travelling scholarship and completed his phd in 1916. His thesis on the fur trade in the Canadian west was based upon exhaustive research in Canadian, British, and Californian archives and was published two years later in Berkeley as The North West Company.

The major academic contribution of Davidson{apos}s brief career, The North West Company provides a detailed narrative of this fur-trading company from its formation late in the 18th century [see Simon McTavish*] to its union with the Hudson{apos}s Bay Company in 1821 [see Simon McGillivray*]. The first academic study devoted to the company itself, it was described by historian and author Lawrence Johnson Burpee* as {d-0}an excellent piece of work, scholarly, painstaking, accurate and at the same time readable.{d-1} Burpee noted that perhaps its greatest contribution lay in the vast primary material Davidson had consulted and made available for the first time in published form.

In his focus on research in primary sources, Davidson represented the ideals of an emerging generation of university-trained, professional historians in Canada. Indeed, he was himself the product of an American graduate program, where the research ideal - the premise of the nascent historical profession - was stronger than in either Canada or Britain. Davidson{apos}s approach in The North West Company also reflected American influences. At Berkeley he had studied under Herbert Eugene Bolton and had been attracted by his hemispheric approach and his focus on material forces and the {d-0}westward movement{d-1} of history across the continent. Thus, Davidson{apos}s work was unfettered by the political-constitutional focus and the emphasis upon central Canada which dominated the historical writing of his own country.

Davidson{apos}s promising career would be cut short, a legacy of World War I. In June 1916 he had enlisted in the 196th (Western Universities) Battalion in Vancouver, and while overseas he was commissioned a first lieutenant in the 1st Canadian Mounted Rifles Regiment. He soon distinguished himself in action on the Western Front, winning the Military Cross at the battle of Passchendaele in October 1917. He also received a serious head wound (shrapnel fractured his right jawbone) and spent six months recuperating in hospital. Demobilized on 31 March 1919 Davidson eventually resumed his academic career, securing a temporary position in 1921 at the University of British Columbia (where his brother James Grant Davidson was associate professor of physics). Davidson was unable to escape the shadow of the war, which already had claimed the lives of two of his brothers. After he had been only a few months at UBC, the pressures of teaching weighed heavily on a psyche made fragile by combat and injury in France and Belgium, and Davidson was informed that his appointment would not be renewed. On 30 May 1922, while packing for a scheduled trip back to his father{apos}s farm in Union, he used his service revolver to end his own life.

Had he lived, Davidson would no doubt have made significant contributions to Canadian - and most particularly British Columbian - historical writing. Well versed in the primary holdings and exposed to the research ideal and latest historiographical trends of the American west, Davidson was one of the first academic historians to undertake a scholarly and analytical study of Canada{apos}s far west.

Gordon Charles Davidson is the author of The North West Company (Berkeley, Calif., 1918; repr. New York, 1967), based on his doctoral thesis of the same title, completed in 1916 at the Univ. of California, Berkeley. The notes he made for his thesis and a copy of his {d-0}Report on the manuscripts on British Columbia in the Bancroft collection . . .{d-1} (m.litt. thesis, Univ. of Calif., 1908) are at the Bancroft Library, Univ. of California.

AO, RG 80-2-0-211, no.6046. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1891, Yarmouth, Ont.; RG 150, Acc.1992-93/166, box 2319-49. Univ. of B.C. Library, Univ. Arch. (Vancouver), President{apos}s office, corr.; W. N. Sage, boxes 32-39 (misc. corr.). Vancouver Daily Province, 3 June 1922. Vancouver Sun, 31 May, 1 June 1922. World (Vancouver), 31 May 1922. L. J. Burpee, {d-0}The North West Company . . . ,{d-1} CHR, 1 (1920): 71-74.

In many respects Deane was a typical officer. He came from a respectable but not wealthy family, had a military background, was Anglican, knew about military and criminal law, and held the values of the Anglo-Canadian elite. The core of his life{apos}s work was in Canada, but he was not wholly Canadian, either by birth or by inclination. In a sense, his career here was that of an imperial officer, and he no doubt cherished being awarded the Imperial Service Order in 1915. For him the British empire was a living reality, not a detached abstraction. Yet even after his retirement to England his thoughts remained on his Canadian experiences, as is evidenced by his extensive writing. Indeed, next to his skin for the rest of his life he wore the scratchy standard-issue underwear of the Royal North-West Mounted Police.

At the time of Deane{apos}s birth, his father was a chaplain for the East India Company. Although the family moved to England about 1851, the spell of India and empire on them remained strong. At the grammar school in Ipswich and within the fold of the Church of England, Deane was taught the perceptions of the gentry. He was an adequate student in academic subjects but excelled in sports, especially cricket.

In 1866, at age 18, he joined the Royal Marines as a second lieutenant, and he was promoted first lieutenant a year later. Further advance was halted by a huge reduction of manpower in the unit. Still, he served on various cruises and saw action in the 1873-74 campaign against Ashanti warriors in present-day Ghana. In 1876 the marines recognized Deane{apos}s organizational skills by naming him adjutant of the 3,500-strong Chatham division, but promotion to captain was unavailable until 1881. By then he had a wife and five children and, if he remained merely a captain, he faced mandatory retirement in less than a decade on what he considered an inadequate pension. He therefore arranged early retirement and moved his family to Canada in 1882. Using the influence of his cousin Thomas Charles Patteson, a prominent Canadian Conservative, he secured a position as aide to Governor General Lord Lorne [Campbell*] for a few months and eventually persuaded Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald* to appoint him an inspector in the North-West Mounted Police as of 1 July 1883.

At the new police headquarters in Regina, Deane{apos}s initial responsibility was to train recruits and to prepare standing orders for the force. In less than a year he was made the adjutant and was promoted to the senior rank of superintendent at the substantial yearly salary of $1,400. During the North-West rebellion of 1885, Deane was left in charge at Regina during the absence of Commissioner Acheson Gosford Irvine. After hostilities ceased, he became responsible for the prisoners, including Louis Riel*. Evidently Riel appreciated Deane{apos}s permission to write in the commissioner{apos}s office and even dedicated a poem to his jailer.

Deane arrived at his new post on his 40th birthday and for the next 26 years he was the commanding officer of one of the mounted police divisions on the southern Canadian plains. For the first decade it was the Lethbridge one; from 1898 to 1902 he was the de facto supervisory superintendent for both Lethbridge and Fort Macleod; from 1902 to 1906, after falling foul of Clifford Sifton, the minister of the interior, for bringing to justice some of Sifton{apos}s friends, he was relegated to the Maple Creek (Sask.) division; and from 1906 to 1914, following a change of minister in Ottawa, he held the choice posting of Calgary, where the house that was built for him was the best at any mounted police barracks and, as Deane House, is now a provincial historic site.

Deane{apos}s official reports paint a vivid picture of the pioneer prairies. Of course, the positive side of development is represented but all types of humanity appear, from incompetent judges to murdered prostitutes, from drunken brawlers to cattle rustlers, from battered women to starving aboriginals, from fanatical ministers of religion to insane destitutes. He relates everything from the most serious crimes to petty internal police squabbles including an incident in which some constables threw the bedding of an unpopular non-commissioned officer down the latrine. His accounts are more intriguing than those of other commanding officers since they are full of personal opinion, humour, sarcasm, Latin and French phrases, and irony. On one occasion, for example, his report began, {d-0}The new criminal year . . . opened gaily with an indecent assault, a robbery and a culpable homicide.{d-1}

The range of Deane{apos}s competence and interest extended well beyond policing. He was an accomplished magician, whose performances had made him a skilled actor, director, and producer by the time he landed in Canada. He became a founding father of theatre in both Regina and Lethbridge. A fine cricketer who had played on high calibre teams in England, even against touring professionals, he continued to play, when possible, until 1897. He held senior posts in the masonic order and served as a warden and occasional lay reader for the Church of England. In addition, he was an avid gardener, a collector of recipes, and a dabbler in business schemes.

Deane had five children, two of whom predeceased his first wife, who died in 1906. He remarried in 1908, just days before his 60th birthday so that his bride would be eligible for a widow{apos}s pension. It was not to be, for she fell ill and, although attended by Deane{apos}s son Reginald Burton, a physician, she died in 1914.

Deane buried her, left Calgary on 30 September that year, and retired to England. In 1916 his book Mounted police life in Canada: a record of thirty-one years{s-1-unknown} service, was published. Although flawed in organization, it remains a valuable source on the history of the force. Certainly it was no whitewash for Deane was quick to criticize personalities both outside and inside the organization. He continued his writings but in 1917 married for a third time and thereafter evidently slipped into a tranquil retirement in Somerset, living on his pension and tending his beloved roses. He died in 1930 in Italy, where he had apparently gone for his health.

Details of Richard Burton Deane{apos}s personal and family life have been gleaned from researches in the India Office Records in the Oriental and India Office Collections of the British Library (London), the GRO, the Royal Marine records in National Arch. (G.B.), ADM, and the Suffolk Record Office, Ipswich, Eng. Materials relating to Deane in Canada include his papers in the GA (M 311, M 313, M 3933, M 6017), and at the LAC (MG 29, E48). The records of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police in LAC, RG 18 contain thousands of reports, records, and letters written by, to, or about Deane, or on matters in which he was involved. Deane{apos}s own reports may also be found in the annual reports of the North-West Mounted Police, 1883-1903, and of the Royal North-West Mounted Police, 1904-14, printed in Can., Parl., Sessional papers.

Deane{apos}s book, Mounted police life in Canada: a record of thirty-one years{s-1-unknown} service (London, 1916), has been reprinted (Toronto, 1973), and one of his shorter pieces, {d-0}The story of Joe Bush,{d-1} has been edited by W. M. Baker and published in Alberta Hist. (Calgary), 40 (1992), no.4: 3-15.

W. M. Baker, {d-0}Captain R. Burton Deane and theatre on the prairies, 1883-1901,{d-1} Theatre Research in Canada (Toronto), 14 (1993): 31-59; {d-0}Superintendent Deane of the mounted police,{d-1} Alberta Hist., 41 (1993), no.4: 20-26. William Beahen, {d-0}For the sake of discipline: the strange case of Cst. Basil Nettleship - deserter,{d-1} RCMP Quarterly (Ottawa), 49 (1984), no.3: 41-45. William Beahen and S. [W.] Horrall, Red coats on the prairies: the North-West Mounted Police, 1886-1900 (Regina, 1998). S. W. Horrall, {d-0}The (Royal) North-West Mounted Police and prostitution on the Canadian prairies,{d-1} Prairie Forum (Regina), 18 (1985): 105-27. R. C. Macleod, The NWMP and law enforcement, 1873-1905 (Toronto, 1976). A.-M. Mavromichalis, {d-0}Tar and feathers: the mounted police and frontier justice,{d-1} Alberta Hist., 43 (1995), no.2: 16-24. Pioneer policing in southern Alberta: Deane of the Mounties, ed. W. M. Baker (Calgary, 1993).

Despite opposition from her mother and stepfather, Irène-Mathilde Dégrès decided to become a teacher, but she failed the required examinations. She was then driven from home by her stepfather, worked for a few years in Reims, and experimented with the contemplative life. Eventually she made her way, in 1877, to the Institut des Servantes du Saint-Cœur de Marie, which had been founded in Paris in 1860 by Jeanne-Marie Moisan and Father François-Jean-Baptiste Delaplace. This congregation devoted itself to protecting orphaned boys and girls and to teaching. Irène-Mathilde Dégrès, now known as Sister Saint-Paul, took her vows in October 1878, and in May 1880 she was appointed mistress of novices. As secretary to Delaplace, she also was involved in drafting the congregation{apos}s constitutions. In 1895 she was sent to North America to visit the houses that had been founded in Illinois in 1889 and in Canada in 1892. This mission earned her an appointment as assistant general in 1896. When the first laws restricting the activities of religious congregations were passed in France, she was sent out to direct the Canadian province; she arrived at Quebec in 1903 with a group of 21 nuns.

The Canadian province had been started in 1892 in Saint-Éphrem-de-Tring, in the Beauce region of Quebec, at the request of the curé, Léon-Maxime Morisset, who wanted a congregation that could teach both boys and girls. The new provincial decided, however, to establish the provincialate in the congregation{apos}s house in Limoilou, in the environs of Quebec City, which was a better location. When Mother Saint-Paul arrived, the congregation had three boarding schools that were unusual in including both boys and girls, and five mixed day schools. The instruction they provided was, for the most part, at the elementary level. The arrival of the new contingent in 1903 made it possible to open five more schools. Although the provincial regretted the misfortunes that {d-0}afflict poor France,{d-1} she added, in a letter to the superior general, {d-0}Providence is giving us . . . the opportunity to establish ourselves in Canada, to make us take our place among the best congregations in the country.{d-1} Indeed, Mother Saint-Paul was approached in 1904 to take on responsibility for a school of home economics in Saint-Pascal, in the Kamouraska region, where the congregation was operating a school. However, because she lacked qualified staff, and recognized the competencies of the Congregation of Notre-Dame, she had to decline the responsibility.

In 1905 Mother Saint-Paul decided to open a noviciate in Limoilou. This move would involve a difficult negotiation to close the existing one in Saint-Éphrem-de-Tring, {d-0}where the novices,{d-1} in her view, {d-0}have no religious guidance whatsoever.{d-1} It would require a visit from the mother general in 1912 to close it. In 1907 Mother Saint-Paul had managed to have the transfer of the corporate seat of her congregation{apos}s Canadian province to Limoilou legally recognized. Her correspondence shows what a hard task that was. The mixed classes were overcrowded, some having as many as 78 to 84 children. Accommodating both boys and girls necessitated doubling the number of staff in the three boarding schools. The integration of the French nuns posed a problem. {d-0}It takes at least a year to get used to the ways of the country,{d-1} she commented. {d-0}There are teachers who are far from strong in their educational background and teaching methods. Eventually this [weakness] is noticed and it is not helpful for us.{d-1} {d-0}There are so many things to settle in order that our French and Canadian sisters can blend together as perfectly as possible.{d-1} It should be noted that a third of the French nuns would eventually return to France. Many Canadian women felt called to the congregation – more than 150 in 20 years. To justify to the French authorities the fact that most of these women were admitted without a dowry, the provincial told them, {d-0}This is the way it is in all communities in Quebec.{d-1} However, after appointing a Canadian superior, Mother Saint-Paul began to {d-0}regret{d-1} this move, and saw it as {d-0}a lesson not to put a Canadian at the head of any charitable organization for a long time!{d-1}

Arch. Départementales, Marne (Châlons-en-Champagne, France), État civil, Cernay-en-Dormois, 13 oct. 1854. Arch. des Servantes du Saint-Cœur de Marie (Beauport, Qué.), Corr. externe de mère Saint-Paul, 1903–20; Corr. interne de mère Saint-Paul, 1904–19; Lettres circulaires de mère Saint-Paul; Lettres du fondateur, F.-J.-B. Delaplace, aux religieuses; Listes des Servantes du Saint-Cœur de Marie depuis la fondation au Canada; Procès-verbaux du conseil général, 1882–1960 (copies); Procès-verbaux du conseil provincial, 1903–46; {d-0}Racines SSCM{d-1} (bulletins dactylographiés, no.18 (octobre 1992) et no.20 (novembre 1993); Rapport fait au jubilé de diamant du père fondateur. Guy Laperrière, Les congrégations religieuses: de la France au Québec, 1880–1914 (2v. parus, Sainte-Foy, Qué., 1996–?), 2. R[ené] Piacentini, Un esclave de la Divine Majesté: F. J.-B. Delaplace, de la Congrégation du Saint-Esprit, fondateur de la Congrégation des Sœurs Servantes du Saint-Cœur de Marie, 1825–1911 (Beauport et Montgeron, France, 1952). La révérende mère Saint-Paul de la Congrégation des Sœurs Servantes du Saint-Cœur de Marie, 1854–1921 (Paris, 1922). Servantes du Saint-Cœur de Marie, Cinquante ans de vie canadienne: 1892–1942; l{apos}Institut des Sœurs Servantes du Saint-Cœur de Marie effeuille ses souvenirs aux rayons d{apos}un jubilé d{apos}or ([Beauport, 1944]).

Known by contemporaries as the {d-0}watchdog{d-1} of the British empire, George Taylor Denison inherited a family legacy of antipathy to the United States, loyalty to the crown, conservative political values, and military service. His great-grandfather, a brewer and farmer from Yorkshire, was induced to immigrate to Upper Canada in 1792 by the province{apos}s receiver and auditor general, Peter Russell*. For managing Russell{apos}s estate at York (Toronto), he received a 1,000-acre grant. His grandfather George Taylor Denison I, who married the daughter of a prominent landowner and United Empire Loyalist, added to the family tradition of imperial service by enlisting with the 3rd York Militia during the War of 1812. The tradition continued with his father, George Taylor Denison II, who served during the rebellion of 1837–38, played an important role in the reorganization of the Canadian militia in 1855, and commanded the 1st Volunteer Militia Troop of Cavalry of York County (designated the Governor General{apos}s Body Guard in 1866). As well, he was an alderman for St Patrick{apos}s Ward in Toronto. The burden of tradition and expectation thus weighed heavily upon George Taylor Denison III.

As befitted his family{apos}s social status, Denison was educated at Upper Canada College, where his performance was unspectacular. Expelled from Trinity College by provost George Whitaker* for insubordinate behaviour, he transferred to the University of Toronto and earned a degree in law. Called to the bar in 1861, he would later go into practice with his brother Frederick Charles*. The law, however, held no interest for him. His heart was with the militia. Gazetted cornet in his father{apos}s troop in the fall of 1854, he rapidly rose through the ranks, from captain in 1857 to lieutenant-colonel and commander in 1866.

Denison{apos}s passion for military matters and gift for polemics first became evident in 1861 when, in the wake of the Trent affair [see Sir Charles Hastings Doyle*], he anonymously published Canada, is she prepared for war? (Toronto). This pamphlet, which urged British North Americans to uphold their forefathers{s-1-unknown} martial valour and to ready themselves against a possible attack from the United States, ignited a lively newspaper debate and soon resulted in another tract, The national defences . . . (Toronto, 1861), in which Denison argued for a properly trained and equipped mounted infantry. In A review of the militia policy of the present administration (Hamilton, 1863) he responded (under the pseudonym Junius) to the defeat of John A. Macdonald*{apos}s Militia Bill of 1862 with a scathing attack on the government{apos}s neglect and ignorance of military matters.

Denison aspired to a career as a professional soldier, but his sympathy for the South during the American Civil War ultimately cost him his ambition. His identification with the South came naturally: it represented an idyllic society that embodied the social order, conservative values, and chivalric traditions he wished to see maintained in British North America. He drew parallels between his loyalist ancestors, who had fought to uphold their principles against the demagoguery of American patriots, and the southerners, who were struggling to preserve their identity and way of life. Fearing the consequences of a northern victory for the future of British North America, Denison actively backed the Confederate cause despite Britain{apos}s official neutrality. In September 1864 he received a visit from his uncle George Dewson of Florida, who had been commissioned to assess support for the Confederacy in British North America. Denison{apos}s farm home, Heydon Villa, on his father{apos}s estate in west Toronto, became a haven for Confederate agents, exiles, and sympathizers and a clearing house for smuggled documents. He also became involved in efforts to purchase the steamer Georgian, which was to be used as a raider on the Great Lakes. The diplomatic crisis and lawsuits that followed the discovery of this plan effectively ended his prospects for a full-time military career, a disappointment that repeated promises from politicians and his own tireless efforts could not reverse. A frustrated Denison entered local politics and served as a councilman for St Patrick{apos}s Ward from 1865 to 1867. He commanded the Governor General{apos}s Body Guard during the Fenian raids of 1866 and wrote Modern cavalry: its organisation, armament, and employment in war . . . (London, 1868), an impassioned case for mounted infantry based on his own experience and close study of the Civil War. He suffered another blow to his ego when British critics dismissed the book as the work of a mere colonial.

Appalled by the lack of national spirit following confederation, disillusioned by the state of Canadian politics, and fearful of the United States, Denison joined with Charles Mair, William Alexander Foster*, and others to found the Canada First movement in 1868. Inspired by Thomas D{apos}Arcy McGee*{apos}s vision of a northern nation, Canada First celebrated the new dominion{apos}s rugged landscape and climate and its Anglo-Saxon/Protestant heritage. This small social group was hurled into national prominence by the Red River uprising of 1869–70. Seeing the actions of Louis Riel* and his followers as an affront to Canada{apos}s territorial ambition, the group launched a vigorous assault upon the {d-0}traitors.{d-1} Denison led the charge, writing bellicose letters to the newspapers, organizing demonstrations, and appealing to all loyal English-speaking Canadians to defend their birthright. Special venom was reserved for Sir George-Étienne Cartier*, the militia minister who had blocked Denison{apos}s advancement to the post of adjutant general of cavalry and who, in Denison{apos}s eyes, represented French Canadian opposition to the force sent to Red River.

The success of these tactics had a lasting effect on Denison. The same belligerent rhetoric and fearmongering would characterize his later campaigns against closer economic relations with the United States and on behalf of imperial unity. His immediate priority, however, was ensuring the Anglo-Saxon character of the northwest. He and his Canada First associates created the North West Emigration Aid Society in 1870 to assist in the recruitment of desirable settlers. Denison outlined his national vision in an address he first delivered in Weston (Toronto) in early 1871, {d-0}The duty of Canadians to Canada,{d-1} in which he attacked British indifference and warned of the dominion{apos}s vulnerability. Canada{apos}s destiny, he insisted, depended on the cultivation of pride and patriotism, the development of its resources, and the creation of politics freed of faction and dedicated to the national good. Such a course would allow Canada to assume its rightful place as a full partner in the empire. Disillusioned with the governing Conservative party, he sought election to the House of Commons for Algoma as a Liberal in 1872. Defeated by John Beverley Robinson*, he was rewarded for his efforts by friends in the provincial Liberal government of Oliver Mowat* and made Ontario{apos}s emigration commissioner in London. His exposure there to reviving imperialist feeling reinforced his Canada First sentiments. The position was temporary, however, and he returned to Canada in early 1874, with no immediate prospects before him.

As Denison approached middle age, he was haunted by his lack of personal accomplishment. {d-0}If a man does not make his mark in the world or be in a fair way of doing it before he is forty he will never do anything afterwards,{d-1} his father had once warned him. When he learned of the substantial cash prizes offered by the Russian government for the best history of cavalry, he decided to return to his first love, the military, and resolved to make his reputation as a military historian. He threw himself into the work, rising early to read and write, acquiring a large library on military history at great expense, and travelling to London and St Petersburg to do research. Denison completed his magnum opus in December 1876 and presented the manuscript to the prize committee in person, but it refused to consider his work on the grounds that the translation, done by a Russian woman in New York, was sub-standard. Only after the book appeared in English was he awarded the 5,000-rouble first prize. Although A history of cavalry from the earliest times, with lessons for the future (London, 1877) received mixed reviews at the time, it has since been hailed as the definitive work in the field.

On his return to Canada in 1877, Denison assumed the post of police magistrate for the City of Toronto, a position he would retain until the summer of 1921. He owed the appointment to Oliver Mowat. Denison{apos}s contemporary seat on the Board of Police Commissioners was not seen as a conflict of interest. He ran his court like a well-oiled machine. Much to the annoyance of the city officials who paid his salary, he routinely cleared his docket in a couple of hours before lunch. Usually faced with an enormous caseload, and with little interest in the causes or prevention of crime, he had no use for legal technicalities or procedural niceties. His was {d-0}a court of justice, not a court of law,{d-1} he proudly asserted. By his own admission, he relied more on intuition than on evidence. Although he liked to boast that he judged impartially, some groups fared better than others: retired soldiers and members of Toronto{apos}s respectable classes could expect leniency but striking workers, parvenus, Irishmen, and blacks invariably received harsh treatment. Denison nonetheless took a paternal interest in the unfortunate members of the lower classes who filed through his court. He championed legal aid, chastised the legal profession for profiting from people{apos}s misfortunes and prolonging cases, and denounced moral reform groups that tried to impose their standards upon criminal elements {d-0}who offended their tender susceptibilities.{d-1} His unorthodox methods were notorious – his court even became something of a tourist attraction. By the time of his retirement, there were calls for a full overhaul of the then outmoded Police Court, which consisted of four magistrates, including Rupert Etherege Kingsford*, women{apos}s and children{apos}s divisions, and seven clerks.

Denison{apos}s swift administration of justice freed him to pursue other interests. An Anglican of evangelical inclination, he helped found and served on the first board of management of the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School [see James Paterson Sheraton*]. He became one of the principal forces behind the revival of the loyalist tradition, as an organizer of the loyalist centennial celebrations in 1884 and a founding member in 1896 of the United Empire Loyalist Association of Ontario. He broadcast the tradition long and often. In his presidential address to the Royal Society of Canada in 1904, for instance, he spoke on the loyalist influence in Canadian history. He found in the tradition not only the reflected glory of his ancestors{s-1-unknown} accomplishments but also a usable past, which could be called upon to justify closer ties to Britain and the empire and to attack opponents who advocated greater independence or closer economic and political relations with the United States. As constructed by Denison and others, the tradition served too to defend a social order threatened by industrialization, urbanization, and immigration. Denison{apos}s rabid anti-Americanism, in fact, owed much to his fear that the social ailments afflicting the United States would soon infect Canada.

Denison{apos}s patriotism had been tested in the spring of 1885, when he and the Governor General{apos}s Body Guard saw service during the North-West rebellion. Because of his lingering hostility to the federal government, he had little enthusiasm for the conflict and had initially refused to volunteer his troop. He objected, he told Charles Mair in March, to the use of the militia {d-0}to defend a Government of land sharks who have villainously wronged the poor native and the actual settler.{d-1} Moreover, he had been deeply shaken by the death of his wife on 26 February. His fighting spirit returned with the formation in May of the Canadian branch of the Imperial Federation League; he was named chair of the branch{apos}s organizing committee, and would later be vice-president and president. Although Denison and the league succeeded in whipping up nationalistic fervour, especially after the appearance in 1887 of the movement for commercial union with the United States [see Erastus Wiman*], they failed to convince the league{apos}s British members of the virtue of imperial trade preferences. When internal divisions caused the league to collapse, Denison played an important role in 1895 in creating a new organization, the British Empire League, and he would serve as president of its Canadian branch for many years. Although military considerations dominated Denison{apos}s imperial outlook, he frequently used the rhetoric of religious crusade in his speeches and writings, and his evangelical Anglicanism certainly helped shape his view of events. In this religious sense, his imperialism was comparable to that of George Monro Grant* and George Robert Parkin.

Colonel Denison remained in the vanguard of the imperialist cause throughout the remainder of his life. He championed Canadian participation in the South African War and contributions to the Royal Navy, he surpassed most imperialists by campaigning in 1902 for an imperial defence fund derived from duties on foreign imports into Britain and the colonies, and he vigorously opposed the efforts of Sir Wilfrid Laurier*{apos}s government to negotiate reciprocity with the United States in 1911. A frequent speaker and newspaper commentator, he brought to the cause an unrelenting drive and a steely resistance to criticism. Passed over several times for imperial honours, he eventually claimed he had not wanted any. {d-0}His self-laudation has long been a standing joke in Canada,{d-1} Governor General Lord Minto [Elliot*] confided to Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain in 1900. As well, some British career soldiers regarded his Body Guard as a showy, lightweight outfit, top-heavy with officers and ncos. Unswayed, he chronicled his efforts on behalf of the empire, and his arguments for federation and against free trade, in The struggle for imperial unity . . . (Toronto, 1909). With the approach of war in Europe, he found a new demon, Germany. Although his combination of anti-Americanism, imperialism, and nationalism lost much of its force in the years following World War I, Denison remained unmoved in his convictions.

Despite his celebrity, relatively little is known about his private and family life. He kept a daily diary from 1864 until his death, but rarely recorded his deepest personal thoughts. In 1863 he had married the niece of the Reverend Thomas Brock Fuller*; in 1887 he married Charles Mair{apos}s 22-year-old niece. He appears to have been a demanding but loving father who impressed on his sons the same spirit of loyalty, duty, and family pride that had been implanted in him during his own childhood. Extremely class-conscious, he raised his daughters to assume their rightful place at the top of respectable society.

His stern and headstrong manner notwithstanding, Denison had a great sense of humour and relished the caricatures drawn of him in the press. He was almost always portrayed in military uniform striking the pose of the stereotypical British officer and gentleman. He loved to entertain and Heydon Villa, which he rebuilt in 1880, became a regular stop for notables visiting Toronto. A man of boundless energy and ambition, he kept up an exhaustive correspondence with the public men of his day. He thoroughly enjoyed the cut and thrust of vigorous debate but his absolute faith in the correctness of his beliefs cost him several friendships, including that of Goldwin Smith*, whom he almost single-handedly had ostracized from polite Toronto society. By 1922 Denison{apos}s health was failing and he died at Heydon Villa in 1925 at the age of 85.

George Taylor Denison{apos}s 1861 pamphlet Canada, is she prepared for war? or, a few remarks on the state of her defences was issued anonymously {d-0}by a native Canadian.{d-1} In addition to the works mentioned in the text, his publications include The petition of George Taylor Denison, Jr.: to the Honorable the House of Assembly, praying redress in the matter of the seizure of the steamer {d-0}Georgian{d-1} . . . (Toronto, 1865); History of the Fenian raid on Fort Erie; with an account of the battle of Ridgeway (Toronto, 1866); {d-0}A visit to General Robert E. Lee,{d-1} Canadian Monthly (Toronto), 1 (January–June 1872): 231–37; Reminiscences of the Red River rebellion of 1869 ([Toronto?], 1873); Canada and her relations to the empire (Toronto, 1895); {d-0}Sir John Schultz and the {s-0}Canada First{s-1-unknown} party,{d-1} Canadian Magazine, 8 (November 1896–April 1897): 16–23; The British Empire League in Canada . . . (Toronto, 1899); Soldiering in Canada: recollections and experiences (Toronto, 1900); {d-0}Canada and the Imperial Conference,{d-1} Nineteenth Century and After (London), 51 (January–June 1902): 900–7; {d-0}The United Empire Loyalists and their influence upon the history of the continent,{d-1} RSC, Trans., 2nd ser., 10 (1905), proc.: xxv–xxxix; and Recollections of a police magistrate (Toronto, 1920).

AO, F 10009; F 1076-A-11; RG 80-8-0-151, no.6419. LAC, MG 29, D61; E29. QUA, Charles Mair fonds. TRL, SC, Denison family papers. United Empire Loyalists{s-1-unknown} Assoc. of Canada, Toronto Branch Arch., Corr.; Minutes. Leader (Toronto), 23 Jan. 1863. Carl Berger, The sense of power; studies in the ideas of Canadian imperialism, 1867–1914 (Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1970). Canada Law Journal (Toronto), 36 (1900): 517–20. Canadian annual rev., 1902–17. Canadian Journal of Commerce (Montreal), September 1890: 570. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). The centennial of the settlement of Upper Canada by the United Empire Loyalists, 1784–1884 . . . (Toronto, 1885). E. M. Chadwick, Ontarian families: genealogies of United-Empire-Loyalist and other pioneer families of Upper Canada (2v., Toronto, 1894–98; repr., 2v. in 1, Lambertville, N.J., [1970]; repr., vol.1, intro. W. F. E. Morley, Belleville, Ont., 1972). J. F. Fraser, Canada as it is (London, 1905). D. [P.] Gagan, The Denison family of Toronto, 1792–1925 (Toronto, 1973). G. H. Homel, {d-0}Denison{apos}s law: criminal justice and the Police Court in Toronto, 1877–1921,{d-1} OH, 73 (1981): 171–86. Norman Knowles, Inventing the loyalists: the Ontario loyalist tradition and the creation of usable pasts (Toronto, 1997). Lord Minto{apos}s Canadian papers: a selection of the public and private papers of the fourth Earl of Minto, 1898–1904, ed. and intro. Paul Stevens and J. T. Saywell (2v., Toronto, 1981–83). Desmond Morton, Ministers and generals: politics and the Canadian militia, 1868–1904 (Toronto and Buffalo, 1970). Trinity College conducted as a mere boys{s-1-unknown} school, not as a college (Toronto, 1858). H. M. Wodson, The whirlpool: scenes from Toronto Police Court (Toronto, 1917).

Cecil Edward Denny was educated at Cheltenham College in England in 1862 –63 and in France and Germany. At 19 he emigrated to the United States, where he farmed south of Chicago. In April 1874 he joined Canada{apos}s North-West Mounted Police as a constable but, trading on a recommendation by Sir Stafford Henry Northcote, he secured appointment as a sub-inspector on 11 May, before his contingent left Toronto for Manitoba under the command of Commissioner George Arthur French. Denny took part in the Long March west and he remained at Fort Macleod (Alta) during the winter of 1874 –75. In March 1875 he accompanied Assistant Commissioner James Farquharson Macleod*, guide Jerry Potts*, and two constables on a trip to Helena (Mont.) that has become part of the Mounties{s-1-unknown} legend. Caught by a storm, the men were nearly frozen to death and were only saved by Potts{apos}s skill.

Denny attended the negotiation of Treaty No.7 in 1877 as a member of the police escort, signed the treaty as a witness, and assisted in the initial payments. Although the leading figures, both native and white, were enthusiastic about the treaty, Denny recalled that {d-0}many of the Indians . . . were dissatisfied that any treaty had been made at all.{d-1} He believed that the sham battle staged after the signing was only half in jest. During the negotiations Crowfoot had suggested that the Blackfoot, the Blood, and the Sarcee should share a common reserve along the Bow River. The concentration strengthened the Blackfoot{apos}s bargaining position and increased Crowfoot{apos}s prestige. Within a year, however, the Blood had opted for a separate reserve near Fort Macleod. Crowfoot was not consulted on the change and it fell to Denny to tell him. Not surprisingly, Crowfoot was annoyed and Denny considered the meeting the most difficult he had had as a policeman.

By the spring of 1879 the buffalo had been exterminated on the Canadian plains. The Blackfoot were starving and they appealed to Denny at Fort Calgary for aid. By July he was distributing 2,000 pounds of beef per day. This issue, which was made on his own authority and contrary to his instructions, was a humanitarian reaction, but it was also a recognition of reality. Denny reported that if he did not feed the Indians {d-0}they will take the matter into their own hands and help themselves.{d-1}

When necessary, then, Denny bowed to the inevitable. In other cases he mediated. In the summer of 1880 he intervened in a dispute between large Cree and Blackfoot camps near Blackfoot Crossing (Alta). The Cree were preparing to avenge the killing of one of their number by the Blackfoot. Denny, with only six policemen to back him, induced the Blackfoot to offer compensation and then persuaded the Cree to accept the offer. Negotiation did not always work. The Sarcee, like the Blood, were unhappy sharing a reserve with the Blackfoot. In November 1880 they moved to Fort Calgary and demanded that they receive their rations there. The lone sergeant at the post had little choice but to issue supplies and to send for help. Denny led the relief force, eight men and a sergeant. After three days of tense negotiations, the Sarcee agreed to go to Macleod for rations. The next morning, when the camp showed no signs of moving, Denny lined his men up with loaded rifles and he and his sergeant began to pull down the tents. Although a shot was fired over the sergeant{apos}s head, they continued, and the Sarcee decided to move rather than fight.

Denny was forced to resign from the NWMP on 6 June 1881 after Percy Robinson, a clerk in the Indian department at Fort Macleod, sued him for having induced his wife to desert him, and {d-0}for having criminal connection with her.{d-1} Although Denny was found not liable, he was subsequently judged guilty of having broken into Robinson{apos}s house and having threatened to beat him. His relationship with Victoria Robinson did not end at this time – it seems probable that he had at least one child with her.

Denny had been an able officer and some officials accepted his explanation that the Robinson affair was an attempt to blackmail him. In October 1881 Indian commissioner Edgar Dewdney* appointed him as Indian agent at Fort Walsh (Sask.). The following January he was transferred to Blackfoot Crossing, where a dispute over rations threatened to erupt in violence. The trouble was settled before he arrived, but only after a substantial display of force. Crowfoot, usually a supporter of the police, had played a role in defying them and Dewdney hoped that Denny, as an {d-0}old friend,{d-1} could influence the chief. Initially Denny was given charge of the northern part of Treaty No.7 but within a few months he was made agent for the whole treaty area, which covered most of modern Alberta south of the Red Deer River.

Denny blamed the trouble at Blackfoot Crossing on an inequitable system of distributing rations and on the men in charge. He described them as a {d-0}rough class of Americans . . . who dislike Indians and are not very choice in the language they use towards them.{d-1} He reformed the issue of rations, replaced some employees, and distributed the tools the Indians at Blackfoot Crossing needed to begin farming. He {d-0}found the Blackfoot willing to work had they received assistance but they had been badly neglected.{d-1}

As an agent, Denny encouraged the Indians to take up agriculture and abandon their traditional ways. Sometimes he had to temporize. When the Blood wished to retaliate against horse-stealing raids by Cree from the Cypress Hills, Denny provided the leader, White Calf [Onista{apos}poka*], with a letter to Commissioner Acheson Gosford Irvine at Fort Walsh, asking for his help in recovering the horses. White Calf took about 200 warriors with him, far more than Denny had expected. Denny was criticized for condoning a war party but he argued that, by directing what could not be prevented, he had avoided a larger clash. Denny tried to reduce the incidence of horse stealing and raids by enrolling some members of the Blood warrior society in an informal police force. The force occupied the more restless spirits in the camp, brought them under Denny{apos}s influence, and provided a counterbalance to Red Crow [Mékaisto*], the head chief. Denny also tried to dilute Red Crow{apos}s authority by promoting the election of an ineffectual leader, Calf Tail, as a second head chief.

Within months of his arrival in Treaty No.7, Denny had become embroiled in a dispute with the inspector of Indian agencies, Thomas Page Wadsworth. The pretext for the dispute was Denny{apos}s lax, perhaps corrupt, administrative style, but it was exacerbated by jurisdictional disputes and personality differences. At a more fundamental level, Wadsworth represented the government{apos}s drive to reduce expenses. Denny favoured a more generous policy of gradual reduction. On his arrival at Macleod he had dismissed an employee who had been issuing rations, in part because he had found a surplus of 60 sacks of flour on hand. Such a surplus, he reasoned, {d-0}cannot be got if the Indians have been getting their full rations; for my part I would rather see the flour short than over.{d-1} Although he was often accused of currying favour with the Indians through his liberal issue of supplies, he actually reduced government commitments by striking many individuals off the band membership lists. On the Blood Reserve, for instance, he reduced the number from 3,542 to 2,589. During the summer of 1883 there was an unusual amount of sickness and death among the Indians of Treaty No.7. The doctor who investigated the outbreak attributed it to the poor quality of the flour issued as rations. Although Denny had certified the flour, tests revealed it to be several grades lower than the standard contracted for, and some of it was tainted with weed seeds. It was not clear whether Denny had been careless in his certification or whether he had been in collusion with the contractors. The matter would probably have resulted in his dismissal had not another development intervened. When the Department of Indian Affairs ordered Denny to lay off many of his staff, he protested to Dewdney on 14 Jan. 1884 that he could not manage the agency properly and then he resigned. On 15 Mar. 1884 he wrote a bitter letter to the minister, complaining of his treatment, condemning Ottawa{apos}s management of Indian affairs in Treaty No.7, and predicting trouble {d-0}costly to the government.{d-1}

Trouble came in Treaty No.6, not in No.7. When Denny heard of the clash at Duck Lake in late March 1885 between the Métis and the NWMP [see Gabriel Dumont*], he offered his services to Dewdney. He was temporarily placed in charge of Treaty No.7 and his first act was to increase rations to the Blood. At Blackfoot Crossing he found that the Blackfoot had received messages urging them to join the rising. Crowfoot may have been sympathetic but he was pessimistic about the chance of success. When the Blood and the Peigan made it clear that they would not join, Crowfoot declared his loyalty to the crown. A confident Denny told Dewdney in April that {d-0}if any trouble is caused it will be the fault of the whites and not the Indians.{d-1}

The most likely source of trouble was Thomas Bland Strange, a retired British officer, a rancher, and the commander of the Alberta Field Force. He had a strained relationship with the Blackfoot, whom he suspected of killing his cattle. He issued orders to his ranch hands and to members of his field force to fire on anyone found running off horses or killing stock. Denny objected that the Blackfoot were loyal and he tried to ensure that no militia would enter their reserve without his permission. With Dewdney{apos}s support, he threatened to withdraw Indian agents if Strange did not quit interfering. On Denny{apos}s advice, Dewdney countermanded Strange{apos}s orders that Indians were to be confined to their reserves. Denny also intercepted insulting and threatening messages from Strange to Crowfoot. The situation was resolved only when Strange left Calgary for Edmonton during the rebellion.

Dewdney was pleased with Denny{apos}s work and used him to sound out opinion in Treaty No.7 during the winter of 1885 –86, but he did not give Denny the permanent reappointment he expected. Possibly the Indian department had decided that Denny{apos}s conciliatory, but expensive approach to managing the Indians was no longer necessary. As well, Denny{apos}s personal life had made him enemies. Father Albert Lacombe* described him as {d-0}a notoriously dissolute character, a libertine and addicted to the excessive use of alcohol,{d-1} one who should never be employed by the Indian department. In Ottawa its deputy superintendent general, Lawrence Vankoughnet, regarded him as a {d-0}morally bad man{d-1} and {d-0}thoroughly unprincipled.{d-1}

Denny{apos}s life, in fact, was coming unravelled and his name appeared in court reports several times between 1885 and 1894, mainly for charges involving liquor. The most serious incidents were two charges of {d-0}shooting with intent{d-1} brought by Victoria Robinson and Corporal George Greenacre of Macleod in 1892. By their account someone had broken into her house and set fire to some bedding. She and Greenacre had surprised the intruder and given chase in the dark. The fugitive fired on them and fled but was caught. It was Denny. His defence was that he was the victim of a series of coincidences, possibly contrived to discredit him. A jury acquitted him.

During the years 1890 –1922 Denny supported himself by a series of short-term jobs. He was a police scout, a herder at the Milk River quarantine station, and a night-clerk in a Lethbridge hotel. In 1897 –99 he was in the area of Fort Steele, B.C., as a prospector, jailer, newsagent, and justice of the peace. By 1900 he was in Montana working as a miner/prospector and fire-ranger. He was employed as a packer on the Peace River –Yukon trail from 1904 to 1906, on railway construction, and around 1913 –17 as a fire-ranger in the Lac la Biche area of Alberta. In October 1916 he homesteaded near Colinton. Although sometimes on the verge of destitution, he was able to write a memoir, The riders of the plains: a reminiscence of the early and exciting days in the north west (Calgary, 1905). This first-hand account of the NWMP helped to establish the view of the force as the key element in bringing about the peaceful settlement of the Canadian west. It reveals Denny{apos}s sympathy for the Indians as they struggled to adjust. A proponent of gradual change, he still believed that assimilation was necessary and supported drastic means, such as residential schools, to achieve it.

On 24 Nov. 1921 Denny succeeded his half-brother as baronet of Tralee Castle in County Kerry (Republic of Ireland). The succession made him Sir Cecil but brought no material reward. The following May he was appointed assistant archivist of Alberta. While in this position he researched and drafted his second historical account, later published as The law marches west (Toronto, 1939). An expanded version of Riders, it focuses on the same themes. Denny{apos}s services were {d-0}dispensed with{d-1} on 24 Aug. 1927, probably because of his drinking. In poor health, he died in July 1928 at the University of Alberta Hospital.

As a policeman and an Indian agent, C. E. Denny had worked mainly with the Indians of Treaty No.7. His approach was to make changes slowly, to use rations to persuade when necessary, and to co-opt Indian practices and individuals where possible. This method of proceeding, which reflected his sympathy for the Blackfoot, did not serve him well when the government became impatient with slow, expensive progress. Today he is remembered for The riders of the plains and The law marches west, both valuable accounts of the early years of the NWMP and of the attitudes of one of its officers. Denny{apos}s view of the police as responsible for the peaceful settlement of the Canadian west is in accord with, and indeed helped shape, the traditional heroic view of the NWMP.

The major sources for Denny{apos}s life are his published memoirs, The riders of the plains . . . (Calgary, 1905) and The law marches west, ed. W. B. Cameron (Toronto, 1939; 2nd ed., 1972), and official correspondence by or concerning him in LAC, RG 10 and RG 18; MG 27, I, C4, 2; MG 29, E40, file 2; and in GA, M 320. An account by Denny of his experiences on the Peace River –Yukon trail has been published as {d-0}Trail to the Yukon,{d-1} in Alberta Hist. Rev. (Calgary), 15 (1967), no.3: 24 –28.

Augustin Desrosiers started out as an apprentice joiner with Pierre Hamel, who owned the shop next door to that of Augustin{apos}s father in the village of Rivière-du-Loup. At the beginning of the 1870s Desrosiers left his birthplace and joined Hamel in Syracuse, N.Y. Then he went with his elder brother David to Westfield, Mass., where he worked for an organ builder. Returning to his native village in 1873, he was able to make immediate use of the knowledge he had acquired in the United States when the fabrique hired him to renovate the organ in the parish church, enlarge the rood-loft, and construct another above it. In 1874 he was called on to construct the Rivière-du-Loup convent of the Sisters of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary [see Edwige Buisson*], for which he drew up the plans. In the same year, in preparation for carrying out this large contract, Desrosiers opened a door and window factory in Rivière-du-Loup with his brother David, under the name A. Desrosiers et Frère.

Desrosiers was commissioned in 1878 to do other projects: erecting a building for the Rivière-du-Loup market and a house for a doctor{apos}s widow, and drawing up the plans for a hotel. He now decided to expand and diversity his activities. That year he and his brother had a sawmill built, with a door and window factory and a planing mill attached. A steam engine provided the power to run the various parts of this industrial complex, which was located on the river to the south of the village. It appeared certain that A. Desrosiers et Frère would be a profitable enterprise, since the Hunterstown Lumber Company{apos}s sawmill, the largest production facility in the parish, had recently shut down as a result of the negative effects the current economic crisis was having on forestry-related activities. As entrepreneurs, the Desrosiers brothers hoped to capture the local market for wood products which the American firm had previously controlled.

A succession of events cast a shadow over Desrosiers{apos}s plans, however. In 1878 his son and elder daughter died, as did his wife on 26 July 1879. Less than a month later, he was forced to declare bankruptcy, despite the financial support he had received from his father and his cousins Odilon and Agapit Desrosiers during the summer of 1879. Determined to carry on, Augustin and his brother reached an agreement with their creditors at the end of 1879. Once again David Desrosiers came to his sons{s-1-unknown} assistance by acting as guarantor for the repayment of their debts. In the event, on 2 Jan. 1880 the receiver ceded their property back to them. But Augustin{apos}s troubles were not over. Between 1880 and 1883 three people sued him for money owed. In July 1881 the Desrosiers brothers{s-1-unknown} industrial complex was auctioned off at the church door as a result of legal action taken by Léon Thérien, a Louiseville farmer who had sold them the land on which it had been built. However, the two brothers kept the door and window factory they had erected in 1874.

A few years later Desrosiers embarked on other projects, not all of which materialized. In 1887 he took out two loans totalling $3,000 from the corporation of the town of Louiseville and borrowed $800 from his father in order to build a new door and window factory. It also made organs for churches in Quebec, Ontario, and the United States. This factory, which had six employees in 1891, would remain in operation until after the death of its founder. In 1892 Desrosiers and four other entrepreneurs set up the Montreal Match Company, a match factory in Louiseville. Friction within the management brought about the company{apos}s liquidation even before it had begun production. Along with his industrial activities, Desrosiers continued to take on building contracts; from 1890 to 1896 he erected another match factory, a hotel, a school in Louiseville, an Anglican church in Sainte-Ursule, and two presbyteries, one in Louiseville and the other in Saint-Jérôme. Between 1900 and 1912 he entered into partnerships to open two insurance agencies in Louiseville. Desrosiers was well regarded by his fellow citizens, and served as mayor of Louiseville during the year 1902-3. While in office he continued his predecessors{s-1-unknown} policy of promoting industry.

Augustin Desrosiers is an excellent example of the dynamism of French Canadian businessmen. Armed with the experience he had gained in a family environment that included a number of artisans, he set up some of the largest industrial units in Louiseville in the last quarter of the 19th century. But his enthusiasm and energy ran up against a difficult economic situation and problems of financing. Unable to get help from the banks, Desrosiers, like many other French-speaking industrialists in the province, had to obtain loans from individuals by mortgaging property. This method of financing greatly reduces an entrepreneur{apos}s flexibility and makes long-term planning impossible. His career also shows the central role of the family within business. When setting up a company or looking for capital, Desrosiers turned first to his relatives.

ANQ-MBF, CE401-S15, 31 janv. 1847, 23 févr. 1881; CN401-S106, 11 mai 1878; TP11, S3, SS2, SSS1, dossiers 67 (1879), 10 (1880), 566 (1893); SS20, SSS48. Arch. paroissiales, Saint-Antoine-de-Padoue (Louiseville, Qué.), RBMS, 1927. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1851, 1861, 1871, Rivière-du-Loup (Louiseville). Le Courrier de Maskinongé (Louiseville), 1878-79. L{apos}Écho de Louiseville (Louiseville), 1895-96. Le Journal des Trois-Rivières (Trois-Rivières, Qué.), 1874. Germain Lesage, Histoire de Louiseville, 1665-1960 (Louiseville, 1961). Jocelyn Morneau, {d-0}Louiseville en Mauricie au XIXe siècle: la croissance d{apos}une aire villageoise,{d-1} RHAF, 44 (1990-91): 223-41; Petits pays et grands ensembles; les articulations du monde rural au XIXe siècle: l{apos}exemple du lac Saint-Pierre (Sainte-Foy, Qué., 2000). Que., Parl., Sessional papers, report of the secretary and registrar of the province of Quebec, 1892.

After a public school education in Ottawa and experience as a printer in New York City, Edward James Devine returned to Canada to enter the Society of Jesus on 4 Sept. 1879 at Sault-au-Récollet (Montreal). During ten years of studies, including a year, 1882-83, near London, England, headaches interrupted his work and made his priestly education difficult for him. His taste for church history began at Trois-Rivières in 1883 when he examined the parish registers which included entries of Jesuit missionaries Paul Le Jeune* and Jacques Buteux* from as early as 1634. In 1885, with other Jesuit students, Devine moved to the newly founded Scolasticat de l{apos}Immaculée-Conception in Montreal. He was able to persuade the rector to buy a Peerless Press to print the college calendar, the Canadian Jesuits{s-1-unknown} yearly Catalogus . . . , and eventually and most important of all, the Canadian Messenger of the Sacred Heart.

Between 1885 and 1889 Devine worked at the Collège Sainte-Marie with Jesuit archivist Arthur Edward Jones, who was classifying Jesuit documents from the 17th and 18th centuries. From material in these archives, Devine estimated the actual value of the Jesuit estates [see Antoine-Nicolas Braun*] confiscated in 1800 to be worth $7,000,000. The society in fact received compensation of $160,000 from the provincial government of Honoré Mercier* in January 1889 after the passage of the Jesuits{s-1-unknown} Estates Act the previous year. In March 1889 a bill prepared by MPs D{apos}Alton McCarthy* and William Edward O{apos}Brien calling for federal disallowance of the act was introduced in the House of Commons. Jones and Devine supplied members of the house, especially the minister of justice, Sir John Sparrow David Thompson*, with facts and documents that helped defeat the motion. Devine was ordained to the priesthood in Montreal on 14 July 1889.

In 1899 Devine returned to Montreal, where he took up the editorship of the Canadian Messenger. Subsequently he gave many retreats across the country and was well known as a spiritual guide and an entertaining speaker. He was preaching at St John{apos}s, Nfld, in 1902 when he was assigned to the Alaska mission on the opposite side of the continent. His adventures travelling to the Pacific coast were described in a series of articles, {d-0}Alaskan letters,{d-1} which appeared in the Canadian Messenger in 1903-4. They formed the basis of Across widest America, Newfoundland to Alaska, with the impressions of two years{s-1-unknown} sojourn on the Bering coast, which he published when he returned to Montreal in 1905 and reissued in New York City the following year. At this time as well he brought out a novel, The training of Silas (Montreal and New York, 1906). Most of the remainder of his works were published in Montreal. To deepen appreciation of Christian life and family values for Catholics, he wrote Fireside messages: adapted for reading in Catholic homes in 1911. Historic Caughnawaga followed in 1922. After leading a pilgrimage to the major shrines of Europe in the summer of 1922, he published Our tour through Europe the next year. Also in 1923 he gathered together a series of pamphlets he had written on Jesuit martyrs, added a preface, and published the manuscript as The Canadian martyrs. It would go through another edition two years later as The Jesuit martyrs of Canada. To mark the erection of the Martyrs{s-1-unknown} Shrine Church near Midland, Ont., in 1925-26 he wrote the slim volume Old Fort Ste. Marie: home of the Jesuit martyrs. He was a longtime member of the Canadian Authors Association.

Devine had edited the Canadian Messenger until his departure for Alaska in 1902 and on his return three years later he again took the helm of this important publication to promote Catholic literature and devotion to the Sacred Heart across Canada. A separate French monthly, Le Messager canadien du Sacré-Cœur de Jésus (Montréal), edited by Jean-Baptiste Nolin*, had been founded in 1892. Each month the pope would select a general intention which would be disseminated in the magazines and prayed for by the members and friends of the Apostleship of Prayer [see Nolin]. By 1920 members and friends numbered more than 6,000,000 around the world and 180,000 in Canada. The articles on monthly intentions, many of which Devine wrote, gave the Canadian Messenger an ultramontane ring, since they emphasized missionary zeal, love of Roman devotions, and papal loyalty. Under his leadership the magazine discussed other topics of concern to Catholics, such as family spirituality, personal holiness, and community devotions, but prudently tempered them with a consideration of Catholic social thought, workers{s-1-unknown} rights, and higher education for Catholics.

After his return to Montreal, Devine also became a principal organizer of the Catholic Sailors{s-1-unknown} Club, the Catholic Women{apos}s League, and the Montreal Convalescent Home. The most celebrated service he rendered to the Canadian Catholic Church was his appearance before the apostolic commission on the holiness of the Jesuit martyrs held in Quebec City in 1922. Presented with great clarity, his lengthy testimony advanced the process of their beatification. This work came to fruition in Rome in 1925, two years before his own death, when the Catholic Church beatified the eight Jesuit martyrs, Jean de Brébeuf*, Gabriel Lalemant*, Isaac Jogues*, Antoine Daniel*, Charles Garnier*, Noël Chabanel*, René Goupil*, and Jean de La Lande*.

Devine{apos}s brief work in the missions maintained the Jesuit tradition of service for navvies, miners, and native peoples. His research on Jesuit history publicized the importance of religion in early Canada. His editorial and organizational skills helped to establish the Canadian Messenger, which was to become the longest-running Canadian Catholic monthly in English, a magazine published continually from 1891 to this day. Probably the best known Canadian Jesuit at the time of his death, Devine was the youngest of a group of conspicuous Jesuits who were recognized as skilled writers and preachers (among the others were George B. Kenny, William J. Doherty, Arthur Edward Jones, and Gregory O{apos}Bryan*). While not a trained historian, Devine was an energetic author who provided information and inspiration to many. His memoirs reveal a sensitive person who enjoyed a humorous story well told.

In addition to the publications mentioned above, and numerous articles in the Canadian Messenger of the Sacred Heart, Edward James Devine{apos}s writings include: {d-0}An ancient Jesuit shrine restored,{d-1} Woodstock Letters (Woodstock, Md), 55 (1926): 397-404; {d-0}The end of the Jesuit estate affair,{d-1} Woodstock Letters, 19 (1890): 85-91; Irish soldiers in Canada, 1755-60: contribution to a disputed chapter in Canadian history (Montreal, 1912); {d-0}Les Jésuites et les Iroquois,{d-1} Le Canada français (Québec), 2e sér., 12 (1924-25): 763-72; {d-0}Jesuits versus Orangemen,{d-1} Woodstock Letters, 18 (1889): 233-44, 285-304; {d-0}Masters and workmen,{d-1} Catholic Record (London, Ont.), 6 July 1918.

Arch. de la Compagnie de Jésus, Prov. du Canada Français (Saint-Jérôme, Qué.), D-7 (E. J. Devine), E. J. Devine, lettres d{apos}Alaska. Soc. of Jesus, Upper Canada Prov. Arch., Regis College (Toronto), A-126, A-217a (E. J. Devine file). Catholic Record, 19 Nov. 1927. Montreal Daily Star, 7 Nov. 1927. Les Nouvelles (Montréal), novembre 1927. True Witness and Catholic Chronicle (Montreal), 18 Nov. 1896. Dictionary of Jesuit biography: ministry to English Canada, 1842-1987 (Toronto, 1991). T. J. Fay, {d-0}The Canadian Messenger of the Sacred Heart, 1905-1927: window on ultramontane spirituality,{d-1} CCHA, Hist. studies, 64 (1998): 9-26. P. J. Mulrooney, {d-0}A modern apostle of the Jesuit martyrs: Father Devine, S.J., 1860-1927,{d-1} Martyrs{s-1-unknown} Shrine Message (Midland, Ont.), 5 (1941), no.1: 18-19. T. P. Slattery, Loyola and Montreal (Montreal, 1962). Woodstock Letters, 57 (1928): 260-64.

Hartley Dewart was born in St Johns during E. H. Dewart{apos}s time there as a Wesleyan Methodist preacher. In 1865 the family moved to Toronto, where his Irish-born father would rise to prominence as editor of the Christian Guardian and as a regent of Victoria University. Groomed for success in public life, Hartley attended Toronto{apos}s model school and collegiate institute; his oratorical gifts were undoubtedly encouraged by Dewart Sr, whose tracts included The Canadian speaker and elocutionary reader (Toronto, 1868). As a youth, Hartley was introduced to two of E. H. Dewart{apos}s most cherished causes: Liberal politics, where he would follow his father{apos}s convictions, and temperance, on which they would part ways.

In 1883 Dewart graduated from the University of Toronto with a BA. Recognizing law as a stepping stone to political life, he attended Osgoode Hall and was called to the bar in 1887. While studying law he had helped form the Young Men{apos}s Liberal Club, which he would serve as president in 1887-88. He practised in Toronto with various partners, among them William Edgar Raney*, a future political opponent, and in 1891 he was appointed a crown attorney for York County.

In 1895 Dewart was thrust into the limelight when, during the headline-grabbing trial of seamstress Clara Ford for murder, Britton Bath Osler* withdrew from the prosecution on account of his wife{apos}s death. The case seemed open-and-shut - Ford had confessed - but Dewart was unequal to the wily, seasoned defence lawyer, Ebenezer Forsyth Blackie Johnston*, and the jury made the extraordinary decision to acquit. Dewart{apos}s silver (and frequently sharp) tongue had nonetheless attracted admiration from the press and fellow members of the bar. In 1899 he was made a QC, and his reputation grew as he helped prosecute some of the most colourful criminal cases at the turn of the century. Despite his later rise in politics, many contemporaries would hold him in greater esteem as a lawyer. After resigning as crown attorney in 1904, he continued in private practice, taking on civil work as well as criminal defences and acting as a solicitor for several prominent corporations, including the Canadian Pacific Railway. A leading member of the bar, he would be elected a bencher of the Law Society of Upper Canada in 1911. Following his father{apos}s example, he also found time to become involved in higher education (in 1906 he was elected to the senate of the University of Toronto, where he was an examiner in English), to write (on Irish-Canadian poetry among other topics), and to lecture. In January 1906, for instance, he addressed the Young Men{apos}s Liberal Club on the {d-0}popular character of the policy of the Liberal government in dealing with corporate power.{d-1}

Propelled and sometimes hampered by a streak of independence, he did not hesitate to take controversial stands on such sensitive issues as Prohibition and wartime conscription, both of which he opposed on constitutional grounds. From the time of his election he openly disavowed Liberal temperance policy, a stand that started a bitter feud with party leader Newton Wesley Rowell*. The split was exacerbated by Rowell{apos}s move in 1917 to the federal Union government, which Dewart and other so-called Laurier Liberals vigorously disliked. In June 1919 Dewart managed to take the Liberal leadership in Ontario, only to be denounced by Rowell and the Liberal press. The Christian Guardian dismissed him as the {d-0}chief representative of the liquor interests in the legislature.{d-1}

Shortly after assuming the helm, Dewart faced his first test, the election of October 1919. Although it had been 14 years since the Liberals were in power, he set his sights on the premiership, but he misjudged the target. Party divisions undermined Liberal chances. Moreover, by focusing on his long-time rival, Conservative campaign manager (and future leader) George Howard Ferguson*, he miscalculated; like many urban politicians, he underestimated the simmering discontent among rural Ontarians. Voters found a protest voice in the upstart United Farmers of Ontario. During their turbulent four-year term, the irascible Dewart censured them relentlessly, especially Premier Ernest Charles Drury* and Attorney General W. E. Raney, but, with the Liberals plagued by internal discontent, he was unable to steer the party effectively in opposition. In 1921, suffering from ill health and bitter over the infighting, he relinquished his leadership to Liberal whip Francis Wellington Hay*. In the house, however, his combativeness continued unchecked. In May 1922, as Raney{apos}s bill authorizing a tax on racetrack betting was about to receive royal assent, Dewart, in {d-0}unprecedented{d-1} and {d-0}sensational{d-1} fashion, stood up and asked Lieutenant Governor Henry Cockshutt* if he had been advised of the bill{apos}s constitutionality. His final hour in electoral politics closed in June 1923 when he was soundly defeated by an undistinguished Conservative.

Dewart did not sink into a life of contemplation. He continued in private practice and later in 1923 he was appointed to the commission charged with producing a new consolidation of the statutes of Canada. That same year rumours circulated about his appointment to the Supreme Court of Canada, a post for which he likely yearned. Aged 62, he died at Brookdale, his country home near Uxbridge - obituaries assigned overwork as a cause - and was buried in Toronto{apos}s Necropolis. He was survived by his wife, mother, and brother. At his funeral, the roster of honorary pall-bearers, among them Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King*, and the messages of condolence from the likes of Ernest Lapointe*, Mackenzie{apos}s minister of justice, suggest that Dewart, had he lived, might well have received further rewards for his decades of public service and party loyalty.

ANQ-M, CE604-S32, 12 févr. 1862. AO, RG 80-5-0-185, no.2567. LAC, MG 27, II, F1. Globe, 8-10 July 1924. Canadian annual rev., 1915-23. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). H. [W.] Charlesworth, Candid chronicles: leaves from the note book of a Canadian journalist (Toronto, 1925). Cyclopædia of Canadian biog. (Rose and Charlesworth), vol.3. Directory, Toronto, 1887-1923. Peter Oliver, G. Howard Ferguson: Ontario Tory (Toronto, 1977). Margaret Prang, N. W. Rowell, Ontario nationalist (Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1975). Carolyn Strange, {d-0}Wounded womanhood and dead men: chivalry and the trials of Clara Ford and Carrie Davies,{d-1} in Gender conflicts: new essays in women{apos}s history, ed. Franca Iacovetta and Mariana Valverde (Toronto, 1992), 149-88.

From this small store Dixon Brothers expanded over the next two decades to become one of the largest and most reputable firms between Moose Jaw (Sask.) and Calgary. The partnership operated smoothly with John managing its various enterprises and Chester concerning himself with day-to-day operations. During the store{apos}s formative years John Dixon was particularly astute in establishing business relationships with the CPR, the North-Western Coal and Navigation Company Limited of Lethbridge (Alta) [see Elliott Torrance Galt], the local {d-0}76{d-1} ranches of the Canadian Agricultural, Coal and Colonization Company, and A Division headquarters of the North-West Mounted Police at Maple Creek.

John Dixon was quick to capitalize upon other business opportunities that arose with the opening of the frontier. In 1884 he secured the government contract for the post office and located it in the company{apos}s store. The firm also offered banking services to the community until a branch of the Merchants{s-1-unknown} Bank of Canada was inaugurated in 1901. From 1888 to 1894 Dixon Brothers engaged in the buffalo bone trade as well, shipping carloads of bones to dealers and fertilizer firms in Minnesota and Illinois. The trade was so successful in 1890 that, in addition to the 31 cars already sent, John Dixon petitioned the CPR for others to accommodate the inundation of bones they had stockpiled at various railway sidings.

Shortly after their arrival in 1883, the Dixons had established one of the largest ranches in the northwest. They ran hundreds and at times thousands of cattle, horses, and sheep on the vast open-range grasslands north of Maple Creek. Following the devastating winter of 1906–7 and the succeeding influx of homesteaders, they were forced to consolidate their operations. However, at the time of John Dixon{apos}s death, the DB Ranch, as it was known, still had over 24,000 acres of deeded and leased lands.

The success of the Dixons{s-1-unknown} various enterprises was the result of shrewd management, efficient operations, and a compatible business relationship. Although John was the predominant partner and manager, Chester brought invaluable skills that complemented his brother{apos}s. Also of significance was their close personal relationship, strengthened by their ties through marriage. Their wives and young children had joined them in Maple Creek in the fall of 1883 and the two families shared a commodious home on the west side of the town site, a congenial arrangement that continued for over 30 years.

The more entrepreneurial of the two brothers, John was also opportunistic and he managed to secure a number of important government appointments that were advantageous to both the firm and his own ambitions. Not only was he chosen as the second postmaster for Maple Creek in 1884, but he became a notary public in 1889 and a licence commissioner and justice of the peace in 1892. He was also the more civic-minded. During the North-West rebellion [see Louis Riel*] he was a member of the Home Guard and allowed the store to be used as a small armoury, from which weapons were distributed to the settlers. He was the principal influence behind the development of Maple Creek, which fast became one of the major shipping points for western beef. Instrumental in forming almost all of its early institutions and organizations, he at one time or another held executive positions with most. Among his numerous offices, he was president of the first board of trade in 1889, first mayor of Maple Creek in 1903–4, and first president of the Saskatchewan Range Growers{s-1-unknown} Association in 1906. He was active in the masonic order, as a charter member of Maple Leaf Lodge No.56 in Maple Creek (1893) and as district deputy grand master of the Grand Lodge of Manitoba (1903–4) and the Grand Lodge of Saskatchewan (1907–8). He also held executive positions with the local branches of the Ancient Order United Workmen and the Independent Order of Foresters.

Dixon, a staunch Liberal and confidant of Thomas Walter Scott*, the Liberal leader in Assiniboia West who would become first premier of Saskatchewan, was not without political aspirations of his own. During the discussions leading to provincial autonomy in 1905, and on other occasions over the ensuing years, he lobbied for a seat in the Canadian Senate. Although he had the support of Scott, who told him in 1905 that he knew no one in the North-West Territories {d-0}better fitted generally to occupy a seat in the Senate with credit to himself and advantage to the country,{d-1} the appointment did not materialize. Following consultation with Scott, Dixon resigned from his government positions that year and ran as the Liberal candidate for Maple Creek in the first provincial election. In a surprising but well-contested race he lost to the Provincial Rights candidate, David James Wylie, a prominent rancher who nevertheless did not have Dixon{apos}s public profile. Although Dixon never again ran for office, he continued to advise the government, especially in matters related to southwest Saskatchewan. In 1906 he was reappointed a notary public. He was also named to the board of governors of the new University of Saskatchewan in 1908 and of Regina College in 1912; he held both positions until 1921.

The death of Chester Dixon in 1918 was a blow to John and to the firm. Fortunately, Chester{apos}s sons Alfred Lyman and Dawson Chester were able to fill the void and operations continued. Although John had relied heavily on Chester, he also consulted frequently with his elder brother Jonathan B., a lawyer in Reno, Nev. Dixon{apos}s astute business sense, awareness of stock market trends, and shrewd leadership are evident in his correspondence with Jonathan, especially in regard to his role with Alberta Clay Products, one of Medicine Hat{apos}s leading industries. Their correspondence in late 1920 reveals that the federal government had considered Dixon as successor to Sir Richard Stuart Lake, the lieutenant governor of Saskatchewan. In one letter Dixon cites a number of personal reasons for not accepting the position; however, he intimates that he is still desirous of a seat in the Senate. Had he won the election of 1905, and had his friend Premier Scott not been forced by ill health to resign in 1916, he might eventually have realized his dream.

John Dixon died suddenly on 3 Jan. 1922 at his home in Maple Creek. His death was a shock to his family, his community, and his province, all of which he had helped shape. He had come west with a vision, spent a lifetime pursuing it, and left an indelible impression. John and Chester{apos}s two original investments, the store and ranch, continued to operate under John{apos}s nephews; the ranch would be sold in the mid 1940s and the store in December 1958.

AO, RG 80-5-0-74, no.7372. GA, M 1462. Medicine Hat Museum and Art Gallery Arch. (Medicine Hat, Alta.), M94.1 (Maple Creek vital statistics), files 1–92; M2002.1 (John Bennett coll.), files 2390–98; Library, Biog. community information, clippings and biog. files, Dixon, John. Saskatchewan Arch. Board (Regina), R-31 (Dixon Brothers coll.), letter-books and files. Southwestern Saskatchewan Old Timers{s-1-unknown} Museum (Maple Creek, Sask.), Dixon Brothers coll. Maple Creek News (Maple Creek), 1922. Medicine Hat News (Medicine Hat), 1922. Peterborough Examiner (Peterborough, Ont.), 28 June 1877. Alberta College, Calendar (Edmonton), 1907–8, 1910–12; Yearbook, 1904 (copies at City of Edmonton Arch., ms 254). Lawrence Binkley et al., Maple Leaf Lodge #9 A.F. & A.M.–G.R.S., 1893–1993 (Maple Creek, 1993), 2. N. F. Black, History of Saskatchewan and the North-West Territories (2v., Regina, 1913), 1. Canadian encyclopedia, 3: 1663. Eileen and Glen French, Dawson: Dawson family history, 1653–1997, from Yorkshire, England, to Ontario, Canada (n.p., 1998). Maple Creek & area: where past is present (2v., Maple Creek, 2000), 1. A. L. O{apos}Farrell, {d-0}Maple Creek{apos}s first bank,{d-1} Canadian Cattlemen (Calgary), 13 (1950), no.2: 35. Our pioneers, [comp. Gwen Pollock] ([Maple Creek, 1979?]). Univ. of Regina, [Calendar], 1912–21 (copies at Univ. of Regina Arch. and Special Coll.). Univ. of Sask., Calendar (Saskatoon), 1908–21 (copies at Univ. of Sask. Arch.). Ruth Dixon Yuill, From England to Canada ([Medicine Hat, 1980?]; copy in Medicine Hat Museum and Art Gallery Arch., M2002.1, file 2397).

James Domville was reputedly a descendant through his mother of an early archbishop of Armagh (Northern Ireland). His father, who would move to New Brunswick in 1875, attained the rank of major-general in the Royal Artillery in 1868, having served in India, British Honduras, and Barbados. The younger Domville was groomed for active service. He attended the Royal Military Academy in Woolwich (London), a school in Bonn (Germany), and the École Spéciale Militaire de Saint-Cyr in France, but in 1858 he joined Michael Cavan and Company in Barbados. A division of Cavan, Lubbock and Company of Great Britain, the firm engaged in a general goods trade that served as Domville{apos}s introduction to mercantile affairs. Henceforth his military career would be limited to the militia of New Brunswick, where he moved in 1866. Settling in the port of Saint John, he served in the militia during the Fenian raid that year and, in business, established a direct trade with the British West Indies that undoubtedly owed much to the contacts he had developed under Cavan.

As James Domville and Company, he dealt in teas and other goods from offices on the North Wharf in Saint John. Soon after his arrival he formed a partnership with merchant William Henry Scovil, whose daughter he married in 1867. Under the name Domville, Scovil and Company, the two men operated a variety of manufacturing businesses, including a merchant-bar and iron-rolling mill at Moosepath station, on the Intercolonial Railway northeast of Saint John, and a nail factory at nearby Coldbrook. Following his father-in-law{apos}s death on 8 July 1869, Domville assumed full ownership of the company. Its several operations subsequently came to be known as the Coldbrook Rolling Mills Company, which, under Domville{apos}s management, did quite well during the 1870s; federally incorporated in 1873, it paid a dividend of 12 per cent the following year. His interests eventually embraced resources and financial services. Through the General Oil Shales Company he urged the development of oil reserves in Albert County in southeast New Brunswick. In 1872 he helped establish the Maritime Bank of the Dominion of Canada in Saint John. He served as a director and a president, as did his father, but his reputation was tarnished by revelations in 1880 of his heavy indebtedness to the bank, which failed in 1887. Domville also served on the boards of two Montreal-based companies, Globe Mutual Life Assurance and Stadacona Fire and Life Insurance. His businesses were primarily located between the Bay of Fundy and the Ottawa valley, but as early as the late 1870s he was looking at opportunities in western Canada.

The expansion of his business enterprises led Domville into politics. Returned to the House of Commons in 1872 as the Conservative member for Kings – he established a home there (in Rothesay) in the early 1870s – he was defeated by George Eulas Foster* in 1882. An article in the Saint John Telegraph-Journal in 1929 would note that Domville had introduced a new style of electioneering that {d-0}did not appeal to the quiet thinkers{d-1} or {d-0}the rigid Baptists . . . [who] were seeing a new apostle in the suave, eloquent and persuasive Foster.{d-1} An Anglican, Domville may well have been less to the liking of local Baptists than Foster, who was one of their own. Moreover, as Foster put it, {d-0}his habits did not commend themselves to the Temperance wing of the electorate{d-1} in 1882. Domville, in fact, had been an open-fly participant in the famous drinking spree in the commons in April 1878, prior to the passage of the Canada Temperance Bill. But a deeper cause of displeasure lay in the National Policy of the Conservative government of Sir John A. Macdonald*. During a debate on its trade and industrial policies in 1879, Domville had nearly come to blows with fellow New Brunswicker Arthur Hill Gillmor*, the Liberal mp for Charlotte. Domville{apos}s network of business associates in central Canada led him to support the government{apos}s protectionist policies, yet voters in Kings came to realize that they were not fostering the development of local manufacturing. Domville{apos}s defeat in 1882, then, was as much a result of trade issues as personalities. Thus began a 14-year absence from the commons in which he rethought his position and his allegiance to the Conservative party.

Domville{apos}s time in Ottawa overshadowed his short career as a municipal politician between 1877 and 1880. During his term as an alderman on Saint John{apos}s Common Council, he chaired its finance committee, but he gave local matters short shrift. Saint John newspapers did not lament his failure to be re-elected in 1880. The Daily Telegraph, for instance, remarked on 7 April 1880 that Domville had appeared more promising as a candidate than he was in office: {d-0}The intermittent attention that gentleman was able to give the business did not do much good to the city and scarcely added anything to his reputation. His mind is not adapted to a small business of a city like ours and since he began to be troubled with the Western fever he wisely resolved to leave the field to others.{d-1}

Yet it was also during this period that Domville launched his most enduring public work. The great fire of 1877 in Saint John, which had destroyed many private libraries as well as his commercial premises, prompted him to adopt the idea of a public library. Common Council had discussed such a project prior to the fire, and the disaster gave it impetus. Through Domville{apos}s efforts, circulars were distributed requesting donations. The initiative brought in almost 3,000 books, which were committed to a city-administered trust in 1880. To a degree the books reflected Domville{apos}s professional and personal interests. William Elder*, an mha for Saint John County and City, estimated that not more than half were worth including, {d-0}the others consisting mostly of statistical works, containing materials for the speeches of politicians.{d-1} At a meeting on 14 Sept. 1880 Domville described the collection as {d-0}nearly all works of reference{d-1} and noted that there were {d-0}a number of valuable books . . . which could not be procured in America.{d-1} Some were culled, but even so, when the library opened on 18 May 1883, it could offer 2,285 volumes.

A member of masonic bodies in Saint John and a president of the Kings County Board of Trade, Domville also maintained a local profile through the militia. He joined New Brunswick{apos}s 8th Regiment of Cavalry in 1878, and was promoted lieutenant-colonel and its provisional commanding officer on 23 April 1880; he was confirmed as commander on 2 July 1881. The unit was designated the 8th (Princess Louise{apos}s New Brunswick) Regiment of Cavalry in 1884. Domville offered it for imperial service in the Sudan that year, and again in 1896. Though the offer was refused both times, the profusive thanks of Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain in 1896 gave the regiment and Domville much publicity.

Sustained perhaps by his continuing local prominence, Domville remained determined to return to federal politics. For the elections of 1885 (a by-election), 1887, and 1891, he placed himself among the strange assortment of candidates billed as independents. In New Brunswick this group of adamant individualists were disappointed with the results of the National Policy and felt betrayed by the Macdonald government{apos}s preference for Halifax as the leading transatlantic port over Saint John. At each election, however, Domville was defeated by Foster. His dissatisfaction finally led him into the Liberal camp, and in 1896, with Foster running in York, he re-entered the commons for Kings. Though denied his request to be made minister of militia and defence, he enjoyed a good relationship with Liberal leader Wilfrid Laurier*. He travelled to England with the prime minister for the diamond jubilee of Queen Victoria in 1897, and his professional experience made him an ideal choice as chair of the commons{s-1-unknown} standing committee on banking and commerce. Some historians see Domville, certainly after his return to parliament, as a shameless self-promoter. Desmond Morton, for one, views him as {d-0}one of the most troublesome of the political colonels in the Jubilee contingent.{d-1}

In Ottawa, Domville found time to pursue commercial projects in Ontario, as well as the west. He was a vice-president of the Ottawa River Railway Company, incorporated in 1903, and a president of its successor, the Central Railway Company of Canada. (Neither line was built.) In 1897, with the support of a consortium in England, he had commissioned a firm in North Vancouver to build two steamers and he planned a rail line, later named the Edmonton, Yukon and Pacific, to service the newly discovered Klondike goldfields. These projects were ill-starred. The railway was surveyed but never laid, and the Lightning and the James Domville would meet untimely ends. The latter vessel, however, became the first steamer flying the British flag to reach the Klondike via the Yukon River, in October 1898. Although the North-West Mounted Police force there had been strengthened in February [see Sir Samuel Benfield Steele*], this additional demonstration of sovereignty helped quell American ambitions to claim the territory. The previous month Domville had arrived in Dawson overland from Skagway, Alaska, where he had been visiting the survey party tracing a route for the railway. He was no sooner in Dawson than his feisty character, which had led neighbours in New Brunswick to describe him as {d-0}cranky,{d-1} manifested itself. Asked by a reporter for his thoughts on the royalty that former commissioner James Morrow Walsh* had imposed on all gold mined in the Yukon, Domville remarked, {d-0}I don{apos}t care a ——— for him. I am James Domville, member of Parliament for Kings County, New Brunswick. Why should I care for such fellows as Walsh?{d-1} Boasting that the James Domville had 20 guns on board, he declared he would unload and set up a power plant, regardless of the royalty. Though he departed before the steamer arrived, he left no doubt about his disdain for territorial authorities.

Domville gained even greater notoriety during the tensions and politics that complicated the reforms being undertaken by Laurier{apos}s minister of militia and defence, Frederick William Borden*. Scheduled to retire from his command of the 8th in July 1898, Domville refused, in part because of his dislike of both Borden and his regimental second, Saint John newspaperman Alfred Markham, who had opposed his election two years before. District commander George Joseph Maunsell* held Domville to be a competent officer who deserved to have his command extended. Nonetheless, intense pressure was put on Domville by G. E. Foster, who charged him in the commons with a misappropriation of militia funds, and by the new general officer commanding, Major-General Edward Thomas Henry Hutton, who was appalled by Domville{apos}s intransigence and by reports of his drinking and his {d-0}irregular{d-1} conduct in the Yukon. Only in August 1899, after being cleared of the charges, did Domville resign. Even then, he tried to keep his military ambitions alive by offering, later in the year, to raise a regiment for the South African War.

In February 1921 Domville{apos}s residence outside Saint John in Rothesay burned to the ground. What was not destroyed fell victim to students from nearby Rothesay Collegiate, who, realizing they could not extinguish the blaze, started rescuing what they could. Unfortunately, possessions from the first floor, stacked on the grass, were stolen or crushed by items tossed from the upper storeys. A mattress landed on the Domvilles{s-1-unknown} crystal and china, and a book knocked their son unconscious. Domville and his wife spent the remainder of their lives at the Kennedy Hotel in Rothesay. James Domville died on 30 July 1921 and, following religious services in Rothesay, his body was taken to Fernhill Cemetery in Saint John, where John G. Leonard, the worthy master of Albion masonic lodge, presided over the interment.

PANB, MC 1156. Daily Gleaner (Fredericton), 13 Aug. 1898. Daily Sun (Saint John), 20 Nov. 1883. Daily Telegraph (Saint John), 7 April, 15 Sept., 24 Nov. 1880. Kings County Record (Sussex, N.B.), 15 July 1997. Morning News (Saint John), 9 July 1869. Saint John Globe, 1 Aug. 1921. Telegraph-Journal (Saint John), 25 Nov. 1929. Atlas of Saint John, city and county, New Brunswick, comp. F. B. Roe and N. G. Colby (Saint John, 1875; repr. in Historical atlas of York County, N.B., and St. John, N.B., Belleville, Ont., 1973). Can., Dept. of Militia and Defence, Militia list (Ottawa), 1905; Parl., Sessional papers, 1885, no.7: 41; Statutes, 1873, c.121. Canadian annual rev., 1909. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). Canadian who{apos}s who, 1910. CPG, 1873, 1897, 1918. Directory, N.B., 1871. Free Public Library, Saint John Free Public Library: 50th anniversary of the Carnegie Building, 24 June 1904 to 24 June 1954 (Saint John, 1954). Robert Hook et al., Rothesay: an illustrated history, 1784–1920 ([Rothesay, N.B.], 1984). Douglas How, The 8th Hussars: a history of the regiment (Sussex, 1964). Lord Minto{apos}s Canadian papers: a selection of the public and private papers of the fourth Earl of Minto, 1898–1904, ed. and intro. Paul Stevens and J. T. Saywell (2v., Toronto, 1981–83). Carman Miller, The Canadian career of the fourth Earl of Minto: the education of a viceroy (Waterloo, Ont., 1980). Desmond Morton, Ministers and generals: politics and the Canadian militia, 1868–1904 (Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1970). R. T. Naylor, The history of Canadian business, 1867–1914 (2v., Toronto, 1975). Norman Penlington, Canada and imperialism, 1896–1899 (Toronto, [1965]). St. John and its business: a history of St. John . . . (Saint John, 1875). Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell). Vital statistics from N.B. newspapers (Johnson). P. B. Waite, Canada, 1874–1896: arduous destiny (Toronto and Montreal, 1971). W. S. Wallace, The memoirs of the Rt. Hon. Sir George Foster, p.c., g.c.m.g. (Toronto, 1933). Who{apos}s who and why, 1919–20. J. R. H. Wilbur, {d-0}The stormy history of the Maritime Bank, (1872) to 1886,{d-1} N.B. Hist. Soc., Coll. (Saint John), no.19 (1966): 69–76.

DOW, JEAN ISABELLE (baptized Jane Isabella), medical missionary; b. 25 June 1870 near Fergus, Ont., fifth of the eight children of Peter Dow and Agnes Wilson; d. unmarried 16 Jan. 1927 in Peking (Beijing, People{apos}s Republic of China), and was buried in Changte (Anyang).

Jean Dow is representative of the first generation of Canadian women doctors who chose a missionary career. A granddaughter of Scottish immigrants, she grew up in a progressive {d-0}farm home of the best type{d-1} with a large library. The Dows were members of the very mission-minded Melville Presbyterian Church in Fergus and it was in this atmosphere that Jeannie, as she was known, felt called to foreign-mission work. A winsome, beautiful girl, she was inordinately shy and quite brilliant. She graduated from primary school at age 10 and high school at 13, and was a teacher by 15. After attending model school in Mount Forest, in 1891 she applied to the Presbyterian Woman{apos}s Foreign Missionary Society, intending to enter Woman{apos}s Medical College in Toronto. She received her mb from Trinity College in 1895 and on 30 September of that year was appointed to succeed the late Dr Lucinda Graham in North Honan (Henan), China.

The Presbyterian mission there had been founded in 1888 by Jonathan and Rosalind Goforth and others, but they had been unable to gain a foothold in the province because of anti-foreign attitudes. Eventually, in 1894, they managed to lease a house in Chuwang, a {d-0}wretched{d-1} town inside the border. By the time Dow arrived, they had been forced out, but the station was soon re-established.

Studying Chinese gave Dow new freedom – {d-0}loosening my English tongue{d-1} she called the experience. She learned the colloquialisms of illiterate women and the Chinese equivalents of medical terminology. {d-0}Medicine was her profession,{d-1} in the words of one biographer, {d-0}Evangelism was her passion.{d-1} She was always surrounded by women, {d-0}gossiping the gospel{d-1} as she asked about their families. {d-0}Day by day they come in ceaseless procession to the dispensary,{d-1} she wrote. In 1897 she opened the first women{apos}s hospital in Honan – a mud-brick ward and chapel-dispensary, which treated 400 patients in its first month. The Boxer rebellion of 1900 forced a harrowing evacuation to the coast, with the missionaries being mobbed and beaten. Dow then went on furlough, during which she studied tropical medicine in New York City, {d-0}to get rid of the rust{d-1} according to mission historian Margaret H. Brown.

Jean Dow returned in April 1902 and {d-0}dwelt among the ruins{d-1} in Chuwang while making extensive evangelistic tours. When the Chuwang station was closed she moved to Changte, a major city, where she opened a women{apos}s hospital. As the only practising female physician in North Honan for 20 years – other, married women doctors did not practise – she was at the centre of a controversy over separate facilities for women. Governed by an all-male presbytery, the North Honan mission considered separate wards {d-0}useless and unnecessary.{d-1} Dow got around the opposition unobtrusively; in 1904 and again in 1913, when a new men{apos}s hospital was constructed, she adapted the old buildings as women{apos}s wards.

Dow{apos}s practice had grown from simple surgery for such problems as cataracts and wolf bites to complicated obstetric treatments and X-rays. Her foremost achievement, with Dr William McClure, was her work on the microbe causing kala-azar, the sandfly-transmitted disease that decimated the children of north China. During the famine of 1920–21 she was credited with saving 400 expectant mothers and children. For her heroic services the Chinese government gave her a medal. She was held in the {d-0}highest esteem{d-1} too by her mission, as much for her physical and spiritual beauty and strong {d-0}womanhood{d-1} as for her medical skill.

Despite her fluency in Chinese, her natural reticence hindered her relations with colleagues. Here she was helped over a 30-year period by her {d-0}beautiful friendship, based on mutual love,{d-1} with another Scots missionary from Wellington County, a nurse named Margaret I. McIntosh. Because Dow was {d-0}never articulate in public{d-1} (so Margaret Brown recalled), in discussions of her work she would whisper responses to Margaret, who would repeat them aloud. When women were admitted to the mission{apos}s executive committee, Dow was one of the two female members, a role she filled with common sense for several years. In the 1920s her drive for facilities for women was challenged by a new generation of professionals, men and women, who argued for integration on the ground that separate realms led to substandard facilities. The mission, however, deferred to Dow and Dr Isabelle MacTavish, allowing them to build the only women{apos}s hospital in North Honan.

If Dow had stayed in Canada, she might never have {d-0}loosened{d-1} her tongue or built a hospital. As one colleague said at her memorial service, being a pioneer worker {d-0}she was at liberty to set up her own ideals of personal worth and work, and did set these very high. . . . She touched multitudes of lives for good.{d-1} According to recollections compiled in the 1980s, the women of Honan who remembered her agreed.

AO, RG 80-2-0-12, no.19270. LAC, RG 31, C1, Nichol Township, Ont., 1871, div.1: 58; 1881: 13 (mfm. at AO). UCC-C, Biog. file; Fonds 127, 79.205C, boxes 5–9; Photographs. UTA, A1973-0026/87, files for J. I. Dow (53), her brother the Reverend James A. Dow (52), her cousin Dr James Dow (51), and other relatives. Daily Mail and Empire, 18 Jan. 1927. Evening Telegram (Toronto), 18 Jan. 1927. Globe, 18, 22 Jan., 8 Feb. 1927. New Outlook (Toronto), 9 March, 27 April 1927. A. J. Austin, Saving China: Canadian missionaries in the Middle Kingdom, 1888–1959 (Toronto, 1986). D. McD. Beattie, Pillars and patches along the highway: a history of Nichol Township ([Elora, Ont., 1984]). M. H. Brown, {d-0}History of the Honan (North China) missions of the United Church of Canada, originally a mission of the Presbyterian Church in Canada, 1887–1951{d-1} (4v., typescript, n.p., [1970]; copy in UCC-C). Ruth Compton Brouwer, New women for God: Canadian Presbyterian women and India missions, 1876–1914 (Toronto, 1990). [M. R. Griffith], Jean Dow, m.d.: a beloved physician (Toronto, [193-?]). Carlotta Hacker, The indomitable lady doctors (Toronto, 1974). Presbyterian Record (Montreal), 1895–1926. Hugh Templin and J. M. Imlah, Melville Church, Fergus: a history of the congregation from 1845 to 1945 (Fergus, Ont., 1945).

Thomas J. Dowling immigrated from Ireland to Hamilton with his family in 1851. He attended a {d-0}select school{d-1} there and then went to St Michael{apos}s College in Toronto, where he studied under famed Basilian orator Michael Joseph Ferguson and excelled in public speaking and literature. After further study at the Grand Séminaire de Montréal, he was ordained at St Mary{apos}s Cathedral in Hamilton on 7 Aug. 1864 by Bishop John Farrell*. Dowling{apos}s initial posting within the Hamilton diocese, in October, was to a large mission area based in Paris, where he quickly displayed talents as a builder priest and orator of note. To retire the debt on the uncompleted church in Paris, he went on a successful lecture and fund-raising tour that included Chicago and Pennsylvania.

In 1881 he became the diocese{apos}s vicar general. As such, he acted as interregnal administrator between the death in 1882 of Farrell{apos}s successor, Peter Francis Crinnon, and the appointment in 1883 of James Joseph Carbery. On 29 Jan. 1884 Dowling was honoured as diocesan administrator at a banquet given in Paris by his fellow clergymen, whose gift, a purse of $500, he put into the building fund of his church.

In December 1886 Dowling was elected to succeed Jean-François Jamot* as bishop of Peterborough. Consecrated in Hamilton on 1 May 1887, he proceeded to develop the policies that would define his episcopal career: a commitment to the physical development of the church, a willingness to travel, and a recognition of the needs of non-English-speaking Catholics. Despite the vastness of his diocese, which stretched to the Manitoba border, Dowling in a very short episcopate managed to visit Sudbury, Sault Ste Marie, and the Lakehead. He provided full-time priests for his diocese{apos}s many French-speaking communities and ensured that, at Christmas and Easter, priests fluent in Dutch, German, and Italian were made available to parishes where these were the first languages of significant numbers.

Following the death of Carbery in December 1887, rumours circulated that Dowling{apos}s Hamilton upbringing made him the logical successor. As was customary, he denied any interest. However, when the Vatican announced that he would indeed be Hamilton{apos}s fourth bishop, he admitted, {d-0}It is a consolation for me to know that I am not a stranger to the diocese, that I am returning, as it were, to the home of my childhood, amongst kind and esteemed friends of the clergy and laity.{d-1} He was transferred to Hamilton on 11 Jan. 1889 and installed on 2 May.

During his episcopate in Hamilton, Dowling continued his attention to the physical expansion of the church. Within two years he had arranged for the building of six churches, three convents, and nine schools and for the enlargement of an orphanage. In addition, he exhibited characteristics which differentiated him from his fellow bishops, several of whom remained aloof from both their clergy and their flock. At the time of his appointment one correspondent spoke of {d-0}his truly brotherly regard for his fellow priests . . . and thoroughly conscientious fulfillment of his pastoral duties.{d-1} It was especially his relationship with the laity that set Dowling apart. Highly sociable - photographs reveal an open, round face, a high forehead, and tousled hair - he was a poet and a singer. His verse, original if not always distinguished, was readily offered, often in congratulatory form at farewells, priestly anniversaries, baptisms, and weddings. At funerals for priests and nuns there would be lamentations, eulogies, or both. As a singer, Dowling regularly performed at concerts in schools and St Joseph{apos}s Orphanage in Hamilton, and without fail at St Patrick{apos}s Day festivities. Newspaper accounts indicate that he expected to be called upon on such occasions; when he was not, he openly expressed disappointment.

Dowling{apos}s reaction to the massive influx of immigrants that had begun in the 1890s paralleled episcopal response in some other large urban centres. Much like Fergus Patrick McEvay* in Toronto, he argued it was the responsibility of the church to provide services in the language of the foreigners. He consequently arranged such services for Germans, Italians, and Poles. The Germans in Waterloo County and the Walkerton-Hanover area were the easiest to satisfy. His initial action was to issue a blanket celebret to Father Louis G. F. H. Funcken, superior of the Congregation of the Resurrection in Berlin (Kitchener), who was sent to Europe to recruit German-speaking priests. The long-term solution was closer to home: St Jerome{apos}s College, run by the Congregation, became a source of native-born, German-speaking clergy. Hamilton{apos}s growing Italian community was similarly well served: in 1908 St Anthony of Padua parish was established in the city{apos}s east end. Five years later Dowling called on the Italians of Guelph, going so far as to visit the homes of prominent members of the community and converse through a translator. By 1922 the Italian population there was sufficiently large that a separate parish had been created.

The Poles were more problematic, though the Resurrectionists, who had been founded to minister to Polish émigrés in France, had laid some groundwork. The problems included rivalries within the Congregation, fears that a schism among Polish American Catholics might be repeated in Canada, traditional linkages between Polish nationalism and Catholicism, and the opposition of some priests to ethnically based Polish parishes. Despite such pressures, Dowling acceded to requests from Polish communities. In 1911 a lot was allocated at Barton and St Ann streets in Hamilton for St Stanislaus Church. A year later Sacred Heart parish in Berlin was opened. Less successful were Dowling{apos}s efforts to service the non-Latin-rite faithful in Berlin and Owen Sound. There was difficulty finding priests for them and those who arrived left, complaining of the antagonism of the local Latin-rite pastors.

Given his background, Dowling had always been drawn to Irish politics and Irish perspectives in Canada. He fully embraced the idea of a distinctive Canadian identity expressed by Thomas D{apos}Arcy McGee*. As a parish priest in Paris in 1866, Dowling made his opinions of the Fenians abundantly clear by acting as a chaplain for the local militia. A firm believer in the work of Daniel O{apos}Connell, the Irish leader who had favoured constitutional solutions, he spoke frequently on Irish affairs and contributed to the Irish Canadian (Toronto). Though he recognized that the Irish in Canada were better off than those at home, he joined Archbishop John Joseph Lynch* of Toronto and other prelates in discouraging {d-0}improvident emigration{d-1} to urban areas. Hamilton{apos}s Irish ghetto, which existed literally in the shadow of St Mary{apos}s Cathedral, was a constant reminder of what could go wrong.

In an attempt to separate partisan and religious affairs, Dowling made the necessary disclaimer in 1889 that he was {d-0}above and beyond the sphere of politics.{d-1} Still, though he may have been less obvious than some of his more flamboyant episcopal colleagues, he quietly wielded considerable power. In 1888 he had approached Lynch with a request that Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald* be asked to ensure that the {d-0}right{d-1} candidate received a judicial appointment. He advised Lynch to inform Macdonald that here was an {d-0}opportunity . . . of conciliating a young bishop whose people form his balance of power in several doubtful constituencies.{d-1} Dowling himself intervened for the Tories in Northumberland County in 1887 and in Haldimand County in 1895. In addition, his advice was sought over the Jesuits{s-1-unknown} Estates Act and the Manitoba school question. When these controversial issues caused influential Conservative spokesman D{apos}Alton McCarthy* to go his own way and divide the party, Macdonald asked Dowling to explain to Catholics that the renegade{apos}s views were not sanctioned by the Tory hierarchy. In February 1891 the prime minister encouraged Dowling to urge his parish priests to sermonize on the evils of unrestricted reciprocity, which could lead to annexation by the United States and reduced rights for Canadian Catholics.

After Macdonald{apos}s death in June, Dowling sustained his affiliation with the Conservatives. He was especially pleased at their choice as leader in 1892 of John Sparrow David Thompson*, a Catholic and an ally of Bishop John Cameron* of Antigonish, N.S. Dowling even found it possible to forge an alliance with Mackenzie Bowell*, Thompson{apos}s successor and a former grand master of the Orange order, but there is no evidence that the affiliation continued through the short-lived prime ministership of Sir Charles Tupper*. At the same time it does not appear that Dowling{apos}s support shifted to the Liberal government of fellow-Catholic Wilfrid Laurier*. Their relationship was somewhat limited and formal. It was not until Laurier{apos}s defeat 15 years later by Conservative Robert Laird Borden* that Dowling renewed his requests for federal placements for Catholics.

Provincially Dowling{apos}s political involvement was less predictable. In the 1880s he had readily joined Lynch and Bishop James Vincent Cleary* of Kingston in supporting the Liberals of Oliver Mowat* and opposing the {d-0}no popery{d-1} policies of the Conservatives under William Ralph Meredith. Relations between the episcopal hierarchy and Mowat{apos}s successors declined, however, after his departure for federal politics in 1896. Arthur Sturgis Hardy* was thought by Dowling to have snubbed him by not paying a call during a visit to Hamilton. Under George William Ross* the relationship deteriorated further: in 1900 Dowling complained that patronage positions in the Hamilton area originally designed as {d-0}Catholic{d-1} were being given to Protestants. By 1905, largely in response to scandals surrounding the Ross government, he had joined with other members of the hierarchy in support of James Pliny Whitney*{apos}s Conservatives.

Like his episcopal counterparts, Dowling was a strong champion of separate schools, though somewhat more modernistic in his approach. A supporter in 1888 of Lynch{apos}s opposition to the introduction of the secret ballot in school board elections, by 1894, despite continuing episcopal resistance, he recognized the inevitability of such change. Similarly, while others resisted expansion of separate secondary schools beyond fifth form, in 1916 Dowling thought it necessary that Catholic students should have the same opportunities as their peers in the public system and that the extra education was necessary to train Catholic teachers. He was also supportive of the general education offered by the Toronto-based Catholic Church Extension Society [see Alfred Edward Burke]. When other bishops questioned the society{apos}s effectiveness, Dowling helped ensure its survival by encouraging Toronto archbishop Neil McNeil* and possibly donating money.

The bishop of Hamilton had displayed some tolerance in the controversy over French schools in Manitoba; he believed that a compromise solution would enhance the position of separate schools in Ontario. He would go no further, however, refusing in 1896 to join his Quebec colleagues in protest over Laurier{apos}s compromise with Manitoba premier Thomas Greenway*. On the other hand, in the dispute surrounding Ontario{apos}s Regulation 17 of 1912, which restricted the use of French in schools and divided the hierarchy, Dowling attempted to preserve the links with the French-speaking bishops and thus reduce the division, but he was overridden by Michael Francis Fallon*, the bishop of London, and others.

After 1914 Dowling{apos}s pace slowed considerably. By 1920 his ill health was acknowledged: the diocese was being run by an administrator and episcopal functions such as confirmation were being performed by missionary bishops. When Dowling died, on the eve of the 60th anniversary of his ordination, he was North America{apos}s oldest active bishop. Although his work had been less public than that of some colleagues, it is clear that he was both a builder priest and, until his health failed, an excellent administrator. His greatest legacy was his recognition that, with the influx of non-anglophone immigrants after the turn of the century, the church in English-speaking Canada, so long Hibernian in nature, had to change to survive.

Arch. of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Toronto, L (Lynch papers); MN (McNeil papers). Arch. of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Hamilton, Ont., T. J. Dowling papers; Dowling scrapbook. Arch. of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Peterborough, Ont., T. J. Dowling papers. LAC, MG 26, A, Macdonald to Dowling, 16 Dec. 1887; Dowling to Macdonald, 28 March 1889. Catholic Record (London, Ont.), 1884-1924, esp. 16 Aug. 1924. Catholic Weekly Review (Toronto), 5 May 1887. Hamilton Spectator, 7 Aug. 1924. Paris Star (Paris, [Ont.]), 19 July 1866. Edgar Boland, From the pioneers to the seventies: a history of the diocese of Peterborough, 1882-1975 (Peterborough, 1976). Alex Bros, {d-0}Polish immigrant relations with the Roman Catholic Church in urban Ontario, 1896-1923{d-1} (ma thesis, Wilfrid Laurier Univ., Waterloo, Ont., 1986). Canadian album (Cochrane and Hopkins), 1: 310. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898). Cyclopædia of Canadian biog. (Rose and Charlesworth), vol.1. DHB, vol.2. Ken Foyster, Anniversary reflections: 1856-1981; a history of Hamilton diocese (Hamilton, [1982]). Marjorie Freeman Campbell, A mountain and a city: the story of Hamilton (Toronto and Montreal, 1966). Theobald Spetz, The Catholic Church in Waterloo County . . . ([Toronto], 1916). G. J. Stortz, {d-0}Thomas Joseph Dowling, the first {s-0}Canadian{s-1-unknown} bishop of Hamilton, 1889-1924,{d-1} CCHA, Hist. studies, 54 (1987): 93-107.

Doyon joined the ranks of the 22nd Infantry Battalion [see Henri Chassé] as a chaplain on 17 Feb. 1915, with the rank of honorary captain. It would be the only French Canadian infantry unit to see action during World War I. Doyon signed up at the age of 40 and succeeded Major Philippe-Henri-Duperron Casgrain. During the battalion{apos}s stay in Nova Scotia in the spring of 1915, he helped it win the affection and esteem of the people of Amherst by creating a conference of the St Vincent de Paul Society among the members of the regiment. Colonel Frédéric-Mondelet Gaudet*, the battalion{apos}s first commander, congratulated him {d-0}for this valuable work of simple and kindly charity.{d-1} Doyon left Canada on 20 May 1915 to go overseas with his unit. In England he was attached to the headquarters of the 5th Brigade of the 2nd Canadian Division on 8 Sept. 1915, and he went to France a week later. He took on an immense task at the front because for many months he was the only Roman Catholic priest serving with the 5th Brigade, and it had a much higher than average number of Roman Catholics in its ranks since it included the French Canadian 22nd Battalion. He distinguished himself by his zeal, his dedication, and his conscientious devotion to duty. On 13 Feb. 1917 he was transferred to the headquarters of the Canadian Training Division in Shorncliffe, England. Except for a four-month stay in Canada in 1917, he worked until the end of the war with French Canadians in England in the 10th Reserve Battalion, the 150th Infantry Battalion, and the quarantine camp at Frensham Pond. He returned to Canada permanently on 18 Dec. 1918, having served overseas for more than three years. On 29 March 1920 he was appointed honorary chaplain of the Saint-Hyacinthe regiment.

Doyon was a tireless worker; when he was recalled to England in February 1917, he dreamed of returning to the front. On 1 March 1918 he asked to be appointed chaplain to the French Canadian soldiers serving in {d-0}Anglo-Protestant units{d-1} at the front. He felt a close attachment to French Canada and in a letter referred to the {d-0}sorrows of the days we French Canadians [overseas] are living through.{d-1} The French Canadian soldiers were the only ones who spoke French in the British armed forces, into which the Canadian Expeditionary Force had been integrated. They also formed a Roman Catholic entity within a primarily Protestant body. Contrary to the custom of the time, Doyon wrote much of his correspondence as a military chaplain in French. He was proud to be the chaplain of the 22nd Battalion. A few months after the battle of Courcelette, France, which was fought in September 1916, he noted that, {d-0}French Canada has played a grand and glorious role in the war.{d-1}

Constant Doyon died on 18 Oct. 1927 at the age of 52. He was granted a military funeral, which was conducted in Saint-Hyacinthe. He remained self-sacrificing until the end, despite his precarious state of health following a severe attack of paralysis that affected him for the last three years of his life. In the eyes of his provincial superior, Pie-Marie Béliveau, he was a {d-0}fiery soul.{d-1} {d-0}For twenty years,{d-1} Béliveau observed after his death, {d-0}he devoted himself to his high calling [as a missionary] with such ardour that [even] the most courageous could not always follow him.{d-1}

Constant Doyon is the author of Au régime de l{apos}eau (Québec, 1919) and La lutte antialcoolique: simples articles (Québec, 1911; 2e éd., 1913).

ANQ-MBF, CE403-S11, 27 janv. 1875. LAC, RG 9, III, C15, 4621; RG 150, Acc. 1992–93/166. Royal 22nd Regiment Museum (Quebec), D-6/172 (J.-P. Gagnon fonds). Le Devoir, 18 oct. 1927. J.-B.-A. Allaire, Dictionnaire biographique du clergé canadien-français (6v., Montréal et Saint-Hyacinthe, Qué., 1908–34), 6: 259–60. P.-M. Béliveau, {d-0}Décès du R.P. Doyon,{d-1} La Rev. dominicaine (Saint-Hyacinthe), 33 (1927): 687–90. D. W. Crerar, Padres in no man{apos}s land: Canadian chaplains and the Great War (Montreal, 1995).

Born into a family of craftsmen, François-Xavier Drolet was educated by the Brothers of the Christian Schools for a short time and then worked in various industries, where he learned to be a mechanic. He was employed in the carpenter{apos}s workshop of Joseph Archer Sr from 1862 to 1864, George Benson Hall*{apos}s sawmill at Montmorency Falls from 1864 to 1871, the construction business of Simon Peters at Quebec, the foundry and machine shop of Carrier, Laîné et Compagnie in Lévis from 1872 to 1874 [see Charles William Carrier*], and the smaller firm of Tweddell and Campbell (mechanics and founders) in Saint-Roch ward in Quebec City.

At the beginning of the 1890s, the firm of F. X. Drolet became one of the largest machine shops in the city, capable of designing, constructing, and repairing steam engines and motors, pumps of all kinds, as well as various machines used in industrial manufacturing and public works. The many tanneries and shoe factories in Saint-Roch were important clients [see Cléophas Rochette*]. Innovation was a key factor in the company{apos}s success. In 1899, for example, it obtained a patent in the United States for a {d-0}valve gear for engine.{d-1}

Drolet married Georgianna Leteau in April 1908, not long after the death of his first wife on 10 Oct. 1907. The couple opted for a marriage settlement based on the separation of property. During these years Drolet began getting his sons established. The eldest, Joseph-François-Xavier, became a farmer at Pointe-aux-Trembles (Neuville), while the next three, Gaudiose, Émile, and Arthur, went into the family business once they were past adolescence. The youngest, Camille, entered the Jesuit order. By then about 60 years old, Drolet was thinking of passing on the family industrial heritage. He began the process in May 1913 by organizing a joint-stock enterprise, Compagnie F. X. Drolet, with a capital of $199,000; he retained 97 per cent of the stock and sons Gaudiose and Émile, along with a few loyal employees, held the rest. In 1920 he sold the factory to the company for $142,000, payable in annual instalments of $5,000. Gaudiose, the eldest of the sons involved in the business, now became president and general manager, with Émile and Arthur as vice-president and treasurer respectively. When François-Xavier Drolet died in 1924, the company{apos}s shares were divided equally among his seven children, each of whom received $60,000. (Since Émilie had died before him, but after he had made his will in 1921, her share went to her three children.)

Drolet{apos}s business reached its peak during World War I, when it had about 100 employees. In 1918 its sales exceeded $250,000, thanks mainly to its production of shells and bombs. It suffered, however, when industrial activity at Quebec levelled off. At the beginning of the 1920s, new contracts for elevators, fire hydrants, and automobile parts helped keep the business alive, but its profitability, which had enabled it to pay good dividends until 1918, subsequently began to fall off. In spite of significant growth in sales at the end of the 1920s, it had suffered continual losses since 1921. François-Xavier Drolet{apos}s career illustrates the rise of a craftsman of inventive mind who built a sizeable family business, but did not extend his economic and social connections outside his enterprise and his family.

ANQ-Q, CE301-S1, 10 mai 1849, 24 janv. 1871; CN301-S305, 1875–81; CN301-S336, 1878–79; Index BMS, dist. judiciaire de Québec, Saint-Roch, 27 avril 1908; P678; TP11, S1, SS20, SSS1, 5 mai 1876, no.1812; 9 sept. 1878, no.2231; 6 avril 1880, no.2484; 18 janv. 1881, no.2607; 9 juill. 1913, no.204. Bureau de la Publicité des Droits (Québec), vol.B-120, no.54798; vol.B-124, no.57496; vol.B-158, no.79938; vol.B-169, no.87282; vol.B-174, nos.90750, 90892; vol.B-196, no.114788; vol.B-197, nos.102417, 102495; vol.B-200, no.106668; vol.B-203, no.106667; vol.B-205, no.108863; vol.B-217, no.117413; vol.B-224, nos.122954, 122956; vol.B-226, no.123988; vol.B-227, no.123989; vol.B-229, no.125161; vol.B-246, nos.133518, 133544; vol.B-250, no.135936; vol.B-347, no.193715; vol.B-353, no.193719; vol.B-360, nos.193714, 193716. L{apos}Action catholique (Québec), 22 févr. 1924. Daily Telegraph (Quebec), {d-0}20th century number,{d-1} January 1900. L{apos}Événement, 22 févr. 1924. Le Soleil, 23 nov. 1907, 22 févr. 1924. Bradstreet Commercial Report (New York), 1878–1925. Directory, Quebec, 1871–1925. Une page d{apos}histoire de Québec; magnifique essor industriel ([Montréal, 1955]), 273–76. Who{apos}s who and why, 1914.

A son of Scottish immigrants, John Drummond began farming after his public school education. Upon his father{apos}s death in 1883, he took over the family farm in McGillivray, north of Ailsa Craig; he would attain moderate success in mixed farming and raising Durham cattle. A freemason and member of the Ailsa Craig Presbyterian Church, in public affairs he served McGillivray as a councillor (1891–94), deputy reeve (1895), reeve (1896–98, 1902), and township clerk (1906–21). In addition, he was auditor of the Ailsa Craig Farmers{s-1-unknown} Co-operative Association, held stock in the United Farmers{s-1-unknown} Co-operative Company, and sat on the local executive of the United Farmers of Ontario, who had come to power in 1919 under Ernest Charles Drury*.

Despite his experience in local politics, Drummond was not anxious to seek higher office. At a United Farmers meeting at Strathroy in 1921, however, out of a sense of duty and in response to {d-0}strenuous urging,{d-1} he accepted nomination as the Progressive party{apos}s candidate for Middlesex West in the upcoming federal election. At the time, farmers in Ontario and the west were publicly rethinking political, economic, and social issues. Challenging what they saw as autocratic domination by the {d-0}big interests,{d-1} they fielded candidates federally as well as provincially. Established in 1920 as the federal wing of the agrarian movement and led by Thomas Alexander Crerar*, the Progressives entered the 1921 contest calling for tariff reform, public ownership of natural resources, utilities, and financial institutions, and the adoption of such popular democratic panaceas as the initiative, referendum, and recall.

At age 61, Drummond ran an effective campaign, pointing to his municipal experience and attacking the pro-tariff government of Arthur Meighen*. He charged that the tariff {d-0}had allowed the big interests to get the farmers by the throat.{d-1} As well, he called for the greater involvement of women in politics and the eradication of blind party loyalty. He won easily, one of 64 Progressives elected, but overall the Liberals were victorious and formed a government under William Lyon Mackenzie King*.

Though quietly attentive to constituency business and of dry humour, Drummond – reputedly the tallest member of the House of Commons at the time – was not known for making speeches. Concerned, however, about the effect of Liberal tariff and tax policies on farmers and consumers, he did deliver insightful critiques of William Stevens Fielding{apos}s budgets of 1922 and 1923. In his charge of 21 May 1923 the somewhat idealistic mp deplored the broken electoral promises of King and Meighen. He was irked too by Meighen{apos}s casting of the Progressives, and agrarian politicians in general, as a {d-0}menacing enemy.{d-1} It was those in agriculture, he proudly responded, who filled the {d-0}precious railways and precious merchant marine which are standing monuments of the want of foresight of both the old political parties.{d-1} In a rare display of eloquence, he concluded {d-0}strong in the hope that there is somewhere in the distance . . . a hill top radiant with the sunshine of something for the agricultural people, a hill top radiant with the glory of equal opportunity to all and special privileges to none.{d-1}

AO, RG 22-321, no.17048; RG 80-8-0-988, no.9386. Farmers{s-1-unknown} Sun (Toronto), 28 May 1925. London Advertiser (London, Ont.), 18, 23–24 Nov. 1921; 25–26 May 1925. London Free Press, 7 Dec. 1921, 25 May 1925. Ottawa Evening Journal, 25 May 1925. Parkhill Gazette (Parkhill, Ont.), 28 May 1925. Kerry Badgley, {d-0}Ringing out the narrowing lust of gold, ringing in a common love of good: the United Farmers of Ontario in Lambton, Simcoe and Lanark counties, 1914–1926{d-1} (PHD thesis, Carleton Univ., Ottawa, 1996). Can., House of Commons, Debates, 1922: 2272–74; 1923: 2973–76; 1925: 3475–76. CPG, 1922. McGillivray Township remembers, 1842–1992 (Ailsa Craig, Ont., 1992). W. L. Morton, The Progressive party in Canada (Toronto, 1950). L. A. Wood, A history of farmers{s-1-unknown} movements in Canada (Toronto, 1924; repr., intro. F. J. K. Griezic, Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1975).

Lewis Henry Drummond claimed Irish and Scots ancestors on his father{apos}s side and French and German on his mother{apos}s, although the Debartzchs came from Danzig (Gda?sk, Poland). Fluent in English and French, he gained an appreciation of both linguistic groups in an era marked by quarrels over language and religion. At the Collège Sainte-Marie in Montreal, which he attended from 1857 to 1865, he completed the classical course with outstanding success in debating and dramatics, interests which would continue for the rest of his life. He then studied geology and surveying with Sir William Edmond Logan* for about two and a half years.

Drummond entered the Jesuit noviciate at Sault-au-Récollet (Montreal) on 29 Jan. 1868. From 1870 to 1872 he taught fourth- and fifth-year classes in the classical program at the Collège Sainte-Marie. Exhausted after composing and giving several performances of a drama in five acts prepared for the golden anniversary of the ordination of Bishop Ignace Bourget*, which was celebrated from 27 to 30 Oct. 1872, he developed symptoms of tuberculosis and was sent to the Jesuits in Laval, France, to rest during 1872–73. He studied philosophy from 1873 to 1876 at Woodstock College in Woodstock, Md, and then taught at St Francis Xavier College in New York City, 1876–77 and 1879–80, and at St John{apos}s College in Fordham (New York City), 1877–79. He did his theology at St Beuno{apos}s College in Wales from 1880 to 1884 and while there was ordained priest on 23 Sept. 1883. During these years he also served on the editorial staff of the Month (London, Eng.).

After a year of spiritual training in Roehampton (London), Drummond returned to Canada. On 7 Aug. 1885 he arrived in St Boniface, Man., to teach at the Collège de Saint-Boniface, just taken over by the Jesuits. He would take the final vows of his order on 15 August the following year. The trial of Métis leader Louis Riel*, which had finished the week before Drummond{apos}s arrival, and Riel{apos}s hanging on 16 November divided the country and led to Drummond{apos}s rapid engagement in the political questions of the west. He began speaking and writing on behalf of French Canadians and of Roman Catholics in general. His training in rhetoric, added to his natural theatrical aptitudes, enabled him to become a public speaker of considerable renown. He gave retreats across the west and preached well-attended sermons in Winnipeg and other parishes in the archdiocese of St Boniface. He was often the guest speaker at religious and secular events. A devoted follower of Archbishop Alexandre-Antonin Taché*, he defended the ultramontane view in disputes over the Jesuits{s-1-unknown} Estates Act in 1889 [see Honoré Mercier*]. When he spoke in Brandon against D{apos}Alton McCarthy*, who had criticized the act and Catholics in a speech in Manitoba on 5 August, troops had to be called in to prevent a riot.

In 1890 Drummond became rector of the Collège Sainte-Marie. He was the only anglophone ever to hold that position. Two of his plays, {d-0}The conversion of Ireland{d-1} and {d-0}Moïse en Egypte,{d-1} were produced while he was at the college and he drew crowds to his sermons for the English congregation at Le Gesù. He also served as president of the administrative council of the Catholic and Protestant night schools of Montreal in 1891.

During 1886–87 Drummond had been one of two representatives of the Collège de Saint-Boniface on the University of Manitoba{apos}s board of studies. This experience, together with his rectorship in Montreal, contributed to his new position on the University of Manitoba{apos}s council when he returned to the Collège de Saint-Boniface in 1892 as prefect of studies. In addition, he was reappointed to the university{apos}s board of studies. He became an editor (though not listed as such) of the archdiocese{apos}s English-language newspaper, the Northwest Review. In 1895 he published Acadia, missing links of a lost chapter in American history (2v., Montreal and New York), his translation of a manuscript by Édouard Richard*. He continued his polemical activities, speaking on school questions, French-English relations, temperance, and even health care. By 1904, however, a bronchial infection forced him to slow down, and his teaching load was reduced from five lectures a day to two. That same year, he was elected a director of the Dominion Educational Association.

Drummond had been more ready than Taché{apos}s successor, Archbishop Adélard Langevin*, to accept the compromise offered by the government of Wilfrid Laurier* to settle the Manitoba school question in 1896 and relations between Drummond and his superior had soured. Drummond criticized a statement made by Langevin in 1900 for its biased presentation of the question, one that ascribed all virtues to the French and all vices to the English. He grew closer to the English-speaking Catholics of Winnipeg, who petitioned Langevin in 1906 to establish a parish for them in Fort Rouge, in the southern part of the city. Langevin blamed their actions on Drummond. The petitioners were eventually successful and Drummond became the first pastor of St Ignatius parish in February 1908, a position he held until the fall of that year.

With the division of the Jesuits into English- and French-speaking provinces in 1924, it was natural for Drummond to join the province of Upper Canada. Symptoms of Alzheimer{apos}s disease forced his move in 1925 to the St Stanislaus noviciate in Guelph, where the novices took turns caring for him. Though he was not confined to bed, he needed constant assistance in the ordinary tasks of life. Yet he never lost his editorial interests and, until the day he died, he wrote comments on magazine articles supplied to him by the novices.

Drummond{apos}s lively and eloquent teaching inspired the young men who became the lawyers, judges, and businessmen of St Boniface in the early 20th century, his prestige as an English-speaking priest, public speaker, and professor helped to safeguard the interests of the Collège de Saint-Boniface at the University of Manitoba, and his editorials and willingness to engage in public disputes shaped English-speaking discourse across western Canada. In 1961 the new science complex at Loyola College, Montreal, was named the Drummond Science Building in honour of him and his family.

Lewis Henry Drummond is the author of {d-0}Manitoba: a letter from St Boniface College,{d-1} Woodstock Letters (Woodstock, Md), 16 (1887): 10–20, The French element in the Canadian northwest (Winnipeg, 1887), {d-0}The Church and the colony,{d-1} in Canada and its provinces: a history of the Canadian people and their institutions . . . , ed. Adam Shortt and A. G. Doughty (23v., Toronto, 1913–17), 2: 379–444, and numerous articles and editorials in the Northwest Rev. (Winnipeg), 1885–1913. In addition, a series of exchanges between Drummond and the Reverend Jesse J. Roy was published as The Jesuit order, or, an infallible pope . . . ([Winnipeg?], 1889) and The Jesuits: a reply to the Rev. J. J. Roy . . . ([Ottawa?, 1889?]). A debate in which he became involved with the Reverend Richard Frederick Littledale resulted in the publication of Controversy on the constitutions of the Jesuits . . . (Winnipeg, 1889).

Arch. de la Compagnie de Jésus, Prov. du Canada Français (Saint-Jérôme, Qué.), BO-78-9-13-73 (lettres de Drummond à Désy). Arch. de la Soc. Hist. de Saint-Boniface (Winnipeg), Fonds de la Corporation archiépiscopale catholique romaine, sér. Langevin; sér. Taché. Soc. of Jesus, Upper Canada Prov. Arch., Regis College (Toronto), A-128 (L. H. Drummond files). Northwest Rev., 23 Jan., 19 Nov., 3 Dec. 1904; 2 Feb. 1918. Dictionary of Jesuit biography: ministry to English Canada, 1842–1987 (Toronto, 1991). Gérard Jolicœur, Les jésuites dans la vie manitobaine (1v. paru, Saint-Boniface [Winnipeg], 1985). Martha McCarthy, {d-0}St Ignatius parish, 1908–1929,{d-1} in St Ignatius, a growing community (Winnipeg, 1983).

DU VAL, FREDERIC BEAL, Presbyterian minister, social reformer, and author; b. 21 May 1847 in Prince George{apos}s County, Md, son of Edward Willet Du Val, a planter, and Mary Miller; m. 2 Nov. 1876 Corinne L. Kearfott (d. 1909) in Philadelphia, and they had four daughters and four sons; d. 15 May 1928 in Winnipeg.

At the time of Du Val{apos}s arrival, Winnipeg was a frontier boom town with well-established brothels. Social reformers concentrated their attention on fighting for stricter controls on the liquor traffic and stiffer penalties for violations of the Sunday observance laws. The bordellos had formed a modus vivendi with the police whereby, despite city by-laws, they were allowed to operate with little interference. By 1900, however, as residential construction crept westward toward the red-light district on Thomas (Minto) Street, new residents began to complain. Real estate interests added their voices to the demands for action. This chorus reached a crescendo in 1902, the year in which Du Val was elected chairman of the Winnipeg Ministerial Association.

Described by historian James Henry Gray* as a {d-0}pint-sized zealot with a hard glinting eye and luxuriant chin whiskers,{d-1} Du Val led the campaign against the existence of a segregated district for prostitution. Through his sermons and public-speaking engagements, which had received widespread coverage in the local press, he had already made a name for himself. He had spoken against the Catholic school system from the time of his arrival in Manitoba and his opposition had increased after the Manitoba school question [see Thomas Greenway*] reared its head in 1890. He had also been a leader in the struggle for Prohibition. With his forceful personality and powerful oratory, he was {d-0}a one-man gang.{d-1} According to Gray, he soon had his fellow preachers {d-0}breathing fire and brimstone from the pulpits.{d-1} By 1903 they had turned their wrath from booze to brothels.

When his sermons failed to achieve the desired result, Du Val led his fellow ministers in mass action. {d-0}Segregation does not segregate and regulation does not regulate,{d-1} he thundered at one of several special meetings held in November 1903 and attended by hundreds. {d-0}It is inevitable that segregated areas become nests of crime.{d-1} The issue blew up during the mayoralty race of November–December 1903. Du Val and his supporters raised such an outcry that Winnipeg{apos}s mayor, John Arbuthnot, withdrew his bid for a fourth term. The candidate Du Val supported, Thomas Sharpe, was elected almost by default and the reformers took over city hall. Raids were carried out on the brothels and segregation was abolished, but when these moves seemed only to scatter the prostitutes throughout the city{apos}s downtown and make their elimination more difficult, Du Val began lobbying for increased police control. This also failed to stem the tide, particularly since the city continued to expand rapidly. Du Val persevered in demanding reform. He became a moving force in the Moral and Social Reform Council of Canada, founded in 1907. A federation of religious and social organizations, the league sought to influence municipal legislation, particularly on the question of prostitution.

In April 1909 the Winnipeg Police Commission decided to leave the regulation of brothels to the discretion of its chief of police. Chief John C. McRae favoured segregation, so he re-established a red-light district – on Annabella Street in the isolated Point Douglas (Winnipeg) area – with the cooperation of Winnipeg{apos}s most powerful brothel keeper, Minnie Woods. By the following year the burgeoning population of the district had become difficult to contain. Du Val{apos}s pamphlet, The problem of social vice in Winnipeg, which appeared in 1910, was a strong indictment of segregation. In November of that year the Reverend John George Shearer, one of the founders of the Moral and Social Reform Council of Canada, published a stinging criticism of the district in the Toronto Globe after he visited Winnipeg during a tour of western Canada. His denunciation provoked a public outcry in Winnipeg and resulted in the appointment of a royal commission, but municipal authorities managed to deflect much of the responsibility for the problem. In 1912 a series of police raids and arrests shut down numerous brothels, but segregated prostitution would continue in Winnipeg until the 1930s.

An eloquent writer as well as speaker, Du Val authored religious poems, only a few of which have survived. In 1899 he had been appointed to Manitoba College{apos}s board of management; he would sit until 1926 and would also serve on the college{apos}s senate. In 1901 he became a member of the council of the University of Manitoba. Seven years later he was elected to the joint committee on church union and in 1908–9 he was moderator of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Canada. He preached in various parts of Canada, including a sermon at the celebrations of the tercentenary of Quebec City in 1908 [see Albert Henry George Grey*].

City of Winnipeg, Arch. and records control branch, City Council, minutes, July 1905, January 1906. Private arch., Robert Wardhaugh (Winnipeg), Interview with Frederic Duval, a grandson of the subject, Winnipeg, 16 Feb. 2000. Manitoba Free Press, 16–18 Nov. 1903; 9 Jan. 1904; 5 Jan. 1905; 21 Jan. 1907; 16, 19, 24 May 1914; 13 Dec. 1915; 18, 20 March 1916. Winnipeg Telegram, 18 Nov. 1903, 21 Jan. 1907. Winnipeg Tribune, 14 May 1928. Joy Cooper, {d-0}Red lights of Winnipeg,{d-1} Man., Hist. and Scientific Soc., Papers (Winnipeg), ser.3, no.27 (1970–71): 61–74. Directory, Winnipeg, 1910–40. J. H. Gray, Red lights on the prairies (Toronto, [1971]). W. L. Morton, Manitoba: a history (Toronto, 1957). H. A. Robson, Judge Robson on segregation or toleration of vice . . . the report of the Social Vice Commission, Winnipeg, January 11th, 1911 (Toronto, [1911?]). Margaret [Stovel] McWilliams, Manitoba milestones (Toronto and London, [1928]).

Despite his important role in municipal affairs, Ducharme{apos}s name is mainly associated with the financial sector. He was named to the management of the Banque Jacques-Cartier in 1899, at a time when it was in serious difficulty [see Alphonse Desjardins*], and he succeeded in persuading customers to leave their savings in this French Canadian enterprise, which he revived under the name of Banque Provinciale du Canada. He would serve as its president from 1900 to 1907.

Ducharme also was president of the mutual benefit company La Sauvegarde from its beginnings in 1901. It too was suffering from French Canadians{s-1-unknown} lack of confidence in their financial institutions. In order to give better guarantees to the policy holders, its founder, Philorum Bonhomme, developed a plan to transform it into a share capital company. Ducharme agreed to invest in the new entity and he would remain its president for the rest of his life. Bonhomme was also supported by leading French Canadian businessmen in Montreal, including millionaire Frédéric-Ligori Béïque*, and politicians such as Henri Bourassa* and Napoléon-Antoine Belcourt*. According to data from 1910, the principal shareholder of the Life Insurance Company La Sauvegarde (the name it had adopted in 1903) was a prosperous merchant from Saint-Timothée, Narcisse Papineau, who bought $50,000 worth of shares. Ducharme owned $20,000 worth.

Guillaume-Narcisse Ducharme was a superb example of a self-made man. From humble beginnings, he became wealthy by investing in the residential development of the Montreal suburbs and increasing his capital by diversifying his interests. As Bourassa wrote a few days after Ducharme{apos}s death, he also had {d-0}a highly developed sense of social responsibility.{d-1} His major achievement was the Life Insurance Company La Sauvegarde. In 1929 it ranked third among personal insurance companies founded by French Canadians in the province of Quebec, after the two large mutual aid societies, the Société des Artisans Canadiens-Français and the Alliance Nationale [see Sir Hormisdas Laporte*]. It ranked first, however, among share capital companies. La Sauvegarde would continue to be controlled by the Ducharme family until 1962, when it was purchased by a management company acting on behalf of the Desjardins movement.

ANQ-M, CE601-S19, 6 juill. 1880; CE607-S7, 20 juill. 1848, 4 janv. 1851. Desjardins Sécurité Financière, Centre de Documentation (Lévis, Qué.), Doc. de La Sauvegarde. Le Devoir, 22 mai 1926; 30 avril, 3 mai 1929. La Patrie, 18 sept. 1902. BCF, 1929: 448–49. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Compagnie d{apos}Assurance sur la Vie La Sauvegarde, Rapport annuel (Montréal), 1909–30. Encyclopaedia of Canadian biography . . . , vol.2. É.-Z. Massicotte, La cité de Sainte-Cunégonde de Montréal: notes et souvenirs (Montréal, 1893). Newspaper reference book. {d-0}Numéro-souvenir,{d-1} La Vie (Montréal), 41 (1962), no.8. Prominent people of the province of Quebec, 1923–24 (Montreal, n.d.). [Télesphore Saint-Pierre], Histoire du commerce canadien-français de Montréal, 1535–1893 (Montréal, 1894). Benjamin Sulte et al., A history of Quebec, its resources and its people (2v., Montreal, 1908), 2: 667–68. Léon Trépanier, On veut savoir (4v., Montréal, 1960–62), 4: 55–57.

After attending the primary school in his native village, Alfred Duclos De Celles enrolled belatedly in 1859 in the Petit Séminaire de Québec, where one of his uncles, Abbé John Holmes*, had taught. While doing his classical studies there, he took care of the library and wrote for the seminary{apos}s newspaper, L{apos}Abeille. He was awarded prizes for excellence in history, geography, French, and English (which he had learned as a child), and graduated in 1867.

In 1880 De Celles got his reward when he succeeded Antoine Gérin-Lajoie* as assistant librarian of the Library of Parliament in Ottawa. But his love of journalism persisted, and, with a couple of partners, he bought L{apos}Opinion publique; he ran this Montreal weekly from Ottawa and wrote regularly for it on a wide variety of subjects from September 1881 to December 1883. Whether in his office in the library or in his letters, De Celles remained passionately interested in party politics; in his role as a go-between, he would ask favours, convey messages, or give advice to his friend Joseph-Adolphe Chapleau*, the premier of Quebec from 31 Oct. 1879 to 29 July 1882. On 3 March 1881 he wrote to Chapleau: {d-0}I{apos}ve seen Dr Dionne [Narcisse-Eutrope Dionne*] of Le Courrier du Canada. He{apos}s hardly a fan of yours, I presume; he is one of those Quebeckers full of prejudices about Montreal. He wants to be appointed visiting physician of the Marine Hospital. With that [appointment,] you could make him jump at your command.{d-1}

In January 1884 Alpheus Todd*, the parliamentary librarian, died. Some 40 Conservative mps urged Sir John A. Macdonald* to appoint a French Canadian – namely, De Celles – to the office. Anglophone mps, on the other hand, wanted one of their own to have it. A typically Canadian solution was found: the job was split with each position at the same level. Political manoeuvring aside, this decision can be explained by the dual role played by the Library of Parliament at that time, in the absence of a national library. Thus on 6 Aug. 1885 De Celles became the first general librarian, with powers matching those of the new parliamentary librarian, Martin Joseph Griffin, who was appointed on the same day. At that time De Celles{apos}s annual salary was $2,400; 12 years later, it would be $3,200. The reports written by De Celles and Griffin recount their efforts to complete the collection of Canadian works, as well as the purchases made to satisfy the more immediate needs of legislators. Parliamentary sessions set the pace for their work, periods of intense activity and frequent meetings with mps and ministers alternating with the development of collections and consultation with the educated reading public in the city who used the library. Although an important cultural institution, the Library of Parliament does not appear to have received the support it deserved. De Celles had to use his powers of persuasion to ensure that library staff were paid salaries comparable to those of the other civil servants. The librarians grumbled about the bad behaviour of mps who disregarded library rules, and they repeatedly complained about lack of space and money. Nevertheless, in the 1890s they were proud to be introducing modern methods of library science, such as the card catalogue.

Every summer, in the tranquillity of Les Goinions, his home at Pointe-au-Pic, Que., De Celles devoted himself to his own research. His major work as a historian, Les États-Unis: origine, institutions, développement, came out in Ottawa in 1896. Published at his own expense, it received the prize of the Académie des Sciences Morales et Politiques in Paris the following year. He sent a copy to Chapleau on 13 April 1896 suggesting, {d-0}I don{apos}t ask you to read it, but to have your government buy some copies from me. If you could put a word in with certain ministers. . . .{d-1} In later years, having become well known, he had no difficulty publishing and distributing his books throughout French and English Canada. Thus it was he who was invited to write the biographies of Louis-Joseph Papineau* and Sir George-Étienne Cartier*, essays included in a single volume published in Toronto in 1904 for the series Makers of Canada [see George Nathaniel Morang*]. Ten years later he wrote the introduction to the two volumes about the province of Quebec in the series entitled Canada and its provinces; De Celles also contributed to the same volume, an article on colonization, an overview of Quebec{apos}s history since confederation, and an account of the province{apos}s municipal system. The {d-0}Patriotes{d-1} of {s-0}37: a chronicle of the Lower Canadian rebellion, which he brought out at Toronto in 1916, was also part of a prestigious series, the Chronicles of Canada [see Robert Pollock Glasgow].

Alfred Duclos De Celles never stopped writing. Throughout his life, and even in retirement, he contributed literary and historical essays to a number of journals, including the Revue canadienne in Montreal, Le Canada français in Quebec City, the Bulletin des recherches historiques of Lévis, and the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, in addition to articles for La Presse. His son, who was also named Alfred, followed in his footsteps and became a journalist and writer. Alfred Sr received an honorary doctorate of letters from the Université Laval in 1891 and, in 1896, the title of officier de l{apos}Instruction publique of France. In 1901 the University of Ottawa awarded him an honorary dcl, in 1903 the French government made him a chevalier of the Legion of Honour, and in 1907 he became a cmg. Among his contemporaries, he was admired for his {d-0}lively and sparkling wit,{d-1} the wide culture of {d-0}a true gentleman,{d-1} and his courtesy, friendliness, civic sense, and sincerity.

[The most complete bibliography of the writings of Alfred Duclos De Celles appears in A.-M. Dorion, {d-0}Bio-bibliographie d{apos}Alfred Duclos DeCelles{d-1} (mémoire, école de bibliothéconomie, univ. de Montréal, 1942). Several archives hold documents pertaining to De Celles. The most important of these fonds is P111 at ANQ-O; it contains letters from Sir Joseph-Adolphe Chapleau, original typescripts, and newspaper clippings. The Centre for Research on French Canadian Culture (Ottawa) has some letters and news clippings in the Alfred-Duclos-De Celles fonds (P103), important correspondence between De Celles and Chapleau in the Joseph-Adolphe-Chapleau fonds (P313), and a number of letters in the Jacques-Gouin fonds (P26). At the LAC, several collections are useful: the Alfred Duclos De Celles collection (MG 30, D271) for news clippings, the Sir Wilfrid Laurier fonds (MG 26, G) for 32 letters from De Celles, the Sir John A. Macdonald fonds (MG 26, A) for 12 letters about the candidacy of De Celles for parliamentary librarian, and the Trefflé Berthiaume fonds (MG 29, C117).

The reports of the joint librarians of parliament on the state of the library, which appear in Can., Parl., Sessional papers between 1885 and 1911 but were not subsequently printed, contain information about the professional activities of De Celles. The best biographical accounts are Thomas Chapais, {d-0}Monsieur Alfred De Celles,{d-1} Le Canada français (Québec), 2e sér., 13 (1925–26): 153–58; [Auguste Gosselin], {d-0}Alfred D. DeCelles,{d-1} Le Propagateur (Montréal), 6 (1909–10), no.4: 1, 24. F.R.]

In an environment that was becoming increasingly protectionist and nationalist, the two professional associations enabled Canadian architects to stand up to an establishment that had long favoured architects from the United States for prestigious commissions. While he acknowledged the need to get his compatriots{s-1-unknown} abilities recognized, Dunlop nonetheless asserted that good relations must be maintained with the Americans. He also had to overcome his colleagues{s-1-unknown} fears that the jurisdictions of the two bodies might overlap.

Dunlop{apos}s production – of which Stephen Robinson has catalogued some 55 examples – followed closely the evolution of architecture in his day. Having begun between 1880 and 1900 with the Victorian splendours of the 19th century, Dunlop{apos}s work became gradually more subdued with the rise of academicism, which explains the eclectic nature of his output with respect to construction, materials, colours, styles, and the use to which it was put. In 1890, for instance, he defended the neo-Roman style, claiming that it was appropriate to the climate and the type of stone found locally, and that it could be treated in such a way as to present sculpted decorations. Also according to Dunlop, stone should be preferred to wood or brick. This stylistic vision was manifest in the building he designed with Heriot for Ekers{s-1-unknown} Brewery (1893–94, now the Musée Juste pour Rire), which was run by his brother-in-law Henry Archer Ekers (who would be elected mayor of Montreal in 1906). With the Temple Building (1889–90) and the Queen{apos}s Hotel (1891–93), large commercial buildings now demolished that illustrate the eclectic treatment typical of the late 19th century, Dunlop became one of the first Montreal architects to use steel structures. They also show his interest in new construction methods developed in the United States. In 1909 he erected the Sarah Maxwell Memorial School on the site of Hochelaga School, which had been destroyed in 1907 in a tragic fire that took the lives of a number of the young pupils. From then on, Dunlop had an obligation to revise the fireproofing criteria and safety standards. He would build a number of schools for the Protestant Board of School Commissioners of the City of Montreal.

Two of Dunlop{apos}s other creations are even more distinctive and they would be recognized as his most outstanding. The first was St James Methodist Church (1887–89) on Rue Sainte-Catherine, notable for its superior neo-Gothic treatment. In the relationship between its interior and exterior, it is an example of trompe l{apos}œil, a device often favoured during the Victorian period. The apsidal end gives the impression that it is a traditional church, built in the form of a Latin cross, where the light coming through the stained-glass windows is meant to flood the whole interior. It is nothing of the sort. Following the dictates of Methodist liturgy, the building is divided in two: the front part corresponds to the church itself and is treated in the form of a theatre, while the rear part includes, among other things, the Sunday school. At the opposite extreme from this exercise, which cheerfully mocks the conventions of openness in art, Dunlop designed with Heriot a building obeying the classical rules to the letter: the home of businessman Hugh Graham* on Rue Sherbrooke, which was later known as Atholstan House because of the title of baron conferred on him in 1917. The severe and elegant treatment of the façades contrasts with the frivolous excesses of the Queen-Anne style that was so widespread at that time. The interior was planned with the same sensitivity. The building was preserved in 1980 by Alcan Aluminium Limited, which set up its management offices there. Built in 1894–95, the house anticipated by several years the fashion of classical renewal and beaux-arts academicism.

ANQ-M, CE601-S51, 3 sept. 1842; S63, 9 juin 1868. LAC, MG 28, I 126; I 239. Royal Architectural Institute of Canada (Ottawa), Alcide Chaussé, {d-0}History of the inception of the RAIC{d-1} (Ottawa, 1939). Gazette (Montreal), 1 May 1923. Commission des biens culturels du Québec, Les chemins de la mémoire (3v., Montréal, 1990–99), vol.2 (Monuments et sites historiques du Québec, 1991). {d-0}Organization of the Province of Quebec Association of Architects,{d-1} Canadian Architect and Builder (Toronto), 3 (1890): 112–16. Guy Pinard, Montréal: son histoire, son architecture (6v. parus, Montréal, 1986–?), 1. Stephen Robinson, {d-0}An architect discovered: the work of A. F. Dunlop{d-1} (ma thesis, Concordia Univ., Montreal, 1992).

By some accounts Henry Dworkin came to Toronto in 1905, following his elder brother Edward, who worked in a paper-box factory and reputedly subsisted on bread and tea in order to bring him to Canada. According to Henry{apos}s marriage registration, however, he arrived on 1 Jan. 1910. Between 1910 and 1913 directories show the Dworkin brothers – Henry, Edward, Sholem, and Samuel – involved in two enterprises: Dworkin{apos}s Jewish Advertising Bureau, opened by Sholem by mid 1909 on Elizabeth Street, in an area heavily populated by immigrants, and a wholesale tobacco business, Independent Cigar Stores, on Elizabeth and Queen.

Dworkin{apos}s agency was driven as much by his philanthropic sympathies as by his need to earn a living. His charitable nature, coupled with his socialist ideology, impelled him to activity within, and outside, the Jewish community. He was joined in his outlook by his wife, whom he had married in 1911 in a ceremony conducted by Maurice Kaplan, cantor at McCaul Street Synagogue. A Torontonian who had received a certificate in midwifery in Ohio in 1909, Dorothy had become on her return the first nurse and a guiding light at the Jewish Dispensary, set up on Elizabeth Street by the Hebrew Ladies{s-1-unknown} Maternity Aid and Child Welfare Society. On Henry{apos}s death she would assume his part in E. and H. Dworkin.

Dworkin{apos}s shops always buzzed with socialist conversation and unionist planning as well as philanthropic initiative. In 1915 he was among the proponents of a tag day to assist Jewish war victims in Russia, an activity ultimately forbidden by the city. He was nominated by the socialists as an aldermanic candidate in 1916, but declined in favour of James Simpson*, a gentile labour leader. (He would run in a later election but would be defeated.) Dworkin served on the provisional board of the Federation of the Jewish Philanthropies of Toronto when it was organized later in 1916. In 1919 he was a delegate to the first Canadian Jewish Congress. In a photograph taken that year of him and other volunteer collectors for the Conference for Jewish War Sufferers, he appears as a well-dressed, heavy-set man. His work was matched by that of his wife. Following the Toronto General Hospital{apos}s refusal to provide a wing with a kosher kitchen and Yiddish-speaking staff, she and others headed the drive to establish in 1922 the Toronto Jewish Convalescent and Maternity Hospital (renamed Mount Sinai in 1923). When antisemitism became evident at Toronto{apos}s Labor Temple in the 1920s, Henry founded the Labour Lyceum on Spadina Avenue to house Jewish unions; he was chairman of its board of directors at the time of his death.

AO, RG 22-305, no.58523; RG 55-17-60-30, no.22983; RG 55-17-60-31, nos.26024–25 CP; RG 55-17-60-46, nos.7971 CPE, 7972 CP; RG 80-5-0-506, no.21763. Ontario Jewish Arch. (Toronto), {d-0}Canadian Jewish Congress ballot for Toronto{d-1} (1919); MG 6/E1 (Betty Lindgren papers). Canadian Jewish Times (Montreal), 21 June 1912. Evening Telegram (Toronto), 20 Jan. 1928. Toronto Daily Star, 16 Jan. 1928. Yiddisher Zhurnal/Daily Hebrew Journal (Toronto), 15 Jan. 1928. Canadian Jewry, prominent Jews of Canada . . . , ed. Zvi Cohen (Toronto, [1933]). Directory, Toronto, 1906–29. Abraham Rhinewine, Der Yid in Kanada [The Jew in Canada] (2v., Toronto, 1925–27), 1. S. A. Speisman, The Jews of Toronto: a history to 1937 (Toronto, 1979).

Eby believed that the best way to convert Japan was to establish a large educational and social-relief mission near the Tokyo Imperial University where special lectures on Christianity could be presented. After modifications to accommodate traditional evangelism, regular church services, and a greater role for native Japanese workers, the Central Tabernacle opened in January 1891. In addition to running it, Eby published Japan for Christ, a journal outlining its work. In his second undertaking Eby, recognizing that the Board of Missions in Canada could not afford new recruits, called for {d-0}a supplementary force of self-supporting missionaries who, would work in harmony with the mission, and teach to pay expenses.{d-1} Fifteen men and one women were to work in Japan as part of this {d-0}light brigade{d-1} of Christian soldiers before it ceased operations in the early 1890s.

Most of Eby{apos}s campaigns led to disputes. The Central Tabernacle spent more than one-eighth of the Japan mission budget, yet had little impact on the Japanese intelligentsia. Moreover, Eby proved to be a poor administrator, and his independent financial campaigns embarrassed the Board of Missions. Similarly, the board had no authority over the Self-Support Band, but feared it would have to pay the group{apos}s expenses if anything went wrong. Eby had little regard for the wishes of others, and his relations with the Canadian Methodist authorities and the highly nationalistic native Japanese church were often strained. After his return to Canada in 1893 because of exhaustion, the controversies surrounding the Japan mission that he and his supporters had aggravated reached a climax. In late 1895 Eby and others were removed from the work there.

In 1896 Eby accepted an invitation to Homer Street Methodist Church in Vancouver, an institution with an active Japanese and Chinese membership. Three years later he moved to the similarly diverse Agnes Street Church in Toronto. Subsequently he held a variety of appointments, including Bracebridge (1903–5) and Kingston (1905–7). He then laboured for a year as secretary for eastern Asia of the International Reform Bureau, which opposed prostitution and the use of alcohol and opium. In 1908 he accepted a call from Zion Congregational Church in Toronto, and a year later he opened the People{apos}s Institute, a socialist church advocating brotherhood, social action, and peace. After his wife{apos}s death in 1912 he lived with a daughter in Saskatoon.

Charles Samuel Eby{apos}s Christianity and humanity: a course of lectures delivered in Meiji kuaido, Tokio, Japan and The immediate Christianization of Japan: prospects, plans, results were published in Yokohama in 1883 and 1884 respectively. Among his other works are How shall we preach Christ? ([Yokohama, 1885]); Jikken Shingaku/Experimental theology or, the Methodist standard of preaching, which he had printed in Japanese (Tokyo, 1888); The Forward Movement in Japan: an address to the Methodist Church (Toronto, 1889); and The world problem and the divine solution (Toronto, 1914).

UCC-C, Biog. file; Fonds 14/2/2, 78.083C; Fonds 14/2/4, 78.084C, 78.098C; Fonds 14/3/3, 78.092C. Christian Guardian, 1871–1908. G. H. Cornish, Cyclopædia of Methodism in Canada . . . (2v., Toronto and Halifax, 1881–1903). E. E. Eby and J. B. Snyder, A biographical history of early settlers and their descendants in Waterloo Township, with Supplement, ed. E. D. Weber (Kitchener, Ont., 1971). A. H. Ion, {d-0}Canadian missionaries in Meiji Japan: the Japan Mission of the Methodist Church of Canada (1873–1889){d-1} (ma thesis, McGill Univ., Montreal, 1972). Methodist Church (Canada, Newfoundland, Bermuda), Missionary Soc., Annual report (Toronto), 1884–95; Woman{apos}s Missionary Soc., Annual report (Hamilton, Ont.; Toronto), 1884–96. Methodist Church of Canada, Missionary Soc., Annual report (Toronto), 1874–84. G. R. P. and Howard Norman, One hundred years in Japan, 1873–1973 (2v., typescript, UCC, Div. of World Outreach, [Toronto], 1981). Neil Semple, The Lord{apos}s dominion: the history of Canadian Methodism (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1996). Wesleyan Methodist Church in Canada, Missionary Soc., Annual report (Toronto), 1871–74.

Clarence Bartlett Edwards{apos}s career as an educator began in Oxford County, where he was born and raised. He attended the Woodstock Grammar School and in 1880 he received a grade-B teaching certificate. He taught for three years near Tavistock before entering the Ottawa Normal School; there he gained a second-class certificate in July 1884. Its principal noted that his manner was {d-0}nervous, but energetic{d-1} and his {d-0}general teaching ability very good.{d-1}

Edwards rose quickly within his profession. After teaching in London Township, Lucan, and Strathroy, he was principal of St George{apos}s School and of Waterloo Street School in London. Noted for his strict discipline and respect for students, in 1894 he was appointed to the London Collegiate Institute, where he taught English and history under the principalship of Francis Walter Merchant*. Six years later he earned a ba from Queen{apos}s College in Kingston and an inspector{apos}s certificate and a high school principal{apos}s and specialist{apos}s certificate from the Department of Education. He left teaching to become city clerk of London in December 1902, but in 1904 he returned to education as the city{apos}s inspector of public schools.

By the 1900s educators, government officials, businessmen, and social reformers were arguing that, in the wake of increasing industrialization and urbanization, curricula fashioned in the mid 19th century were no longer relevant. The broadened scope of the {d-0}New Education{d-1} movement embraced household science and industrial training [see Adelaide Sophia Hunter*; John Seath*], kindergartens, social studies, hygiene and physical education, and agriculture. As local inspector – the official who, according to education minister Henry John Cody* in 1918, was {d-0}the real eye of the educational system{d-1} and the key to implementing change – Edwards was instrumental in introducing curricular reform. In 1908 the provincial inspector of technical education, Albert H. Leake, noted that in Ontario there were 13 centres of over 5,000 population, including London, where there was still no manual training or household science. A year later he was able to report that there was a manual-training centre at the London Normal School. By 1920 London had 10 manual and 12 household-science centres.

Edwards was also instrumental in introducing new programs such as health and dental examinations. Indeed, one of his mandates was the physical welfare of staff and students. He was responsible for having many new schools built and for upgrading existing ones. In a report he prepared in June 1909, at which time he oversaw 20 public school buildings and 165 regular and 25 substitute teachers, he noted with satisfaction the {d-0}vast improvements{d-1} that had been made in heating, ventilation, and sanitary systems. At the same time he deplored the {d-0}decided lack{d-1} of playgrounds, an issue then being taken up by city council and the school board.

Devoted to the ongoing preparation of teachers – in 1920 he himself would earn a bachelor of pedagogy degree from Queen{apos}s – Edwards was actively involved in the Ontario Educational Association and the London Teachers{s-1-unknown} Association. According to one account, it was his ambition to establish a summer school for teachers at his cottage on Lake Huron. In London this tall, slight school inspector belonged as well to the Canadian Club, the freemasons, the Knights Templar, the Church of England, and the London and Middlesex Historical Society, which he had helped found in 1901.

C. B. Edwards died at the age of 59 of pernicious anaemia at his Windsor Avenue home on 1 Nov. 1921. In his report for that year, John D. Waugh, the province{apos}s chief inspector of schools, noted that Edwards had been {d-0}in many respects an ideal inspector, helpful, courteous, and systematic,{d-1} and praised his interest in pedagogy, school architecture, and school management. {d-0}The fine Public Schools of the city,{d-1} Waugh concluded, {d-0}will be a lasting monument to his memory.{d-1}

Clarence Bartlett Edwards is the author of {d-0}Establishment of schools in London, Ontario,{d-1} in The establishment of schools and colleges in Ontario, 1792–1910, comp. J. G. Hodgins (3v., Toronto, 1910), 1: 111–28, and {d-0}London public schools, 1848–1871,{d-1} London and Middlesex Hist. Soc., Trans., 5 (1914): 14–29.

AO, RG 2-301-1-3, nos.6495, 9469/89; RG 2-368, acc. 17857, no.455; RG 2-368-0-1, acc. 10/87; RG 80-5-0-143, no.7262. Marta Danylewycz, {d-0}Domestic science education in Ontario, 1900–1940,{d-1} in Gender and education in Ontario: an historical reader, ed. Ruby Heap and Alison Prentice (Toronto, 1991), 127–45. Directory, London, 1892–93, 1904. London, Council, {d-0}List of the members of council of the town and city of London from the days of its incorporation in the year 1840 to 1908{inch} (photocopy from 1908 London by-laws; copy in the J. J. Talman Regional Coll., Univ. of Western Ont., London). London Collegiate Institute, Collegiate, June 1903; copy in the J. J. Talman Regional Coll., Univ. of Western Ont. Ont., Legislature, Sessional papers, annual reports of the Dept. of Education, 1901–2, 1905, 1908–9, 1911, 1919–20, 1922. Diana Pedersen, {d-0}{s-0}The scientific training of mothers{s-1-unknown}: the campaign for domestic science in Ontario schools, 1890–1913,{d-1} in Critical issues in the history of Canadian science, technology and medicine, ed. R. A. Jarrell and A. E. Roos (Thornhill, Ont., and Ottawa, 1982), 178–94. St George{apos}s School, 100th anniversary, St. George{apos}s School, Waterloo Street, London, Ontario, 1852–1952 (London, 1952), 27, 35. R. M. Stamp, The schools of Ontario, 1876–1976 (Toronto, 1982). Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell), vol.1. Who{apos}s who and why, 1921.

The young man was immediately appointed assistant priest in the parish of Saint-Enfant-Jésus. Emard was eager, however, to go to Rome, a city he associated with the grandeur, power, and triumphant influence of the Roman Catholic Church. His dream came true in the fall of 1877, when he left to study theology and canon law at the Roman Seminary. He made many friends there, both in the curia and at the French Seminary, where he lived. In his accounts of his travels he would describe with complacency the long processions of dignitaries on the occasion of eucharistic congresses and wax enthusiastic about the spiritual power of the church that these events suggested. In a letter to his father written on 9 March 1879, he showed his deep-seated love for Rome and the Roman way of doing things: {d-0}When the pope pronounces a blessing from his throne, something in his countenance is no longer of this world; one feels that there is a supernatural influence in all this.{d-1} He came back to Montreal in 1880 with two doctorates.

On his return, Emard became assistant priest of the parish of Saint-Joseph. He was appointed vice-chancellor of the diocese in 1881, and chancellor eight years later. A tireless worker who never wearied of intellectual endeavours, Emard kept himself informed on various subjects. He subscribed to a few Parisian periodicals, L{apos}Univers, Études, and Nouvelle revue théologique, as well as to some Italian and Irish magazines. In 1883 he began contributing to La Semaine religieuse de Montréal, a journal launched the previous year that sought to make known the Roman Catholic point of view on the major issues of the day. He had many articles published in it and would become its editor in 1889. When the faculty of arts of the Université Laval in Montreal was created in 1887, he was invited to teach church history, with the rank of professor. In 1922 he would become a member of the Royal Society of Canada.

The diocese assigned to Emard was relatively small. Surrounded by the archdioceses of Montreal and Ottawa, and by the dioceses of Alexandria, Ont., and Ogdensburg, N.Y., it had some 50,000 Catholics and 35 parishes, organized into five districts: Vaudreuil, Soulanges (Les Cèdres), Châteauguay, Beauharnois, and Huntingdon. A number of religious communities were already at work there: the Sisters of the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary, the Sisters of Charity of Providence, the Sisters of St Ann, the Sisters of Charity of the Hôpital Général de Montréal, the Congregation of Notre-Dame, and the Clerics of St Viator. Emard would complete the embryonic diocesan structure bit by bit. In 1893 he got the property of the parish of Sainte-Cécile transferred to the episcopal corporation. Then, over the years, he enlarged the bishop{apos}s palace, built the cemetery chapel, renovated the cathedral (which would be decorated by Toussaint-Xénophon Renaud), and bought a summer house in Port Lewis, near Saint-Anicet, for the seminarians. On the educational side, he soon built a kindergarten and the Collège de Valleyfield, to be followed by a normal school erected in 1908. He had brought the Little Sisters of the Holy Family to the palace and the seminary in 1900. Two years later he welcomed the first Poor Clares, who had come to set up a monastery in Salaberry-de-Valleyfield [see Marie-Louise-Thérèse Lemoine]. In 1904 he put the Sisters of Charity of Providence in charge of the newly opened hospital, housing it in the former Petit Séminaire. He founded six parishes, divided his diocese into three deaneries (vicariates forane), and in 1920 officially installed his canonical chapter. This bustling activity required a sustained effort from everyone. For a long time the diocese carried heavy debts: $80,000 for the bishop{apos}s palace, $25,000 for the kindergarten, and $88,000 for the college. But Emard did not win every dispute, and this situation must have been humiliating for a man so conscious of his own authority. The canonical erection in 1913 of the parish of Immaculée-Conception, in the Bellerive district, which was practically forced on him by the militant attitude of the curé and the parishioners, brought this significant admission: {d-0}For, remember, I have never wanted a church in Bellerive, and I [still] don{apos}t want one!{d-1}

The church was at the centre of Emard{apos}s concerns and thinking. In his view, as he noted in his first pastoral instructions to the people of his diocese, it is a family of believers and the bishop is its pastor; he knows his flock, watches over them, reassures them, and nourishes them with preaching and the sacraments. A priest, he added on the occasion of his sacerdotal meditation at Christmas 1920, {d-0}owes . . . to the souls entrusted to him all he is, all he has, and all he does.{d-1} This image of communion, however, does not imply any idea of equality. His pastoral letter of 9 Feb. 1898 emphasized that the church is {d-0}complete in itself, formed of two very distinct classes of members, those responsible for teaching, governing, and sanctifying . . . , [and] the others receiving the full advantage of this triple ministry put in place for their benefit and to which they must submit.{d-1} This hierarchical structure of the church, consisting of the pope, the bishops, and the priests, does not, in his view, come from human will, or historical development, but from God. It was established by Jesus Christ himself. Consequently, submission is the highest virtue of every Catholic. If Thomas Aquinas, the official teacher of the church, became an eminent example of {d-0}intellectual freedom,{d-1} it was because he made obedience {d-0}his constant rule of conduct,{d-1} Emard declared on 5 March 1918.

In his opinion, the first responsibility of the bishop is not his ministry, but obedience. The first duty of the believer is not discipleship, but compliance. This combination of authority and submission, characteristic of the structure of the church, is also found in the family, where, Emard noted on 24 Dec. 1904, the father is {d-0}a lawmaker with no human control, a judge with no appeal in this world, a provider in the image of God himself,{d-1} and the paternal blessing is the tangible sign of his position. As for the mother of the family, {d-0}established by divine right in real subordination with respect to her husband, [she] shares with him, under this hierarchical dependence, the same prerogatives.{d-1} For Emard, her place is at home, and, in a sermon preached on 13 Oct. 1909 in the church of Saint-Roch at Quebec, he congratulated her for {d-0}looking with contempt{d-1} at invitations to {d-0}compete with men, seeking to invade the courts, enter the lecture halls, force open the doors of parliaments, in short, take over offices and functions which [her] very nature had hitherto reserved for others.{d-1} In the same way, he told the schoolchildren of his diocese in January 1919, children must develop within themselves, {d-0}in their respect for all legitimate authority, a sense of hierarchical submission.{d-1}

In Mes mémoires, Abbé Lionel Groulx* described Emard as a liberal, not in matters of doctrine, but {d-0}by his cast of mind, by his temperament, his leanings,{d-1} as an admirer of Sir Wilfrid Laurier* and of England, and as a denigrator of the nationalistic aims of French Canadians. What lay behind this comment? At the time, there were four questions, among others, dividing the French Canadian episcopate: the Manitoba schools, language, the idea of patriotism, and loyalty to England [see Louis-Nazaire Bégin; Charles Hugh Gauthier]. On the first of these, Emard took a realistic point of view. It was a serious matter, he wrote in January 1897, for on its solution depended the status of religion in the whole dominion. But while he agreed that the decision of the Manitoba government was unacceptable, he considered there was no need to take up arms, as some bishops had tried.

Emard had the same attitude on the language question. It was true, he told the schoolchildren of his diocese in March 1919, that the French language had saved the national and religious identity of French Canadians, that of {d-0}all modern languages it is the most harmonious, the most flexible, the most precise, the clearest, the richest, and . . . the most distinguished,{d-1} and that they must learn it, write it, and speak it correctly. The English language, however, was spoken on two-thirds of the planet. As a favoured mode of international communication, it was the language of industry, of commerce, of finance, and especially of fellow citizens. French Canadians should therefore make it their duty to learn it if they wanted to play a role in politics.

Emard became archbishop of Ottawa on 2 June 1922, following the death of Archbishop Gauthier. Gauthier had been appointed to this office in 1910 despite the fact that he himself had recommended the bishop of Valleyfield for it. Archbishop Emard officially took possession of his seat on 21 September at the age of 69. During his episcopacy, which would last less than five years, he established ten deaneries, created five parishes, and founded the Petit Séminaire d{apos}Ottawa (1925). He died on 28 March 1927 after an illness of several months. He would be succeeded by Bishop Guillaume Forbes*.

In the opinion of Archbishop Joseph-Médard Emard, the only perfect society was the Roman Catholic Church. Therefore, any society, if it was not to fall victim to anarchy and disorder, would be well advised to follow its example, that is, {d-0}to demand of its members dependence on superiors and open and devoted submission to authority,{d-1} as he declared on 22 April 1918. Submission, in his opinion, could even be a substitute for competence. He cited the experience of Canadian soldiers during World War I as proof. They did not have all the strategic training needed, but, as he wrote to the chaplains of the Canadian army in 1918, {d-0}the habit of discipline [and] a sense of duty and of obedience to their superiors must have largely compensated{d-1} for this lack.

Bishop Joseph-Médard Emard is the author of Le Code de droit canonique: ses canons les plus pratiques pour le ministère avec références à la discipline locale ([Salaberry-de ]Valleyfield, Qué., 1918); Le Congrès eucharistique de Montréal ([Salaberry-de ]Valleyfield, [1910?]); Œuvres pastorales de Mgr J.-M. Emard, premier évêque de Valleyfield, 1892–1922 (5v., Paris, 1921–24); Souvenirs d{apos}un voyage en Terre-Sainte (Montréal, 1884); Les tendresses du Sacré-Cœur de Jésus: l{apos}enfant, l{apos}ami, le maître, le bienfaiteur, le consolateur; carême prêché à la cathédrale de Valleyfield, 1911 ([Salaberry-de ]Valleyfield, [1911?]; 2e éd., 1914).

ANQ-M, CE601-S18, 1er oct. 1850, 1er avril 1853. Arch. de la Chancellerie de l{apos}Évêché de Valleyfield (Salaberry-de-Valleyfield), Fonds Joseph-Médard Emard, E-6. Le Devoir, 28 mars 1927. Yvon Julien, {d-0}Visages du Suroît,{d-1} Le Journal St-François (Salaberry-de-Valleyfield), 12 juin 2001. La Semaine religieuse de Montréal, 15 juin 1922, 7 avril 1927. La Semaine religieuse de Québec, 19 oct. 1922, 31 mars 1927. BCF, 1926: 298. L.-A. Belisle, Références biographiques, Canada-Québec (5v., Montréal, 1978). Canada ecclésiastique, 1928. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). Dictionnaire de l{apos}Amérique française; francophonie nord-américaine hors Québec, Charles Dufresne et al., édit. (Ottawa, 1988), 136. {d-0}Les disparus,{d-1} BRH, 36 (1930): 102–3. DOLQ, vol.1. Évêques catholiques du Canada, 1658–1979, André Chapeau et al., compil. (Ottawa, 1980). Lionel Groulx, Mes mémoires (4v., Montréal, 1970–74). Histoire du catholicisme québécois, sous la dir. de Nive Voisine (2 tomes en 4v. parus, Montréal, 1984–?), tome 2, vol.2 (Philippe Sylvain et Nive Voisine, Les XVIIIe et XIXe siècles: réveil et consolidation (1840–1898), 1991); tome 3, vol.1 (Jean Hamelin et Nicole Gagnon, Le XXe siècle (1898–1940), 1984). LeBlanc, DBECC. {d-0}Mgr Joseph-Médard Emard,{d-1} RSC, Trans., 3rd ser., 21 (1927), proc.: xiii–xvii. J.-D. St-Aubin, Salaberry de Valleyfield, 1842 à 1972: histoire religieuse, municipale, scolaire, commerciale et industrielle (Salaberry-de-Valleyfield, [1972?]).

The Englehart family was Jewish and appears to have come to the United States from Germany. Educated in Cleveland, Jacob L. Englehart began his mercantile career in his teens in New York City, where his father had gone into business and his sister Sophie had married a prominent attorney. Between 1866 and about 1883 he was based there as a brewer, a rectifier, and then a merchant specializing in petroleum products. His attention was drawn in the late 1860s to southwest Ontario and the oil resources beneath the farmlands of Lambton and Kent counties between Chatham and Sarnia [see James Miller Williams*]. At the centre of the oil boom was the village of Petrolia. In January 1870 Englehart entered the refining business in London, Ont., with partners from that city as well as New York and Mannheim (Germany); six years later, with Isaac Guggenheim, he formed J. L. Englehart and Company and moved his refining operation to Petrolia, where he settled. He modelled his approach on that of men such as John Davison Rockefeller in the oilfields of Pennsylvania; not only did he operate his own field and contract with local farmers for their oil, but he recognized the value of combination. In September 1880 he initiated a merger with other refiners, including his one-time partners Herman and Isaac Waterman (natives of Bavaria), to form the Imperial Oil Company Limited in London. Englehart{apos}s role of vice-president and general manager, together with his 20 per cent of the shares, made him the central executive.

After Imperial{apos}s works were destroyed by fire in 1883, the firm expanded its refinery in Petrolia and the following year moved its headquarters there. Englehart built a grandiose house. As well, he converted to Anglicanism in the 1880s and became a freemason, and, at some point, a British subject. Photographs portray him as a bald gentleman wearing European-style formal attire, pince-nez, and a Vandyke beard. His marriage in 1891 to the 28-year-old Minnie Thompson, the Petrolia Advertiser and Canadian Oil Journal reported, was a grand social event.

Because of the size of its refinery, Imperial held a near-monopoly over the processing of petroleum for sale to the burgeoning market of Canadian railways. To compete with the cheap imports of Standard Oil from the United States, Englehart supported Canada{apos}s defensive tariff. When it became clear that the federal government of Wilfrid Laurier* elected in 1896 would not continue this protection, Englehart and the board of Imperial decided in 1898 to sell a majority of its shares to Standard and move its head office and refinery to Sarnia. Englehart sat on the board of the new subsidiary, still called Imperial Oil; he nevertheless remained in Petrolia, in part to run J. L. Englehart and Company, which in 1899 had 233 wells driven by a single power plant over an area of 400 acres. Eventually his wealth spread into other investments. He served as president of the Crown Savings and Loan Company in Petrolia and vice-president of the London and Western Trusts Company. In addition, his influence had begun to take a political turn.

Englehart became a leading financial sponsor of the Conservative party in southwest Ontario. His brother-in-law George Moncrieff was the mp for Lambton East from 1887 to 1896. Provincially, in 1902 he supported the candidacy in Lambton West of his friend William John Hanna*, Imperial{apos}s counsel and a member of its board. After Hanna was appointed provincial secretary in the government of James Pliny Whitney* in February 1905, he recommended Englehart as a member of the Temiskaming and Northern Ontario Railway Commission and then in 1906 as its chairman. It had been launched in 1902 by the Liberal government of George William Ross* to build a line from North Bay to Lake Timiskaming and thereby facilitate settlement in northeast Ontario [see August Kruger*]. Traffic, which began in January 1905, was intensified by mining booms at Cobalt, Porcupine, and Kirkland Lake [see Benjamin Hollinger*]. For 13 years Englehart would chair the commission and manage the railway, reporting directly to the provincial secretary. He was seen as a slightly eccentric but conscientious public official who was rumoured to give most of his salary to charity.

Although his temperament was too remote and formal for him to become a political figure of any prominence, he took seriously the part he could play as a philanthropist, political backer, and public servant. In 1909, following his wife{apos}s death from tuberculosis, he donated X-ray equipment to St Michael{apos}s Hospital in Toronto and a year later he honoured her testamentary wish that Glenview, their house in Petrolia, be turned into a hospital. He enjoyed the recognition that came from his contributions to the Conservatives. Though his written English reflected his secondary level of education, he had willingly accepted Whitney{apos}s invitation to sit for a term (1906–8) on the board of governors of the University of Toronto.

Englehart{apos}s essential place, historically, must rest on his management of the T&NO. In 1905–6 the commission was given responsibility for establishing much-needed town sites at Temagami, Latchford, Cobalt, and Englehart. He presided over the railway{apos}s extension in 1908 to Cochrane, where it would meet the National Transcontinental Railway, and in 1911 to the Porcupine gold mines. He negotiated contracts for the running of transcontinental trains to Toronto over the T&NO{apos}s tracks. As well, he promoted the railway in terms of community service, especially at times of destructive fires, including those of 1911 at Porcupine and Cochrane and 1916 at Matheson. Within business circles in Toronto, where he became a director of the Bank of Toronto in 1912, he was an effective spokesman for the development of northern Ontario. Sentiment in the north toward Englehart contained a note of resentment at his never having lived in the region. (After leaving Petrolia, he had taken up residence in the Queen{apos}s Hotel in Toronto.) There is no question, however, that his direction of the railway, which he travelled over regularly, gave him a clear public image at a time when the T&NO fulfilled a great need in the opening of {d-0}New Ontario.{d-1}

Englehart{apos}s health failed in 1919 and he resigned his chairmanship on 28 October, just days after the election of the United Farmers government. At the time he upheld three priorities of the previous Conservative government: building a branch to Kirkland Lake, electrifying the railway, and extending it to James Bay. Following his death at Wellesley Hospital from a brain haemorrhage, he was buried in Hillsdale Cemetery near Petrolia. His $2-million estate was distributed mostly to relatives and friends.

Jacob Lewis Englehart{apos}s career with the Temiskaming and Northern Ontario Railway Commission is examined in the author{apos}s Steam into wilderness: Ontario Northland Railway, 1902–1962 (Toronto, 1978).

AO, RG 8-5, boxes 12–13; RG 22-273, nos.4133, 6563; RG 22-305, nos.46014, 46221; RG 55-17-33, nos.111, 185, 403; RG 80-5-0-196, no.5652; RG 80-8-0-343, no.5598; RG 80-8-0-801, no.2946. Globe, 7, 11 April 1921. Petrolia Advertiser and Canadian Oil Journal (Petrolia, Ont.), 1 Jan. 1892, 6 Jan. 1909. Michael Barnes, Jake Englehart (Cobalt, Ont., 1974). Canadian annual rev., 1905–17. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Cyclopædia of Canadian biog. (Rose and Charlesworth), vol.3. J. S. Ewing, {d-0}The history of Imperial Oil Limited{d-1} (ms, Harvard Business Hist. Foundation, Boston, 1951; copy in Imperial Oil Arch., Toronto). Industrial Canada (Toronto), 22 (1921–22), no.1: 124, 126. National cyclopædia of American biography . . . (63v., New York, [etc.], 1892–1984), 14: 362; 36: 147–48. Newspaper reference book. Ont., Legislature, Sessional papers, 1900, no.5: 107. Trow{apos}s New York City directory . . . (New York), 1864/65–82/83. Who{apos}s who and why, 1919/20: 1143.

David Ewart was born and educated in Penicuik, south of Edinburgh. He apprenticed as a joiner in his father{apos}s construction firm, learned architectural drawing from Edinburgh architect Walter Carmichael, and apparently studied architecture at the School of Arts in Edinburgh. By the late 1860s he was employed in Helperby, England, as clerk of works for the Myton Hall estate. In April 1871, at the age of 30 and recently married, he set sail for Canada, armed with testimonials from architects Joseph Taylor, Thomas Dickinson, and James Aitken attesting to his excellent drafting skills and industrious work habits. A friend in Montreal advised him to seek employment with the Department of Public Works in Ottawa. He approached Frederick Preston Rubidge*, the department{apos}s assistant engineer and architect, who at that moment happened to be looking for an architectural assistant. On 16 May, only 11 days after arriving in Canada, Ewart was hired on a trial basis at $60 per month.

The engineering and architecture functions of the Department of Public Works were separated in the spring and summer of 1871. Rubidge was superannuated to make room for two new appointees, George-Frédéric-Théophile Baillairgé* as assistant chief engineer and Thomas Seaton Scott* as senior architect (a title that would be changed the following year to chief architect). In October 1871 Scott mapped out a plan for staffing his new office, envisioning a range of positions from {d-0}a thoroughly competent head assistant{d-1} to a draftsman for tracing. He had Ewart in mind as a {d-0}practical draughtsman,{d-1} one of the mid-level positions. Nevertheless, by January 1875 Ewart had become the highest-paid architectural draftsman in the office, and by 1879 he was de facto assistant chief architect.

In October 1881, ten years after being hired on trial, Ewart gained the office{apos}s top position – albeit on an acting basis – when his minister, Sir Hector-Louis Langevin*, orchestrated Scott{apos}s resignation-cum-retirement. At the very same moment, however, Thomas Fuller*, one of the original architects of the Parliament Buildings and then living in upstate New York, was corresponding with Samuel Keefer*, a former deputy commissioner of public works in Ottawa, to promote his candidacy as the department{apos}s new chief architect. Keefer{apos}s strong endorsement of Fuller was quickly acted on by Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald*, and Fuller was in place by December. Ewart reverted to his role as assistant chief architect.

Known for his business capacity, Ewart took care of a considerable amount of Fuller{apos}s work, including office supervision and correspondence. In addition, he managed the auditing of accounts for all public buildings controlled by the federal government – the responsibilities of the chief architect{apos}s office, unlike those of a private architectural practice, included acquisition, maintenance, and repair. The department{apos}s deputy minister, Antoine Gobeil, singled out Ewart in 1892 as {d-0}the mainstay of the chief architect{apos}s office. I never knew a man to work so much. He works day and night.{d-1}

Fuller retired in 1896, and approval to appoint Ewart as chief architect was finally given on 2 Nov. 1897. More than 340 new buildings and substantial renovations would be undertaken during his tenure of this office, one of the most productive eras in the history of the chief architect{apos}s branch. The office produced a steady string of well-designed public buildings – almost every municipality of any consequence got one – and the standardized plans that emerged in this period resulted in a recognizable federal design vocabulary across the country. Ewart and his staff occasionally equalled the best work being produced in private practice, as in their Edwardian baroque design for the Vancouver Post Office (1905–10). Ewart himself designed in a very controlled, sober manner, favouring Tudor Gothic for his Dominion Archives Building (1904–6), Victoria Memorial Museum (1905–8), Royal Mint (1905–8), and Connaught Building (1913–16), all in Ottawa.

Ewart{apos}s otherwise successful tenure as chief architect was not without low points. For example, the department (and therefore the chief architect) was found partly responsible for the collapse of an addition to the west block on Parliament Hill, and 80 feet of the central tower of the Victoria Memorial Museum had to be removed after it began to sink. The edifice Ewart thought one of his best, the Connaught Building, was criticized by his peers in the journal Construction (Toronto) as being of {d-0}puerile design and questionable construction.{d-1}

In 1903 Ewart was awarded the Imperial Service Order (one of the first in Canada) in recognition of his career in the civil service. He was also a member of the first executive council (1889) and president (1893) of the Ottawa Institute of Architects, a founding member (1889) and councillor (1891) of the Ontario Association of Architects, and a founding member and councillor (1907) of the Institute of Architects of Canada (later the Royal Architectural Institute of Canada). He retired in 1914 at age 73, but was immediately made dominion consulting architect, a position created specifically for him and one that he held at full salary until his death. A singular devotion to the Canadian civil service came to an end 50 years after it had begun when he died of a stomach malignancy at his home in Ottawa (not, as legend has it, by hurling himself from his truncated museum tower). Four of his sons worked in architecture or engineering. The eldest, John Albert, practised for 65 years, and at his death in 1964 was considered the doyen of Ottawa{apos}s architects.

David Ewart had attained the chief architect{apos}s office at a time when the position had, by dint of scope and volume of work, evolved from one requiring a master designer – a role so ably played by his predecessor Fuller – to one needing a master administrator. He was ideal for this work, efficiently orchestrating a sizeable office of architectural specialists to produce a high volume of very competent (and occasionally outstanding) construction within a politically demanding context. Professionally, Ewart was a capable architect of buildings; more significantly, he was an accomplished architect of the process of building.

AO, RG 80-5-0-148, no.2023; RG 80-8-0-809, no.10392. GRO, Reg. of marriages, All Saints North Street, York, 20 March 1871. LAC, RG 11, B1(a), 591; B1(b), 725, 753; B3(a), 2922; RG 31, C1, 1901, Nepean, Ont., dist.52: 11; RG 76, C: 1(a) (mfm.). National Arch. (G.B.), HO 107 1841, Penicuik, Edinburgh County. Globe, 27 Aug. 1901. Ottawa Citizen, 3 Oct. 1881, 7 June 1921. Ottawa Evening Journal, 7 June 1921. Toronto Daily Star, 23 June 1906. Margaret Archibald, By federal design: the chief architect{apos}s branch of the Department of Public Works, 1881–1914 (Ottawa, 1983). Can., Dept. of the Secretary of State, The civil service list of Canada . . . (Ottawa), 1898–1914; Parl., Sessional papers, 1892, no.16C: 487; 1906, no.161: 1–6. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). {d-0}A competent chief architect and representative government buildings the most pressing need in Canada{apos}s advancement,{d-1} Construction (Toronto), 5 (1911–12), no.1: 43–44. {d-0}Proposed department building, Ottawa – a gross breach of faith with architectural profession – a beautifully symmetrical and monumental adaptation of Gothic set aside for a design characterized by critic as a {s-0}glorified packing box,{s-1-unknown}{d-1} Construction, 3 (1910), no.6: 72–73. Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell), vol.1. Who{apos}s who and why, 1915/16. Janet Wright, Crown assets: the architecture of the Department of Public Works, 1867–1967 (Toronto, 1997).

In his early years Cléophas Fabien attended Joseph-Octave Mauffette{apos}s school in Montreal. In the mid 1860s he began working with his father as a carpenter{apos}s apprentice. Having learned the rudiments of his trade, in 1866 he became a carpenter{apos}s apprentice on the construction of the Canadian parliament buildings in Ottawa [see Thomas Fuller*]. It was at this time, as well, that he helped with the repairs to some of the wings of Notre-Dame church in Montreal. During the 1870s and early 1880s Fabien was employed by William Rutherford, a major manufacturer of furniture, doors, and windows in Montreal. In all likelihood, it was there that he acquired a sound training in cabinetmaking.

On the strength of his experience, Fabien went into business for himself in 1884. Borrowing $50 from a neighbour, he opened a small plant equipped with a primitive sawmill in the Montreal suburb of Sainte-Cunégonde to make furniture and iceboxes. He apparently produced only six iceboxes during the first year. In October 1888 he went into partnership with Cyrille Paré, a joiner, under the business name of Fabien et Paré. This arrangement enabled him to increase his output of iceboxes to 200 a year, while continuing to manufacture furniture. At the time, Fabien et Paré{apos}s iceboxes were simply rectangular cold cupboards, holding 20 to 50 pounds, in which a block of ice was placed. To increase the insulating effect, the inside walls were lined with zinc, while the exterior sheathing was of wood.

In many respects Cléophas Fabien{apos}s career illustrates the rise of French Canadian entrepreneurs in niche markets, outside the realm of industrial mass production, at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th.

ANQ-M, CE601-S29, 11 févr. 1874; CE601-S51, 24 janv. 1850; TP11, S2, SS20, SSS48, vol. 14-o, 6 juin 1889, no.668. Le Devoir, 25 avril 1925, 5 juin 1928. La Patrie, 9–10, 12 janv. 1925. La Presse, 9 janv. 1925. Voix populaire (Montréal), 26 oct. 1950; 11, 16 juin, 2, 23 juill. 1952. The book of Montreal; a souvenir of Canada{apos}s commercial metropolis, ed. E. J. Chambers ([Montreal, 1903]), 114. Canadian trade index (Toronto), 1901, 1913–15, 1994. Directory, Montreal, 1880–1925. J.-H. Fabien, {d-0}La famille Presseau-Fabien,{d-1} Soc. généalogique canadienne-française, Mémoires (Montréal), 13 (1962): 123–31. A history of technology, ed. C. [J.] Singer et al. (8v., Oxford, 1954–94), 5: 45–51. Franz Klingender, {d-0}{s-0}To lighten the burden of womenkind{s-1-unknown}: the mechanization of domestic equipment, 1890–1960{d-1} (hist. assessment, National Museum of Science and Technology, Ottawa, 1994), 15–16. Linteau, Hist. de Montréal, 172, 194. Gérald Messadié, Les grandes inventions du monde moderne (Paris, 1989), 28–29. Montreal illustrated, 1894 . . . (Montreal, [1894]). Ronald Rudin, Banking en français: the French banks of Quebec, 1835–1925 (Toronto, 1985), 116–17.

Beatty was Fasken{apos}s mentor but the two differed in several respects. Beatty, a Conservative in politics and an Anglican by religion, was from an upper-middle-class Toronto family. Fasken, a Liberal and a Methodist, was in Beatty{apos}s view a raw lad from the farm. Though Fasken shunned publicity, he had drive and ambition, and, according to one biographer, {d-0}a capacity for sustained and concentrated effort, close attention to detail, and absolutely unprejudiced weighing of facts{d-1} - qualities that endeared him to Beatty. By 1902 Beatty, who had become increasingly involved in business, left the management of Beatty Blackstock, as the firm was known, to Fasken. With 15 lawyers, among them George Gooderham*{apos}s son-in-law Thomas Gibbs Blackstock and his brother George Tate Blackstock, it was the largest in Canada.

Fasken{apos}s entrepreneurial spirit also placed him in the front rank of financiers determined to tap the mineral and recreational potential of the Precambrian Shield in {d-0}New Ontario.{d-1} During the construction of the Temiskaming and Northern Ontario Railway in 1903, silver was discovered at Long (Cobalt) Lake. A stampede followed and a town sprang up, but despite the promise, Canadian banks by and large refused finance. The following year Fasken acted quickly with Ellis P. Earle and other New York investors to form the Nipissing Mining Company Limited, which acquired claims covering 846 acres at the centre of the camp. For many years Nipissing{apos}s president and a director, Fasken was, as well, a director and substantial shareholder of La Rose Consolidated Mines Limited and Trethewey Silver-Cobalt Mine Limited. In 1909 the Montreal Daily Star listed him among the 17 Canadians and 8 Americans whom Cobalt had turned into millionaires. In addition to securing much of the capital needed to mine this rugged locale, Fasken acquired the three powerplants that supplied Cobalt with hydroelectricity. In 1911 he merged them to form the Northern Ontario Light and Power Company Limited, of which he became president; he also organized the Northern Canada Power Company Limited.

Fasken{apos}s firm carried out the legal work for the companies he was involved with, and its growing expertise in mining law attracted new mining clients. He thus reshaped the firm to serve his own business needs. In September 1906, under a revised partnership agreement, he had been formally recognized as Beatty Blackstock{apos}s managing partner. He was named a kc in 1910. Five years later the firm{apos}s name was changed to Fasken, Cowan, Chadwick, and Rose, and its offices were moved from the Gooderham-related Bank of Toronto building to the new Excelsior Life building on Toronto Street, a move that confirmed Fasken{apos}s imprint. Like his own home and other Fasken-financed structures, including an addition to Toronto Western Hospital, the Excelsior building had been designed by his architect friend Edward James Lennox*. Fasken{apos}s link to Toronto Western, to which he donated $500,000, was not completely charitable: its doctors provided reviews and opinions for Excelsior, while Fasken{apos}s firm was the hospital{apos}s solicitor.

When in 1919 Fasken retired from active practice in his law firm because of illness, his brother Alex became managing partner. Despite his activity in Texas, Fasken had continued to maintain a residence in Toronto, as well as large farms near Elora and Clarkson (Mississauga) and a cottage at Temagami. He passed away in Toronto in December 1929, leaving an estate worth $1,792,300, which did not include the valuable oil reserves yet to be discovered on his Texas ranch. The Toronto Daily Star, ignoring his other achievements, ran the headline {d-0}David Fasken, wealthy mining magnate dies.{d-1} Today the law firm he managed still bears his name, but little is known of this man with the Midas touch.

AO, RG 22-305, no.63434. Fasken Martineau DuMoulin Arch. (Toronto), W. H. Beatty to C. W. Beatty, 3 Aug. 1892 (copy); Material relating to David Fasken, esp. Fasken family tree (1966); Partnership agreement between W. H. Beatty, E. M. Chadwick, David Fasken et al., 1 Sept. 1906; J. B. Robinson memoirs. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1871, Pilkington Township, Ont., div.2: 7; 1901, Toronto, Ward 4, div.25: 11 (mfm. at AO). Wellington South Land Registry Office (Guelph, Ont.), Pilkington Township, deeds, vol.2 (1852-62): f.7, no.3528 (mfm. at AO). Cobalt Daily Nugget (Cobalt, Ont.), September 1910. Daily Mail and Empire, 10 Dec. 1927. Globe, 3 Dec. 1929. Toronto Daily Star, 4 Dec. 1929. Canadian annual rev., 1909: 348; 1910: 398; 1912: 644. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Fasken v. Minister of National Revenue, [1949] Dominion Law Reports (Toronto), 1: 810-39. Alexander Fraser, A history of Ontario: its resources and development (2v., Toronto and Montreal, 1907), 1: 584-85. The handbook of Texas (3v., Austin, Tex., 1952-76), 3: 293. B. W. Hodgins and Jamie Benedickson, The Temagami experience: recreation, resources, and aboriginal rights in the northern Ontario wilderness (Toronto, 1989). C. I. Kyer, {d-0}The transformation of an establishment firm: from Beatty Blackstock to Faskens, 1902-1915,{d-1} in Essays in the history of Canadian law, ed. D. H. Flaherty et al. (8v. to date, [Toronto], 1981-?), vol.7 (Inside the law: Canadian law firms in historical perspective, ed. Carol Wilton, 1996), 161-206. Marilyn Litvak, Edward James Lennox: {d-0}Builder of Toronto{d-1} (Toronto, 1995). Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell), vol.2. R. J. Surtees, The northern connection: Ontario Northland since 1902 (Toronto, 1992).

Robert Calver Fearman lived his life according to the examples set by his redoubtable father, founder of the meat-packing firm F. W. Fearman and Company Limited. He was educated in Hamilton{apos}s public schools and collegiate and then at the Dundas Wesleyan Boys{s-1-unknown} Institute. Upon graduation, he set to work in the family business as its secretary-treasurer; in January 1899 he and his brothers Frederick Chester, Henry Holbrook, and Frank Dingwall joined their father in incorporating the company. A cautious beginning in curing hams and bacon and rendering lard had blossomed by that time into a concern that employed approximately 110 workers and generated an output worth over $1 million per year. Its famous Star brand of hams and bacon were shipped across Canada and to France, the West Indies, the United States, and Great Britain, where two-thirds of the company{apos}s product was consumed.

F. W. Fearman{apos}s demise in 1906 elevated his eldest son, Chester, to the presidency. Unfortunately, times had changed since the firm{apos}s peak around the turn of the century and the company now faced circumstances that threatened its fiscal viability. The buyout of the interests of four siblings weakened it, but World War I dealt the most crippling blow. To cope with inflation, it was forced to borrow from the Bank of Hamilton. Revenue from Britain and France shrank, products often spoiled on the way overseas, and renovations made necessary by new government regulations on packing houses were costly.

When Chester died of a stroke in 1918, Robert confronted the unenviable task of trying to put the firm back on its feet. He did not prove equal to the challenge. Post-war inflation and depression made debt reduction impossible without outside finance. Accordingly, in 1920 Fearman called on Ernest Jay Howson of the Toronto accounting and manufacturing specialists Thorne, Mulholland, Howson, and McPherson. The {d-0}lack of sufficient capital and the extraordinary business conditions{d-1} since 1914 compelled him to consider admitting others to the family concern. Such a move, he hoped, would allow reorganization. The public, the Hamilton Spectator intoned, would be {d-0}pleased to know that Hamilton is not to lose this old-established industry.{d-1} It continued to struggle, however, and in 1922 the Bank of Hamilton forced it into bankruptcy. (It would nonetheless recover and operate under the controlling interest of the family until 1934.) Robert{apos}s efforts had proved unavailing in the wake of the upheavals of the modern era.

In his personal life, as in business, Fearman{apos}s desire to emulate and perhaps please his larger-than-life sire was clear. F. W. Fearman had not confined his entrepreneurial activities to the meat-packing industry, and neither did Robert, who served for many years as president of Armstrong Cartage of Hamilton. Like his father, he was a Methodist and was active in Freemasonry, as a member of the Barton and Murton lodges and treasurer of the Tuscan Lodge. Fearman Sr had been a zealous advocate of public education and libraries. Robert loyally adopted these interests, serving on the board of education in 1914-16 and devoting a great deal of time to library boards and committees. In politics, he too supported the Conservatives for their policy of protection for Canadian industries. His wife was a daughter of Joseph Lister, on whose land F. W. Fearman had opened his first shop. For many years the couple lived in Ivey Lodge, the impressive stone house built by Fearman Sr. It was here that Robert{apos}s health began to fail. An operation two months before his death failed to restore his vigour, although he continued to take an {d-0}active interest in business affairs,{d-1} and he died in August 1922. He was eulogized as a civic-minded and public-spirited man of sterling character, and the Spectator joined in: {d-0}A shrewd business man, yet ever kindly to those in need, no one ever appealed to him for help in vain.{d-1} Fearman went to his grave the epitome of a dutiful, upstanding, and perhaps cowed son of a self-made man, whose success in business was the one aspect of his life that his heir could not emulate.

AO, RG 80-5-0-139, no.12706. Hamilton Public Library, Special Coll. Dept. (Hamilton, Ont.), Scrapbooks, H. F. Gardiner, vol.124; Hamilton Public Library Board, vols.1-2; Herald, vol.L3; Times, vol.L3. UCC-C, Fonds 5/8, 78.004C. Hamilton Herald, 8 Aug. 1922. Hamilton Spectator, 13 April 1920, 8 Aug. 1922. DHB, vol.2. Hamilton Public Library, Industrial Hamilton: a trail to the future, {d-0}F. W. Fearman Packing Company Limited{d-1}: collections.gc.ca/industrial/fearman.htm (consulted 25 Aug. 2003). Magazine of industry and daily times, Hamilton, Ont. - reviewing historically the industrial and financial interests (souvenir ed., Hamilton, 1910; copy in Hamilton Public Library). J. E. Middleton and Fred Landon, The province of Ontario: a history, 1615-1927 (5v., Toronto, 1927-[28]), 4: 488-89. Prominent men of Canada: a collection of persons distinguished in professional and political life, and in the commerce and industry of Canada, ed. G. M. Adam (Toronto, 1892).

The Fidlers were a railway family who probably located first at Brantford when they arrived in Upper Canada in 1856. Brantford was an important railway town that became integrated into the national transportation system in the 1860s and 1870s when connections were made to the three main trunk lines: the Grand Trunk, the Great Western, and the Canada Southern. In 1871 Alfred Davis Fidler{apos}s father, James, was working for the Grand Trunk as a fireman.

The 1881 census finds the Fidlers in St Thomas where the father and two eldest sons were railway workers. Later employment with the Canadian Pacific Railway took all of the family, except for Alfred{apos}s sister, Mary, west. William, the second son, settled in Calgary in 1883; he was joined by his father and brothers Charles and Alfred in 1884. In 1888 the family moved to Canmore and in 1889 James, the youngest son, came with his mother. By 1891 John, the eldest, had arrived as well. Canmore was a division point and layover centre for CPR crews and Alfred was engaged in the running trades during the construction of the line; at the time of his marriage in 1898 he was a yardman. He would make an annual salary of $1,000 in 1901. In January 1899 the CPR moved its shops to Calgary and its division point to Lake Louise. Many of the railway{apos}s employees relocated in Calgary over the next few years, including Alfred Fidler, now a freight conductor.

Fidler joined the government of Alberta{apos}s Department of Public Works as a clerk on 29 March 1909, and in June that year he was appointed an inspector of local improvement districts. His experience with the CPR proved invaluable because of the connections between the railway and the department in bridge building and the shipping of construction materials for local projects. He became an auditor and inspector on 1 Jan. 1912 and then moved to the Department of Municipal Affairs, created that year, at an annual salary of $1,600. Fidler{apos}s pay was increased to $1,800 in 1917 when he became inspector of munitions in the same department during World War I; he was appointed chief inspector in 1918 and made $2,400 annually from 1921 until his death.

One of the department{apos}s functions was to administer the organization of municipalities and regulate their planning schemes; the inspector ensured that they followed proper procedures, oversaw the collection of local taxes, and audited the books to make certain they conformed to provincial regulations. It is recorded that Fidler audited the accounts of the municipal district of Cardston in 1922, for example. In July 1925 the secretary-treasurer embezzled funds from the Burlington municipal district, now in Forty Mile County. The municipality and the school districts faced financial ruin and were forced into trusteeship. The council was dissolved on 26 Oct. 1926 and the district was placed in charge of the official administrator, Alfred Fidler. After his untimely death, the deputy minister of the Department of Municipal Affairs, William David Spence, wrote that Fidler had been {d-0}employed in the service of the Department since its inception and organization and was engaged in the inspection of municipalities prior to that date as a member of the staff of the Department of Public Works. He was widely known and respected in his work, and had come to be recognized as an authority on municipal matters.{d-1}

According to his obituary, Alf Fidler was also known to many as {d-0}the Father of Baseball in Alberta.{d-1} This judgement appears to be the exaggeration of an old friend writing a eulogy for a local newspaper. Fidler{apos}s family did come from a part of southwestern Ontario that was a hotbed for baseball in the late 19th century. Hamilton, Dundas, Woodstock, Ingersoll, London, and Guelph all had community-rooted professional baseball teams, strengthened by American {d-0}ringers{d-1} by the 1870s. These towns also hosted touring teams from the United States. Baseball was brought to the prairies by the early settlers from Ontario and the United States (Fidler was said to have been one of the first catchers to come to Alberta). In rural areas the game tended to be associated with activities on holidays, such as Dominion Day, Labour Day, and Victoria Day. The sport helped to build a sense of community in a new settlement and boosted the locality as well.

Fidler{apos}s reputation as a ball player was probably the result of the fact that he played one season as a professional at first base for the Fort Worth Panthers in the Texas League, which was D level, in 1892. He was also a catcher, first baseman, and outfielder for teams in Medicine Hat, Canmore, and Calgary; in 1895 the Canmore team, which he had also organized, played only six games. In 1903 box scores in the Calgary Morning Albertan show Fidler on first base for the CPR team in the city amateur league. He also played for the Calgary team in a mid-summer tournament against other teams from southern Alberta. In 1906 he was the vice-president of an amateur baseball club in Calgary.

When the Western Canada League was formed in 1907 with professional teams in Edmonton, Calgary, Medicine Hat, and Lethbridge, Fidler was to join the Calgary Bronchos as a player but the scoresheets do not list him in the line-up. He was selected as the manager. The Albertan of 28 May 1907 reported that Fidler was to hit the ceremonial first pitch on opening day, but let his son Charles Alfred, known as {d-0}young Alf,{d-1} do it instead. He continued to play competitive amateur baseball in Calgary until he was 40, which earned him the nickname {d-0}Old Hoss.{d-1} For the rest of his life he umpired games throughout the province, including in the WCL.

Alf Fidler represented the tradition of {d-0}muscular Christianity,{d-1} in which manly sport was linked to the religious values - Fidler himself was an Anglican - that shaped the community. He was a gifted and respected athlete, remembered as {d-0}one of the squarest shooters in the game.{d-1} At the time of his death his home was 910 14th Avenue West in Calgary. He died of heart failure at the age of 57 on 21 March 1927, after cutting short a trip to Edmonton by train on government business the night previous. He was buried in Burnsland Cemetery in downtown Calgary, as was his wife after her death in 1954.

AO, RG 80-5-0-257, no.7323. Burnsland Cemetery (Calgary), A block, plot 31. LAC, RG 31, C1, St Thomas, Ont., 1881, dist.163, subdist.C, div.2: 67; dist.175, subdist.A, div.3: 27; 1891, 1901, Canmore, Alta; 1906, Calgary, dist.19, subdist.26: 10. Calgary Albertan, 22-23, 25 March 1927. Calgary Herald, 22, 25 March 1927; 13 Feb. 1954. Morning Albertan (Calgary), 15 May, 24 July 1903. Alta, Dept. of Municipal Affairs, Annual report (Edmonton), 1912-27; Treasury Dept., Public accounts of the province of Alberta (Edmonton), 1909-11. Alberta Assoc. of Municipal Districts and Counties, Story of rural municipal government in Alberta: 1909 to 1983 ([Edmonton, 1983?]). Alberta Geneal. Soc., Edmonton branch, Alberta: index to registration of births, marriages and deaths . . . (1v. to date, Edmonton, 1995-?), 1 (1870 to 1905). E. H. Appleby, Canmore: the story of an era (Canmore, Alta, 1975). N. B. Bouchier, For the love of the game: amateur sport in small-town Ontario, 1838-1895 (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 2003). D. G. Burley, A particular condition in life: self-employment and social mobility in mid-Victorian Brantford, Ontario (Montreal and Kingston, 1994). Directory, Calgary, 1910-43. B. E. Ducey, The Rajah of Renfrew: the life and times of John E. Ducey, Edmonton{apos}s {d-0}Mr. Baseball{d-1} (Edmonton, 1998). E. J. Hanson, Local government in Alberta ([Toronto, 1956]). Bill Kirwin, {d-0}A colony within a colony: the Western Canada Baseball League of 1912,{d-1} Nine: a Journal of Baseball Hist. and Social Policy Perspectives (Edmonton), 1995-96: 282-97. Lynne Marks, Revivals and roller rinks: religion, leisure, and identity in late-nineteenth-century small-town Ontario (Toronto, 1996). Jack Masson, Alberta{apos}s local governments and their politics (Edmonton, 1985). Alan Metcalfe, Canada learns to play: the emergence of organized sport, 1807-1914 (Toronto, 1987). {d-0}Mike McCann{apos}s minor league baseball page,{d-1} created by Mike McCann: www.geocities.com/big_bunko/ (consulted 18 Jan. 2004). Don Morrow, {d-0}Baseball,{d-1} in Don Morrow et al., A concise history of sport in Canada (Toronto, 1989), 109-39. M. K. Mott, {d-0}Manly sports and Manitobans: settlement days to World War One{d-1} (PHD thesis, Queen{apos}s Univ., Kingston, 1980). Ontario Geneal. Soc., Index to the 1871 census of Ontario, general ed. B. S. Elliott (30v., Toronto, 1986-92). {d-0}The southern Alberta pioneers and their descendants,{d-1} designed by James A. N. Mackie: www.pioneersalberta.org (consulted 18 Jan. 2004). L. St. G. Stubbs, Shoestring glory: a prairie history of semi-pro baseball (Winnipeg, 1996). Paul Voisey, Vulcan: the making of a prairie community (Toronto, 1987). D. G. Wetherell and Irene Kmet, Useful pleasures: the shaping of leisure in Alberta, 1896-1945 (Regina, 1990).

Fielding could scarcely have joined the Morning Chronicle at a more turbulent time for the journal and the province. McCully{apos}s infatuation with confederation following the Charlottetown and Quebec conferences led to his dismissal as editor in early 1865. Both his replacements, Annand and Joseph Howe*, were firmly opposed to the Quebec resolutions. From his privileged vantage, Fielding worked closely with these legendary leaders of the anti-confederation movement and developed a lasting admiration for Howe and his cause. In 1869, after Howe and Archibald Woodbury McLelan* had secured better financial terms for Nova Scotia within confederation, Howe joined Sir John A. Macdonald*{apos}s cabinet in Ottawa, a move that drove a wedge between him and Annand. Fielding skilfully steered a difficult course between his devotion to Howe and his loyalty to Annand, revealing a pragmatism and flexibility that was to mark his public career.

Fielding{apos}s employment at the Morning Chronicle gave him unusual access to political power and influence. In the confusion that marked the restructuring of post-confederation Nova Scotian politics [see Philip Carteret Hill*], the Morning Chronicle was the command post for the province{apos}s anti-confederation forces, and its editor became its most authoritative voice. As one of the paper{apos}s highly partisan, diligent, and articulate journalists, Fielding continued to argue Nova Scotia{apos}s cause against confederation and denounce Charles Tupper*{apos}s treachery at the Quebec conference. He was a relentless critic of Macdonald{apos}s Conservative government and, after 1878, the provincial Conservative administrations of Simon Hugh Holmes* and John Sparrow David Thompson*. An ardent defender of the old wind, wood, and sail economy, Fielding opposed the National Policy of 1879 [see Sir Samuel Leonard Tilley*]. He advocated economy in government, including the abolition of Nova Scotia{apos}s Legislative Council. He was especially critical of the accounting practices of successive provincial governments, their calculation of uncollectable debts as assets, and their use of supplementary estimates for routine expenditures. Meanwhile, through his criticism and his continuing association with the Toronto Globe, Fielding drew ever closer to the federal Liberal party and its leader, Alexander Mackenzie*.

In this intensely partisan, engaged environment more active political involvement was almost inevitable. In 1879 Fielding helped found the Young Men{apos}s Liberal Club in Halifax, and he participated more directly in the organization of the party. Although his lack of personal wealth had prevented him from accepting earlier invitations to run for public office, in June 1882 he contested the provincial constituency of Halifax County. Not only did he win the seat by a small majority, but his party formed the government. His disorganized colleagues (15 of the 24 successful Liberals were neophytes and the other 9 were divided on policy issues) asked Fielding, a novice himself, to assume the positions of premier and provincial secretary. When he declined, William Thomas Pipes*, another newcomer, was chosen premier. Later in 1882 Fielding relented and entered Pipes{apos}s cabinet as a minister without portfolio. Organized, energetic, and meticulous, with a keen business sense, a skilful conciliator, an effective debater, a Halifax resident, and still editor of the Chronicle, Fielding soon gained influence, especially within his weak and divided party. Two years later, when party dissension and personal problems forced Pipes to resign, Fielding was the obvious but not unanimous choice to succeed him. Fielding accepted the positions of premier and provincial secretary, the second bringing with it the responsibilities of provincial treasurer.

Fielding{apos}s principal obsession as premier was the province{apos}s precarious finances, which he attributed to the unfavourable financial terms of its entry into confederation. Since 70 per cent of Nova Scotia{apos}s revenue came from the dominion government, he first sought a more advantageous federal settlement. After a petition from the Nova Scotia legislature for better terms, a delegation to Ottawa, and correspondence with Macdonald and the new Liberal leader, an unsympathetic Edward Blake*, had all failed to elicit a favourable response, in 1885 Fielding supported a motion from the legislature calling upon Nova Scotia to consider withdrawing from confederation should the federal government fail to improve the province{apos}s financial situation during its current session. Ottawa{apos}s subsequent point-by-point rejection of Nova Scotia{apos}s claims made an appeal to the people, a repeal election, inevitable.

In May 1886 Fielding moved a resolution asking Ottawa to release the province from confederation that passed the House of Assembly largely along party lines. In the subsequent provincial election Fielding made it clear that the federal government{apos}s transportation and tariff policies and its failure to recognize Nova Scotia{apos}s claims for better terms had left the province with no other option than secession. While his preference was for Maritime union, in the absence of strong support in New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, Nova Scotia was prepared to proceed alone. The electorate{apos}s response appeared decisive: 29 Liberals, and 1 independent who favoured repeal, were returned as opposed to only 8 Conservative defenders of the union. Fulfilment of the secession mandate, however, was more difficult.

Fielding{apos}s own views on secession were conveniently ambiguous. His party{apos}s increasingly public divisions on the repeal issue (especially in Pictou and Cumberland counties and in Cape Breton, where the National Policy was promoting industrialization), as well as the British government{apos}s opposition, persuaded the cautious premier to temporize, until he could induce the other Maritime provinces to join him or there was a change of government in Ottawa. He tried through both correspondence and personal visits to promote secession and Maritime union in New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, but leading Liberals there remained timid. The Nova Scotia Liberals{s-1-unknown} open split on the repeal issue during the federal election of February 1887, and the party{apos}s failure to secure more than 7 of the province{apos}s 21 federal seats, proved an irreparable political blow to secession.

Although strong anti-confederation sentiments lingered in Nova Scotia, Fielding{apos}s position remained ambiguous. He continued to talk about Maritime union within or without Canada. Yet his active involvement in Honoré Mercier*{apos}s interprovincial conference at Quebec City in October 1887 suggests a pragmatic willingness to seek redress within confederation, despite his initial insistence that his participation was without prejudice to Nova Scotia{apos}s political future. Though he mentioned repeal during the provincial election campaign of 1890, in which his party won 28 seats, it was only to reiterate his view that the movement had been stalled by the federal results of 1887. In 1892, however, he refused to attend the Canadian high commissioner{apos}s Dominion Day celebrations in London. On the other hand, his active role in Wilfrid Laurier*{apos}s national Liberal convention in Ottawa in 1893 and his subsequent acceptance of an executive position in the Maritime Provinces Liberal Association confirm his willingness to give confederation a chance under Liberal auspices.

Meanwhile, Fielding sought internal means to solve or mask the province{apos}s fiscal ills. His creation of a separate capital account that recorded only annual, not accumulated, deficits and his government{apos}s voting of insufficient supplies helped to disguise the financial malaise. Securing more favourable interest rates against the province{apos}s debt allowance, renegotiating debts, a fortuitous federal refund of provincial moneys that had been spent on certain public works, and the imposition of succession duties all provided some additional relief.

Fielding soon realized, however, that the province{apos}s fiscal deficiencies would only be remedied through a more vigorous provincial industrial strategy, one that required a sharp reordering of his party{apos}s industrial policy and political philosophy. Since coal royalties accounted for 17 per cent of the province{apos}s public revenue, Fielding began his new strategy by extending royalties to slack coal. In 1892, conscious that coal was Nova Scotia{apos}s most lucrative resource and aware of the coal industry{apos}s capacity for further growth and its implications for public revenue, Fielding, through the mediation of Benjamin Franklin Pearson*, persuaded Henry Melville Whitney, a Boston entrepreneur, and his associates to invest in the Cape Breton coalmines. In return for a 99-year lease of the coalfields, the new company agreed to pay royalties of 12.5 cents per ton of coal, an arrangement that was confirmed by legislation early in 1893. By 1896 coal royalties accounted for 32 per cent of the provincial revenue, and they continued to rise. When reproached by the Conservative leader, Charles Hazlitt Cahan*, for the monopolistic nature and length of the lease, and the province{apos}s reliance upon American capital, Fielding made clear that he was firmly committed to the industrialization of Nova Scotia and indifferent to the nationality of the capital and labour required to achieve this objective. The province{apos}s and the provincial Liberals{s-1-unknown} growing dependence upon the coal economy transformed the party{apos}s political and ideological agenda, and influenced Fielding{apos}s choice of George Henry Murray, who represented the industrial heartland of Cape Breton, as his successor in 1896..

Fielding was no less adept at cultivating the political support of labour. Soon after he became premier, he had forged an alliance with the nascent Provincial Workmen{apos}s Association and a personal friendship with its influential general secretary, Robert Drummond. When Drummond failed to secure a seat in the House of Assembly in 1886 and again in 1890, Fielding named him to the Legislative Council. Meanwhile Fielding, at Drummond{apos}s behest, introduced labour legislation that earned the premier an enviable reputation among miners: fortnightly wages, a minimum working age, mine inspectors, safety regulations, night schools, and compulsory arbitration before authorized lockouts. In Drummond{apos}s view Fielding{apos}s mining legislation was {d-0}the most advanced . . . in the world{d-1} and {d-0}set the pace even for Britain.{d-1} Fielding also knew how to placate apprehensive mine owners. When the general manager of the Acadia Coal Company in Stellarton, Henry Skeffington Poole*, objected to the province{apos}s legislation requiring mine officials to hold certificates of competence, the premier, somewhat cynically, named Poole chairman of the provincial board of examiners. Fielding would continue to serve Nova Scotia{apos}s coal and steel interests as Laurier{apos}s minister of finance from 1896 until 1911.

Fielding{apos}s transfer to federal politics was not entirely unexpected, since well before 1896 Laurier had identified him as a potential political ally and had worked assiduously to involve him on the national scene. While preparing for the Liberal convention in June 1893 Laurier invited Fielding to a small gathering of friends to plot strategy. He also named the provincial premier first vice-chairman of the convention and chairman of the central resolutions committee, which was responsible, among other things, for initiating a new Liberal policy on trade and tariffs. During the convention the party changed its old program of unrestricted reciprocity with the United States [see Sir James David Edgar*] for a program of tariff reduction and a more modest measure of reciprocity, in an effort to rid itself of the taint of disloyalty and to calm the fears of business. In its new platform it promised to establish a revenue tariff, reduced {d-0}to the needs of honest, economical and efficient government,{d-1} one that would promote freer trade, especially with Britain and the United States. Fielding played a large role in the drafting and adoption of the new policy.

As a founding member and vice-president of the Maritime Provinces Liberal Association, Fielding threw his full support behind Laurier in the election of 1896, though he cautiously refused to contest a seat until the Liberal victory in June assured him a cabinet position. Pressed by Laurier to become minister of finance, in August he won by acclamation the Nova Scotian constituency of Shelburne and Queens and took his place in Laurier{apos}s talented first cabinet, among other experienced regional leaders such as Sir Oliver Mowat*, Andrew George Blair*, and Louis Henry Davies. Laurier{apos}s choice of Fielding for the Department of Finance surprised many observers. And it angered Sir Richard John Cartwright*, the party{apos}s long-serving finance critic and a former minister of finance. Free traders were apprehensive: some agreed with John Charlton* that Fielding was {d-0}too small a man for his position.{d-1} While Fielding{apos}s appointment may well have been pressed upon Laurier by concerned businessmen such as George Hope Bertram*, anxious to block the access to office of the doctrinaire old free trader Cartwright, they appeared to lean on an open door. The prime minister seemed all too willing to secure a younger man, with less political baggage, and a proven friend of business interests, in the words of the journalist Paul Ernest Bilkey {d-0}a Free Trader by profession and a Protectionist in practice,{d-1} not unlike Laurier himself.

Gradually Fielding assumed the position of elder statesman in the Liberal party, second only to Laurier and increasingly seen as the heir apparent. Several things facilitated his ascendancy. A pragmatic, ambitious, tactful man of flexible political principles, he was a conscientious and able administrator, though inclined to procrastinate. He was also a man of blameless private and public morality, in striking contrast to some of his more high-spirited colleagues, two or three of whom Fielding felt deserved prison terms. Despite his lengthy political service he remained a relatively poor man; money did not stick to his hands. In the view of his political opponents he possessed, as Bilkey commented, {d-0}the not uncommon combination of personal rectitude and political dishonesty.{d-1} He was also a survivor; for quite apart from his personal virtues, by 1905 all the strong provincial leaders, those who had made Laurier{apos}s first administration {d-0}the ministry of all the talents,{d-1} had left the cabinet. When Laurier failed to replace them with comparable men, except for Allen Bristol Aylesworth* and the youthful William Lyon Mackenzie King, Fielding came to be regarded as Laurier{apos}s right-hand man, and his logical successor.

Moreover, as minister of finance, Fielding received credit for the rapid economic expansion that characterized the Laurier era, the {d-0}indubitable mascot and advance agent of good times,{d-1} as the Toronto Globe described him. During these halcyon days it would have been difficult to be a poor minister. The government derived over 70 per cent of its revenue from excise and custom duties on imports paid for by the vast sums of foreign capital that poured into Canada between the years 1901 and 1921, a situation that owed little to fiscal policy. After 1901 there was not much for a minister to do but watch the revenue increase, gloat over the government{apos}s good fortune, and turn the situation to political advantage.

As minister of finance, Fielding endeavoured to develop external trade. In 1897, when efforts by John Charlton and others to negotiate more favourable American tariffs failed, Fielding revised the Canadian tariff in order to facilitate trade with Britain. Although the new tariff provisions applied to all countries that granted Canada similar terms, in essence the minimum tariff became an imperial preference; yet in 1902 Fielding cleverly helped frustrate Joseph Chamberlain{apos}s efforts to create an imperial free trade zone. In 1907 Fielding introduced an intermediate tariff, between the general tariff and the preference, designed {d-0}as an instrument by which we may conduct negotiations . . . with any country which is willing to give Canada favourable conditions.{d-1} (It was also designed to bridge the gap between Canadian farmers and manufacturers whose diametrically opposed views on commercial policy had been aired before the tariff inquiry commission Fielding had established in 1905.) With this instrument in hand, in 1907 Fielding and Louis-Philippe Brodeur negotiated a trade treaty with France, and two years later Fielding obtained an agreement to promote trade with the British West Indies.

Although Fielding had made modest tariff adjustments in 1897, and again in 1907, the Conservatives{s-1-unknown} National Policy remained essentially unchanged under the Liberals. The true father of the Fielding tariff, as his small concessions were named, was probably Joseph-Israël Tarte*, Laurier{apos}s minister of public works and a former Bleu, who in 1897 intervened on behalf of Montreal business to prevent Fielding from introducing more substantial changes. While Fielding professed to see the tariff principally as a source of revenue, he appreciated its utility as an instrument of industrial development and was prepared to see it remain for a time. That time ended in 1910 when he and the minister of customs, William Paterson, negotiated a favourable reciprocity agreement with the United States, his most costly political blunder.

During his term of office Fielding took a number of other modest initiatives. He was responsible, for example, for the encouragement of Guglielmo Marconi{apos}s experimentation with wireless telegraphy in 1901, the creation of a penny banking system in 1903, and the establishment of a branch of the Royal Mint in Ottawa in 1908. As acting minister of railways and canals in 1903, following the resignation of Andrew George Blair, he helped Laurier negotiate the agreement to construct the National Transcontinental Railway and signed the contract between the government and the Grand Trunk Pacific [see Charles Melville Hays*].

While many political analysts regarded Fielding as Laurier{apos}s rightful successor, others felt that he could never become leader owing to his lack of support in Quebec. Until 1905 Fielding{apos}s record on provincial rights and moderate tariff policy had won him a favourable reputation in Quebec; however, his support for Clifford Sifton{apos}s opposition to the education guarantees in the Autonomy Bills of 1905 and for the Naval Service Bill of 1910, which provided for the establishment of a small Canadian navy, eroded that reputation. It was the Autonomy Bills, introduced into the house following Laurier{apos}s triumphant 1904 re-election, that generated the most bitter feelings against Fielding in Quebec. In these draft bills, designed to provide a constitutional framework for the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta, Laurier had guaranteed the two provinces separate schools. Sifton, Laurier{apos}s minister of the interior and {d-0}the Napoleon of the West,{d-1} refused to accept this provision and resigned from the cabinet in protest. Fielding supported Sifton, and threatened resignation. In the face of the opposition of his two most powerful colleagues, one from the east and the other from the west, Laurier was obliged to revamp the bills. French Canadian colleagues in the house resented Fielding{apos}s strategic intervention in this controversy, partly owing to his reputed sensitivity to religious and linguistic issues in his own province. With Sifton out of the way, Fielding became Laurier{apos}s undisputed second in command and his most obvious successor.

In fact, Fielding only narrowly avoided becoming prime minister in November 1908. At that time Laurier, discouraged by the results of the recent election, especially in English Canada, drafted a letter of resignation requesting Governor General Lord Grey* to call upon Fielding to form a government. But Fielding, conscious of continuing French Canadian resentment owing to his role in revising the Autonomy Bills, persuaded Laurier to delay resignation until 1910, after which Fielding would become leader for two sessions and then call an election. The defeat of the Liberal candidate by his Nationaliste opponent in the famous Drummond and Arthabaska by-election of 1910, however, prevented a transfer of power that year and the party{apos}s collapse in the general election of 1911 altered the question of succession.

The most prominent issue in this election was the reciprocity agreement with the United States that Fielding had announced so triumphantly in the House of Commons in January 1911. The impetus to improve commercial relations between the two countries had come the previous year from the United States and, for Laurier{apos}s government, had coincided with increasing political pressure from farmers for tariff reform [see James Speakman*]. The principal feature of the agreement was the free exchange of natural products and a small number of manufactured goods. The issue, however, backfired. In February, 18 prominent Liberal businessmen in Toronto issued a manifesto protesting the arrangement [see Sir Byron Edmund Walker]. Confident of the popularity of the reciprocity agreement, Laurier accepted the Conservative party{apos}s challenge to call an election for 21 September. Disorganized, ill prepared, and carrying 15 years of political baggage, the ageing Liberal party was defeated. Fielding was among the casualties.

After the election Fielding{apos}s chances of replacing Laurier receded. Laurier{apos}s own popularity began to rebound, especially in Quebec among disillusioned Nationalistes, notably Henri Bourassa*, the influential proprietor of Le Devoir. Sensitive to changing public sentiments, Laurier began to take his distance from his party{apos}s rejected trade and naval policy and to focus on the high cost of living. In contrast, Fielding{apos}s stubborn commitment to the Liberals{s-1-unknown} defunct program, made clear in interviews and speeches during his visit to England in 1913, not only offended party members but reinforced the notion that he was chiefly responsible for the party{apos}s 1911 electoral defeat. Increasingly, Fielding appeared old and inflexible, and Laurier himself began to consider younger successors, among them W. L. M. King. Although in 1912 Robert Bickerdike, the Liberal mp for the Montreal constituency of St Lawrence, had offered to relinquish his seat in favour of Fielding, the party did nothing to redeem Bickerdike{apos}s offer, a failure that suggests Fielding{apos}s fading political reputation.

This became painfully clear in 1913, soon after Fielding moved to Montreal to resume his career in journalism. His friends planned a large, welcoming banquet, and many speculated that Laurier would use the occasion to announce his own retirement and name Fielding as his successor. Consequently over 200 Liberals, including prominent Liberals from other provinces, gathered to participate in the event. Although the hour was past midnight when Laurier rose to speak, the former prime minister gave a fighting oration that aroused the awe and admiration of his audience, and that contrasted sharply with Fielding{apos}s own lacklustre performance. During this speech Laurier announced the new Liberal policy and made it clear that he had no intention of relinquishing the crown. Many party followers were elated. Others were astonished at Fielding{apos}s {d-0}humiliation.{d-1} To Henri Bourassa the reason was clear: physically and mentally Fielding was a man of the past, more at home {d-0}in the world of the archaeologists and the kingdom of the Seven Sleepers.{d-1}

Fielding{apos}s return to journalism appeared no more successful. He had moved to Montreal in December 1912 to assume the editorship of the Daily Witness. The paper was acquired some months later by the Telegraph Publishing Company Limited, of which Fielding was president, and renamed the Daily Telegraph and Daily Witness, but it soon encountered financial difficulties. In January 1914 it was purchased by Sir Hugh Graham*, proprietor of the Montreal Daily Herald, who merged the two papers. The attempts of Graham, a strong-willed Conservative, to dictate editorial policy led to a {d-0}first class blow out.{d-1} Fielding left the Montreal Herald and Daily Telegraph that year and, with James John Harpell and Jack C. Ross, acquired the Journal of Commerce, a weekly that he converted into a daily. Fielding served as both editor of the paper and president of the publishing company. This small publication reverted to a weekly in 1915, then became a monthly, and later moved to Sainte-Anne-de-Bellevue. Fielding continued to edit the Journal of Commerce until he joined W. L. M. King{apos}s cabinet in 1921.

While Fielding{apos}s Montreal sojourn may have restored his links with the city{apos}s business community, World War I further soured his relationship with French Canada. The problem was his support for conscription and his perceived betrayal of Laurier. Throughout the conscription crisis, Fielding consistently sought a middle way where there was no middle way, perhaps cynically seeking political advantage. In the spring of 1917 he drafted a letter, which he never published, justifying Laurier{apos}s refusal to join a coalition government. In it he pleaded with his intended readership for an understanding of French Canada{apos}s opposition to compulsory military conscription and called for a referendum to decide the issue. But when western Canadian Liberals began making their peace with Sir Robert Laird Borden{apos}s Conservatives, Fielding (aware that Laurier was contemplating resignation from the party{apos}s leadership) publicly endorsed the formation of a national government, while withholding his approval of Borden{apos}s proposed terms for it. In October, when support for Borden{apos}s Union government grew among western and Ontario Liberals, Fielding again revised his position and sought to persuade Nova Scotia Liberals to join the Union movement to avoid being isolated. Although he refused a Unionist cabinet post, Fielding endorsed the decision of Alexander Kenneth Maclean*, another Nova Scotian Liberal, to enter Borden{apos}s government, gave Borden his full support, and in the election in December was returned unopposed as a Unionist in Shelburne and Queens. He insisted upon sitting on the cross-benches, however, thereby offending many Liberal Unionists.

Fielding might easily have accommodated himself to Laurier{apos}s generous criteria for individuals to retain caucus membership: oppose conscription and the Union government; support conscription but oppose the Union government; or run as independent Liberals. But he chose to follow the majority of his party, hoping, perhaps, to play peacemaker and power-broker once the war ended. Whatever popularity his vacillating strategy may have gained him in the rest of Canada, it won him no favour in his native province or in Quebec. In Nova Scotia, despite the efforts of Borden, Fielding, and Premier George H. Murray, Unionist electoral manipulation, and the sobering effects of the great Halifax explosion only 11 days before the election, the Laurier Liberals obtained 45.5 per cent of the popular vote. Moreover, Nova Scotian Liberals, like their Quebec colleagues, would not forgive Fielding his desertion of the old chief, as they made clear during the Liberals{s-1-unknown} leadership convention in August 1919.

Nevertheless, Fielding made a remarkably strong showing at this gathering. Laurier had called for a national convention immediately after the war, to reunite the party and give it a post-war policy direction. Upon his death in February 1919, the convention became a six-person leadership contest. Although King and Fielding protested their lack of interest in the position, they were the principal contenders and they offered Liberals a stark generational and ideological choice. Fielding{apos}s hesitations in seeking the leadership were based on his fear that Laurier loyalists in Nova Scotia and Quebec would spoil his chances, and his strong opposition to the radical platform that had been adopted by the convention in its first two days. When at last he agreed to stand, he threatened, should he be chosen leader, to have his leadership ratified by the parliamentary caucus on the condition that he would not be bound by the program. Opposition to Fielding came from various corners, {d-0}quite the fiercest{d-1} from his former cabinet colleagues Sydney Arthur Fisher, Sir Allen Aylesworth, Frank Oliver*, and George Perry Graham*, some seeing him as the tool of Montreal{apos}s St James Street businessmen. Fielding{apos}s greatest support came from the conservative members of his party, such as George H. Murray, Sir Lomer Gouin, Louis-Alexandre Taschereau*, John Oliver, William Melville Martin*, and Walter Edward Foster*, from Montreal business interests, and from those who felt his candidacy was essential to the party{apos}s unity. With their support he pushed the convention to a third ballot, which King won by only 38 votes. According to Adam Kirk Cameron, a close friend and confidant of Laurier and a Fielding supporter, Fielding obtained a {d-0}very heavy vote from Ontario and the West . . . and a surprisingly large vote from the province of Quebec, notwithstanding the Autonomy Bills and his attitude toward conscription.{d-1} But in Cameron{apos}s view Fielding {d-0}was defeated for leadership of the Liberal party by the people of Nova Scotia,{d-1} whose delegates had cast over half of the 38 votes separating the two candidates against Fielding. They had also run Daniel Duncan McKenzie, the interim party leader and a Nova Scotian, to prevent Nova Scotia votes going to Fielding. During the course of the ballot Lady Laurier asked Cameron to inform the convention that Fielding was her late husband{apos}s choice for leader. Anxious to restore party unity, Laurier, it appears, had concluded that Fielding would be best placed to heal the party{apos}s wounds.

Disappointed by the outcome and unhappy with the party{apos}s radical program, Fielding threatened to sit as an independent Liberal. Although friends persuaded him to join the front benches, he continued to remind the house that he had never accepted the party{apos}s platform. During the 1921 federal election, however, he gave the party his full support, and was re-elected in Shelburne and Queens. By projecting an image of unity, his endorsement of the new leader may well have had {d-0}a deciding influence{d-1} in Ontario and the Maritime provinces. Fielding{apos}s strength at the Liberal convention and his continuing popularity among the more conservative wing of the party prevented King from ignoring him. When the Liberals were returned to power in December 1921, he took up his old post as minister of finance. Although he retained the position until 1925, he remained something of an anachronism, heard but not heeded by the new leader. From late 1923 he was too ill to fulfil his duties, which were assumed by an acting minister, James Alexander Robb.

The little grey man, who had in the past too frequently chosen the path of silence and compliance, in his old age refused to make concessions to the new era. He disapproved of Canada seeking a separate representation at the Paris Peace Conference, and deplored the country{apos}s new obsession with status. He also opposed the idea of Canada obtaining representation in Washington and signing its own treaties. Although he feared that the country was {d-0}right at the very verge of independence,{d-1} he wrote a six-stanza version of {d-0}O Canada,{d-1} and designed a new Canadian flag, since he regarded the Red Ensign inappropriate because it was a sea flag and {d-0}more suggestive of the red flag of the communists than of anything Canadian.{d-1} His world remained the world of pre-war Canada.

A friend of business, despite his free-trade antecedents, Fielding served on the boards of a number of companies, including the Scottish and Dominion Trust Company, of which he was chair. He was vice-president of the Nova Scotia branch of the Canadian Red Cross Society, a governor of Dalhousie University, an engaged member of his Baptist church, and an active clubman in Halifax, Ottawa, and Quebec City. Although he was presented at court on several occasions, he resisted titles for himself. Acadia, McGill, Queen{apos}s, Dalhousie, and McMaster universities bestowed honorary degrees and he was made an imperial privy councillor in 1923. His portrait was painted by John Wycliffe Lowes Forster*.

An individual of apparent contradictions, secretive, cautious, and a procrastinator, Fielding was a man of personal probity though, opponents would add, of political deviousness. His friends and supporters saw him as an honest, conscientious, disinterested public servant, a great parliamentarian, tactful, without airs, {d-0}one of the brightest intellects Canada has yet produced,{d-1} and {d-0}the greatest Finance Minister Canada has ever possessed.{d-1} In 1910 his friends {d-0}of all shades of political opinion{d-1} created a trust fund of $120,000 for him and when he retired in 1925 parliament voted an annuity to its longest serving minister of finance. He died four years later, predeceased by his wife and one of his daughters, and he was buried beside them in Beechwood Cemetery in Ottawa.

LAC, MG 26, G; MG 30, E70. National Library of Scotland (Edinburgh), mss 12446-587 (4th Earl of Minto, corr. and papers). NSARM, MG 2, 63-223, 422-541, 784-90(B). Univ. of Toronto Library, Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, ms coll. 110 (John Charlton papers). P. [E.] Bilkey, Persons, papers and things: being the casual recollections of a journalist, with some flounderings in philosophy (Toronto, 1940). Can., House of Commons, Debates, 1896-1911; 1922-23. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). Cyclopædia of Canadian biog. (Rose and Charlesworth), vol.3. Robert Drummond, Minerals and mining, Nova Scotia (Stellarton, N.S., 1918). [C.] B. Fergusson, Hon. W. S. Fielding (2v., Windsor, N.S., 1970-71). D. J. Hall, Clifford Sifton (2v., Vancouver and London, 1981-85). D. C. Harvey, {d-0}Fielding{apos}s call to Ottawa,{d-1} Dalhousie Rev. (Halifax), 28 (1948-49): 369-85. C. D. Howell, {d-0}W. S. Fielding and the repeal elections of 1886 and 1887 in Nova Scotia,{d-1} Acadiensis (Fredericton), 8 (1978-79), no.2: 28-46. Donna McDonald, Lord Strathcona: a biography of Donald Alexander Smith (Toronto and Oxford, 1996). K. M. McLaughlin, {d-0}W. S. Fielding and the Liberal party in Nova Scotia, 1891-1896,{d-1} Acadiensis, 3 (1973-74), no.2: 65-79. N.S., House of Assembly, Debates and proc. (Halifax), 1882-96. Benjamin Russell, {d-0}Recollections of W. S. Fielding,{d-1} Dalhousie Rev., 9 (1929-30): 326-40. O. D. Skelton, Life and letters of Sir Wilfrid Laurier (2v., Toronto, 1921).

Originally from Scotland, Sydney Fisher{apos}s paternal great-grandfather, Duncan Fisher*, immigrated to Montreal about 1777 and became a prominent citizen. Sydney{apos}s father, who was educated in Montreal and at the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh, became Montreal{apos}s first practitioner of homoeopathy in 1842. Sydney{apos}s mother was wealthy and the family travelled in Europe for extended periods. Educated at the High School of Montreal, Fisher graduated the top pupil of his class in 1866 and was awarded the Davidson Medal. He attended McGill College during 1866-68 and obtained a ba in political economy and scientific agriculture from Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1871.

In 1874 and 1875, with capital made available to him from his mother{apos}s real estate holdings, Fisher purchased several lots in Brome Township, near the village of Knowlton (Lac-Brome). One of the properties belonged to judge Christopher Dunkin*, a friend of his father and an important farmer in the region. Fisher would develop his holdings, which he named Alva Farm, into a showplace of scientific agriculture. During the 1880s he made many contacts through his involvement in agricultural associations, including the Montreal Ensilage and Stock Feeding Association, the Brome County Agricultural Society, the Dairymen{apos}s Association of the Province of Quebec, the Fruit Growers{s-1-unknown} Association of the Province of Quebec, and the Canadian National Live-Stock Association. In 1884, at a meeting in Montreal of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, he delivered an address entitled {d-0}Agriculture in the province of Quebec.{d-1}

A Liberal, Fisher had failed in his first and only attempt to enter provincial politics, losing a by-election in Brome in November 1879. He was also unsuccessful in his first bid to enter federal politics, at a by-election held in Brome the following October. He obtained a narrow victory in the federal general election of June 1882. A free trader, he spoke in the commons in 1883 against the protectionism of Sir John A. Macdonald*{apos}s government. He viewed increased tariffs on agricultural implements as harmful to farmers and those on materials used for tool manufacture as unhelpful to business. Although his elegant manners and bearing projected the image of a gentleman farmer, he would serve agriculture and politics equally well.

While sitting in the opposition, Fisher developed a close association with Wilfrid Laurier*, the Quebec leader and from 1887 the national leader of the Liberal party. In his extensive correspondence with Laurier, he revealed his belief that English and French Canadians should keep to their separate spheres. He was alarmed at the political climate after the execution of Métis leader Louis Riel* in 1885 and worried by Laurier{apos}s suggestion that he be replaced in Brome by a French Canadian candidate in the federal election of 1887. Laurier consequently did some campaigning in the region without Fisher, who nonetheless retained his seat with a majority of 379 votes. During his second term he frequently addressed the commons on matters concerning agriculture, tariffs, or his constituency.

On 13 July 1896 Fisher was sworn in as minister of agriculture in Laurier{apos}s government. A well-educated and experienced politician of independent means, he had excellent qualifications for the post and had demonstrated that he was Laurier{apos}s English-Canadian organizer in Quebec. After entering cabinet, he bought a house in Ottawa and was entertained as a sought-after bachelor, in demand at Mme Laurier{apos}s dinner parties. During frequent visits to Montreal he stayed with his parents and he wrote to them or his aunt every day he was absent.

An advocate of temperance in a pro-temperance riding, Fisher had become a vice-president of the Dominion Alliance for the Total Suppression of the Liquor Traffic around 1882; he would hold the post for more than 15 years. At the Liberal party{apos}s national convention of 1893 he prepared and presented the resolution in favour of a national plebiscite on the prohibition of alcohol. After the Liberals assumed office, Fisher introduced the legislation into the commons in 1898 [see Francis Stephens Spence*]. Although prohibitionists cast the majority of votes, Laurier avoided implementing the measure by pointing to the low overall voter turnout.

As minister for 15 years, Fisher accomplished much for Canadian agriculture. One of his first tasks had been to consult in December 1896 with Julius Sterling Morton, the American secretary of agriculture. Their departments agreed to cooperate in the tracking and reporting of disease in farm animals. The joint system of inspection led to increased livestock trade between the two countries. In the work of his department Fisher relied on the team of experts assembled in Ottawa. Chief among them were William Saunders*, director of the experimental farms system, James Wilson ROBERTSON, dominion commissioner of agriculture and dairying, and James Fletcher*, dominion entomologist. Later, Fletcher{apos}s successor, Charles Gordon Hewitt*, botanist Charles Edward Saunders*, and others would distinguish themselves. The work of these specialists led directly to measures such as the control of animal disease, plant disease and pests (the San José Scale Act, 1898, and the Destructive Insect and Pest Act, 1910), and seed purity (the Seed Control Act, 1905), as well as to the school garden movement. Under Fisher, a major expansion of the experimental farms system took place and new branches were created in the department, such as those for seeds, fruits, tobacco, and foreign exhibitions.

During his first term as minister, Fisher had revolutionized the marketing and transportation of Canadian produce, especially dairy products and fruit. Legislation in 1897 and 1898 provided for government subsidies to, and inspection of, cold storage warehouses in major eastern centres and refrigeration facilities on steamships leaving eastern ports for Great Britain and the West Indies. The Canadian Pacific Railway supplied cold storage from 31 points to Montreal. Other improvements followed in order to guarantee the quality of agricultural products. Over 900 cheese factories and creameries were obliged to register with the department and to date accurately their cheese and butter products for export. Fisher later legislated against the sale of oleomargarine, butterine, and spurious or adulterated butter. Under chief veterinary inspector Duncan McNab MCEACHRAN and his successor, John Gunion RUTHERFORD, an effort was made to control disease in livestock, especially bovine tuberculosis. One method - the destruction of entire herds - remained controversial; individual farmers or inspectors were often unwilling to implement it because of the costs involved and the non-farming public failed to understand their reluctance. Only wealthy farmers could afford the destruction of an entire herd. Rutherford{apos}s solutions, including the testing of imported stock, limited elimination of herds, and prohibitions against the export of infected cattle, gained acceptance. A national meat inspection program introduced in 1907 won the support of the packing industry.

As minister, Fisher attended agricultural fairs in England, Scotland, and Wales. He met fellow landowners and consorted with rural regenerators, such as Irish politician Sir Horace Curzon Plunkett. Elitists, these reformers advocated a major investment of human and financial capital in farmland and farming communities - through measures such as the teaching of scientific agriculture, manual training in rural schools, and the protection of water and land resources. Both Fisher and Robertson, who often travelled with him, sought to put Plunkett{apos}s idealized concept of rural education into practice in Canada. Robertson was eventually able to persuade Montreal manufacturer Sir William Christopher Macdonald* to provide funding for projects in rural education. Closely connected with Fisher{apos}s belief in rural regeneration was his growing pro-imperialist sentiment. He was a supporter of the Navy League of Canada, which wanted to strengthen naval ties between Britain and Canada, but he also envisaged closer economic and cultural ties, which rural regeneration might bolster. Writing to his mother in 1901, he had expressed the hope that in 100 years the Eastern Townships would resemble rural Britain, agriculturally.

Fisher carried his interest in conservation to other areas of activity. He had been a founding member of the Canadian Forestry Association in 1900. In February 1909, along with former cabinet minister Clifford SIFTON and doctor and MP Henri-Sévérin Béland*, he represented Canada at an important North American conference on conservation called by American president Theodore Roosevelt and held in Washington. By April he had drafted and tabled in the commons legislation for the creation of the Commission of Conservation, based on one of the conference{apos}s recommendations. Sifton was appointed chairman of the commission, but it was Fisher who defended it and spoke on its behalf in cabinet.

Another responsibility of Fisher{apos}s department was the federal archives [see Douglas Brymner*; Sir Arthur George Doughty*] and he played an important role in securing a new building for the repository, opened in 1906; the following year he established the Historical Manuscripts Commission to advise the archives. Also in 1907, as acting minister of public works, he saw to the creation of the Advisory Arts Council. Set up in response to a request from the Royal Canadian Academy of Arts, headed by George Agnew Reid*, it was to counsel the government on matters of art and to purchase works for the National Gallery.

Fisher{apos}s department had a branch which administered the registration of copyrights, trade marks, industrial designs, and timber marks. He revised and amended the regulations of the Patent Office in 1904 and insisted on paying patent examiners as scientists. Between 1900 and 1910 he supported the initiatives of publisher George Nathaniel Morang* and economist James Mavor to protect Canadian authors and publishers from pirating by Canadian, American, and British printers. In 1910 he was a delegate to the Imperial Copyright Conference in London, England, to consider the ratification of international agreements..

By 1907 Laurier{apos}s administration faced accusations of patronage and corruption from the opposition. A royal commission on the civil service, appointed that year, revealed negligence, confusion, and inadequacies. The government decided to act, and Fisher piloted important legislation through the house the following year to establish the Civil Service Commission. Michel Gordon La Rochelle and Adam Shortt* were appointed commissioners to oversee the operation of the legislation, supervise admissions and promotions, and administer examinations.

Unmarried and without a family of his own, Fisher had nonetheless demonstrated an early interest in education. He had served for some time in the early 1880s as a member of the district of Bedford{apos}s board of examiners for teachers{s-1-unknown} qualifications. In addition, he attended annual conventions of the Provincial Association of Protestant Teachers and held office as president in 1888. In 1901 he accepted a life membership on the Protestant committee of the Council of Public Instruction. George William Parmelee*, secretary of the committee, and Elson Irving Rexford*, Parmelee{apos}s predecessor and confidant, drew Fisher into their campaign to consolidate schools in Protestant municipalities of Quebec. Fisher organized a private meeting in June 1906 at the Windsor Hotel in Montreal of selected school administrators, politicians, journalists, and Protestant committee members. They held a series of political-style meetings throughout the summer in Knowlton, Huntingdon, Richmond, Inverness, Lachute, and Ayer{apos}s Cliff to promote their plans. Residents of the Eastern Townships perceived the rallies as designed to justify increased taxes and assert the influence of the McGill Normal School. Fisher continued to support the consolidation of rural schools until about 1919, but his participation may have damaged his reputation as a friend of rural inhabitants.

Fisher had won his riding by substantial majorities in the four general elections from 1896 to 1908. He had found an able organizer in Edward Caldwell and had stayed in touch with successive mlas in Brome. Newspapers in the Townships - with the exception of the Waterloo Advertiser - portrayed him as the head of a substantial spoils system. His power was not absolute, however. Laurier kept a certain amount of patronage to distribute himself. In addition, certain English-speaking Conservatives in the Knowlton area were tenacious in their opposition to him. Fisher{apos}s actions in the so-called Dundonald affair illustrate the complexity of his position. In 1904 he temporarily replaced Sir Frederick William Borden* as minister of the militia and defence. In this capacity he refused to approve a militia appointment made by the general officer commanding, Lord Dundonald [Cochrane*], which concerned one of his Conservative opponents. After Dundonald publicly accused Fisher of partisanship, Prime Minister Laurier demanded and obtained the officer{apos}s recall.

When the United States approached Canada in the spring of 1910 for a reciprocal trade agreement, Fisher may have been caught off guard. For much of his career he had promoted the lowering or elimination of the tariffs between the two countries. By 1910, however, he was temperamentally and philosophically a pan-Canadian and an Anglophile; he may not have shared the Liberal party{apos}s enthusiasm for the American offer. Called on in late February 1911 to speak in the commons after Sifton, who differed with the Liberals over the issue and who spoke approvingly of the preferential tariff introduced in 1897 by William Stevens Fielding, which had favoured Great Britain, Fisher made do with a history of tariff debates to 1897. Laurier called an election later in 1911. During the campaign, Fisher argued that the Canadian-American agreement would only strengthen Canada{apos}s ties to the British empire. He lost his seat to a young Conservative lawyer and militia officer in a wave of pro-imperial and anti-annexation sentiment.

During a fiercely contested by-election in Châteauguay in 1913, Fisher was again defeated. He remained active in the Liberal party, accompanying Laurier on tours and speaking at rallies. He continued to participate in school consolidation campaigns in Quebec, but after 1919 he turned his attention to moral education and compulsory school attendance at the national and provincial levels. Following Laurier{apos}s death in 1919, he hosted a meeting at Alva of prominent Liberals to discuss the choice of a new party leader. As one of the country{apos}s senior Liberals, he was considered a possible successor to Laurier, but he did not have a broad base of support. At the Liberal party convention held on 7 August, he withdrew early from the leadership race, bringing his vote and that of other prominent Quebec Liberals to William Lyon Mackenzie King*, who was chosen leader.

In failing health, Fisher wrote a will in 1919 setting up a trust fund of $100,000 to promote agriculture and the consolidation of Protestant schools in Brome County. Advised by Rexford that Protestant secondary-school teachers had no interest in teaching scientific agriculture in the way that he, Robertson, and Macdonald had hoped, and discouraged by local resistance to consolidation, he focused instead on strengthening Brome{apos}s one-room schools and on prizes for agricultural fairs. He died in 1921 of a heart attack; his eulogy was delivered in Christ Church Cathedral, Montreal. The following year the board of trustees of the Fisher Trust Fund began to create a strong network of one-room schools that would last until 1946.

A list of several of Sydney Arthur Fisher{apos}s speeches is in CIHM, Reg. One of his lectures, {d-0}Agriculture in the province of Quebec,{d-1} was published in British Assoc. for the Advancement of Science, Canadian economics: being papers prepared for reading before the economical section, with an introductory report (Montreal and London, 1885), 85-91.

ANQ-M, CE601-S109, 20 août 1850. LAC, MG 26, G; MG 27, II, D25. Private arch., R. E. Fisher (Montreal), P. S. Fisher, {d-0}Some notes on our ancestors{d-1} (typescript, n.d.). Montreal Daily Star, 22-23 Jan., 23, 25, 27-28 Feb., 8 May 1895. Montreal Herald, 10 April 1921. Observer (Cowansville, Que.), 2 Jan., 12 March, 21 May, 23 July 1908. Waterloo Advertiser (Waterloo, Que.), 4 Oct. 1901; 17 Jan., 11 April, 4, 11 July 1902; 18 March, 4 May 1904. Can., House of Commons, Debates, 1882-91, 1896-1911; Parl., Sessional papers, report of the Dept. of Agriculture, 1896-1910. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). CPG, 1881-91, 1897-1911. Raoul Dandurand, Les mémoires du sénateur Raoul Dandurand (1861-1942), Marcel Hamelin, édit. (Québec, 1967). R. MacG. Dawson and H. B. Neatby, William Lyon Mackenzie King: a political biography (3v., Toronto, 1958-76). Anne Drummond, {d-0}New educationists in Quebec Protestant model and intermediate schools, 1881-1926{d-1} (phd thesis, Univ. of Ottawa, 1994); {d-0}Sydney Arthur Fisher and the limits of school consolidation in Brome County, 1901-1921,{d-1} Journal of Eastern Townships Studies (Lennoxville, Que.), no.3 (autumn 1993): 31-47. Educational Record of the Prov. of Quebec (Montreal; Quebec), 4 (1884): 294; 8 (1888): 279-80; 16 (1896): 166; 41 (1921): 100. Sandra Gwyn, The private capital: ambition and love in the age of Macdonald and Laurier (Toronto, 1984). History of the federal electoral ridings, 1867-1980 (4v., [Ottawa, 1982?]), 3. Men of today in the Eastern Townships, intro. V. E. Morrill, comp. E. G. Pierce (Sherbrooke, Que., 1917). Carman Miller, The Canadian career of the fourth Earl of Minto: the education of a viceroy (Waterloo, Ont., 1980). H. B. Neatby, Laurier and a Liberal Quebec; a study in political management, ed. R. T. Clippingdale (Toronto, 1973). O. B. Rexford, The Fisher Trust Fund, 1922-1972 (n.p., 1974). Ronald Rudin, The forgotten Quebecers: a history of English-speaking Quebec, 1759-1980 (Quebec, 1985). O. D. Skelton, Life and letters of Sir Wilfrid Laurier (2v., Toronto, 1921). R. M. Stamp, {d-0}Urbanization and education in Ontario and Quebec, 1867-1914,{d-1} McGill Journal of Education ([Montreal]), 3 (1968): 127-35. Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell). The storied province of Quebec; past and present, ed. W. [C. H.] Wood et al. (5v., Toronto, 1931-32), 3: 199. E. M. Taylor, History of Brome County, Quebec, from the date of grants of land therein to the present time; with records of some early families (2v., Montreal, 1908-37), 1: 179, 181; 2: 228, 231.

In St Catharines at the turn of the century, field-lacrosse games were huge summertime attractions. When Billy Fitzgerald, a Roman Catholic, likely of Irish background, took up organized lacrosse in 1904, the game was played with 12 men per side. Small and agile, he occupied an offensive position called {d-0}first home{d-1}; he often carried the ball, and was an excellent passer and shooter. In 1907, at age 19, he joined the St Catharines Athletics, a senior amateur team and defending champions of Ontario; during Fitzgerald{apos}s two years with this powerful squad they never lost.

In 1909 Fitzgerald turned professional with the Toronto Lacrosse Club. For two seasons he commuted from his parents{s-1-unknown} home in St Catharines, even though his salary barely exceeded his expenses. Lacrosse was approaching the height of its popularity, however, and his reputation quickly grew. Fitz, as he became known, was a crowd-pleasing standout in a league that included the TLC and six other teams from Toronto, Montreal, Ottawa, and Cornwall, Ont. In July 1909 the Toronto World described his performance in scoring a game-winning goal on sodden turf: {d-0}Running half the length of the field with the ball, passing several Montreal players on the way, negotiating the defence and finally slashing it past the goal-tender into the net, he carried out a stunt which made him the hero of the day.{d-1} {d-0}The Toronto rooters simply threw a series of fits in their seats and then burst forth in one prolonged spontaneous roar.{d-1}

Fitzgerald{apos}s fame spread to British Columbia, another hotbed of lacrosse, where an often violent rivalry existed between Vancouver and New Westminster. New Westminster had won the Minto Cup (the senior lacrosse championship of Canada) in 1908, 1909, and 1910. Con Jones, owner of the Vancouver Lacrosse Club, set out to assemble a team that could beat New Westminster, and any other team. He fixed his sights on two players: Édouard (Newsy) Lalonde*, the lacrosse and hockey sensation from Cornwall, and Fitzgerald.

Jones started, and won, a bidding war with Fleming, who also wanted to sign Lalonde. At a time when $1,000 was a good annual salary, Lalonde received $6,500 to play 16 games with the VLC; Fitzgerald got $5,000. (By comparison, the highest-paid athlete in any team sport at the time was Detroit baseball player Ty Cobb, who earned $4,500 for a 154-game season.) A bookmaker in his native Australia, Jones owned a number of cigar shops in Vancouver and a saloon, the Brunswick, which featured billiards and gambling. There, on Saturday nights, Fitzgerald, Lalonde, and other players would join fans around the pool tables or serve customers at the bar. Jones{apos}s efforts paid off when the VLC beat New Westminster and the Toronto Tecumsehs to win the Minto Cup in 1911.

Following this victory Fitzgerald moved back to St Catharines. Fleming promised to top Jones{apos}s highest offer for 1912 by $500, and Fitzgerald signed with the TLC for $4,000. A skilled carpenter, he also began building houses in St Catharines. In 1913 Jones wanted Fitzgerald back and offered the Toronto club $1,000 for the right to sign him. The demand for houses was so great, however, that Fitzgerald took the year off to concentrate on his business.

He played with the TLC in 1914, but World War I effectively ended lacrosse competition in Canada. Over 2,000 top-level players enlisted, making it nearly impossible for any community to field a team. At the end of the 1914 season, Fitzgerald returned to St Catharines, where, after the birth of his first son that year, he and his family moved into a house he had built. In 1915 he accepted an offer to coach men{apos}s lacrosse at Hobart College in Geneva, N.Y.; he was rehired for 1916 but an immigration official in Niagara Falls, N.Y., refused him entry. The college, determined to have the man still widely considered Canada{apos}s finest lacrosse player, successfully appealed the decision.

Fitzgerald became ill in December 1925 and the following June he underwent surgery for gallstones. He developed peritonitis and died; he was 38. His death shocked many Canadians. In September former players from Toronto and St Catharines faced off in a memorial game in St Catharines. One-time boxing champion Gentleman Jim Corbett and Canadian sports legend Lionel Pretoria Conacher* were among the thousands in attendance. Conacher was persuaded to don a St Catharines uniform and take part as a tribute to Billy Fitzgerald, one of the greatest lacrosse players of all time. Fitzgerald was inducted into Canada{apos}s Sports Hall of Fame (Toronto) in 1961 and the Canadian Lacrosse Hall of Fame (New Westminster) in 1965.

[The author would like to thank Margaret Fitzgerald of St Catharines, Ont., the subject{apos}s daughter-in-law, for granting access to materials in her possession. s.c.]

AO, RG 22-235, no.5845; RG 80-2-0-291, no.19957; RG 80-5-0-633, no.8717. St Catharines Hist. Museum, Undated clippings from the Daily Mail and Empire, Ottawa Citizen, St Catharines Standard, and Toronto Evening Telegram. Globe, 23 Feb. 1915. St Catharines Standard, 17 April 1916; 30 June, 20 Sept. 1926. World (Toronto), 26 July, 9 Aug. 1909. Christina Burr, {d-0}The process of evolution of competitive sport: a study of senior lacrosse in Canada, 1844 to 1914{inch} (ma thesis, Univ. of Western Ont., London, 1986). Cleve Dheensaw, Lacrosse 100: one hundred years of lacrosse in B.C. (Victoria, 1990). Directory, St Catharines, 1898-1926.

Robert J. Fleming, deemed one of Canada{apos}s {d-0}greatest executives{d-1} at his death, started out in a Horatio Alger style. Born of poor Irish parents on St David Street in Toronto{apos}s Cabbagetown district, he dropped out of Park Street School to take a position as a stoker in an office. After attending business school at night, the ambitious youth entered the feed, coal, and wood business in the mid 1870s. By 1885 he had moved into real estate and finance.

Christian principles and social reform were at the centre of Fleming{apos}s life. A devout Methodist affiliated with the Liberals, who were more likely to be ardent prohibitionists than most other groups, he became involved with temperance in his twenties. Following his election in 1886 as an alderman for the wet ward of St David{apos}s, he pushed for the reduction of liquor licences in Toronto, a position many believed would cost him votes, especially among the Irish, but he was so engaging that he was easily re-elected in 1887, 1888, and 1889. Mayor William Holmes Howland*{apos}s most articulate temperance crusader, in 1887 he succeeded in having a by-law passed to reduce licences. In 1892, with Liberal support, he ran successfully for the mayoralty on a reform platform that included opposition to the operation of the Toronto Railway Company on Sundays. His unpretentious manner and dress, scrappy and entertaining platform style, unwavering support of the working class, and Christian reformist ideals earned him an affectionate nickname - the People{apos}s Bob. Riding on his enormous popularity, he was returned in 1893, 1896, and 1897. During the 1897 campaign his shift, to support Sunday cars, brought accusations of bribery. By this time he had moved to the front ranks of the temperance cause, primarily as treasurer of the Ontario branch of the Dominion Alliance for the Total Suppression of the Liquor Traffic and vice-president of the national body. He had served as president of the national prohibition conference in Montreal in 1894 and his Sunday temperance meetings in the Horticultural (Allan) Gardens in Toronto were widely attended. Along with James Laughlin Hughes* and William Houston*, he formed a small band to support female suffrage, largely in hopes of sustaining women{apos}s support for temperance.

Hard hit by the real estate collapse of the 1890s, Fleming resigned from the mayoralty on 5 Aug. 1897 to become assessment commissioner for the city. In review, the Globe claimed he had accomplished more {d-0}good reform in a few years than all the mayors had over the previous ten years.{d-1} He had fought for a minimum wage for public workers and, in his best known contribution to city management, presided over the creation of a board of control in 1896 [see Samuel Morley Wickett*]. After taking on the added job of property commissioner in 1903, he drew on his experience in realty to facilitate the city{apos}s acquisition of large pieces of land.

Although Fleming enjoyed public service, he left his job in December 1904 for a much higher salary as general manager of William Mackenzie{apos}s Toronto Railway Company. He would hold this position, which allowed him to pay his creditors, until the company became part of the Toronto Transportation Commission system in 1921. His talent for inspiring confidence did much to shield the TRC{apos}s directors, and the associated Toronto Power Company, from the attacks of reformers on the railway{apos}s corrupt control of city transit. When, however, he pushed in 1906 for the acquisition of property at old Fort York for a new streetcar line, the project generated concern within the militia department and Toronto{apos}s heritage groups [see Sara Mickle]. One major opponent of the TRC, city controller Francis Stephens Spence*, claimed in 1908 that {d-0}there is a general bitterness, a hostility, the spirit of Flemingphobia,{d-1} but the public remained unwilling to attack the agreeable Fleming directly. (At the same time his involvement with Spence in the temperance movement provides an excellent example of the ability of R. J., as he was also known, to work with his critics.) Fleming would eventually manage or serve on the boards of several other Mackenzie firms, including Toronto and Niagara Power, Electrical Development, and the Winnipeg Electric Railway. It was this association that brought him into confrontation by 1917 with Sir Adam Beck in his campaign for public hydro and new radial railways in Ontario. Adding to the security provided by a place in the Mackenzie group, Fleming, a one-time director of the Gold and Silver Mines Development Company and president of the Rossland Gold Mining, Development and Investment Company, had profitably re-entered the real estate, stock, and mining markets. Public trust led to his appointment to the board of the Toronto Harbour Commissioners in 1921. Drawn by the ongoing issue of radials on Toronto{apos}s waterfront, he ran for the mayoralty a final time in 1923, only to lose to Charles Alfred Maguire by 840 votes

Fleming seems to have led a simple lifestyle. When his Cabbagetown neighbours complained about the cattle at his home on Parliament Street - a vestige of his youth, when his parents had kept livestock - he moved about 1902 to a small estate on St Clair near Bathurst, though his Jerseys would continue to draw criticism. He also owned a farm in the Whitby area. In Toronto, he attended both St Clair Avenue Methodist (St Matthew{apos}s United) Church and the more elitist Timothy Eaton Memorial; still committed to temperance, in 1923 he became president of the Dominion Alliance. He moved again, in 1924, to the 955-acre Donlands Farm, between Leaside and the Don River, which he had bought two years before from William Findlay Maclean. He died there suddenly of pleurisy in October 1925, leaving an estate worth more than $1 million, and was buried in the city in Mount Pleasant Cemetery.

Robert J. Fleming{apos}s career as a public servant had spanned less than two decades, yet thousands of Torontonians and prominent figures from other parts of Canada turned out to mourn his passing. The Globe{apos}s lengthy coverage claimed he had been {d-0}one of the best-known and most personally popular figures in the city.{d-1} Mayor Thomas Foster ordered its flag flown at half mast. The source of Fleming{apos}s appeal was his knack for combining practical politics, reformist zeal, and an exuberant personality. His unquestionably ethical behaviour and kindly Christian aura won him the respect of many adversaries. Ontario premier George Howard Ferguson*, a staunch opponent of his prohibitionist campaigns, noted sadly that, with Fleming{apos}s demise, {d-0}a great public figure has been removed.{d-1}

ANQ-M, CE601-S109, 23 déc. 1879. AO, RG 22-305, no.53233; RG 80-5-0-165, no.14446; RG 80-8-0-1015, no.37912. Globe, 27-28 Oct. 1925. Toronto Daily Star, 28-29 Dec. 1906; 17 Feb., 30 Aug., 14 Oct., 25 Nov. 1922; 23 May 1924; 26-27 Oct. 1925. Christopher Armstrong and H. V. Nelles, The revenge of the Methodist bicycle company: Sunday streetcars and municipal reform in Toronto, 1887-1897 (Toronto, 1977). Canadian annual rev., 1901-24/25. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). Graeme Decarie, {d-0}Something old, something new . . . : aspects of prohibitionism in Ontario in the 1890s,{d-1} in Oliver Mowat{apos}s Ontario, ed. Donald Swainson (Toronto, 1972), 154-71. Directory, Toronto, 1875-1925. C. A. S. Hall, {d-0}Electrical utilities in Ontario under private ownership, 1890-1914{d-1} (phd thesis, Univ. of Toronto, 1968). Middleton, Municipality of Toronto. H. V. Nelles, The politics of development: forests, mines & hydro-electric power in Ontario, 1849-1941 (Toronto, 1974). W. R. Plewman, Adam Beck and the Ontario Hydro (Toronto, 1947). V. L. Russell, Mayors of Toronto (Erin, Ont., 1982). Charles Sauriol, Remembering the Don: a rare record of earlier times within the Don River valley (Scarborough, Ont., 1981), 107-12. F. S. Spence, {d-0}Some suggestions as to Toronto Street Railway problems,{d-1} in Saving the Canadian city: the first phase, 1880-1920 . . . , ed. Paul Rutherford (Toronto, 1974), 59-63. Who{apos}s who in Canada, 1922.

He was defeated in his first two attempts at a seat in the provincial legislature for Carleton in 1895 and 1899, but the following year he won a by-election, and he was re-elected in 1903 and 1908. A tall, strikingly handsome man and a gifted orator, he was at first extremely popular, and many people found his natural charm appealing. After the Conservatives under John Douglas Hazen* came to power in 1908, Flemming was appointed provincial secretary and receiver general. Three years later, on 16 Oct. 1911, he became premier when Hazen entered the federal cabinet of Robert Laird Borden*. He also assumed responsibility for the province{apos}s extensive crown lands as surveyor general and for its railways. In June the following year he led the Conservative party to its greatest electoral victory in the history of New Brunswick - 42 of 46 seats in the legislature, in addition to two independent Conservative seats.

Flemming held moderate political views. Although not in favour of government ownership of telephones, he promised to encourage the extension of private lines in rural areas. He supported immigration to repopulate deserted farms and improved roads to enhance the value of farm property. During the 1912 session workmen{apos}s compensation was extended to granite workers and stonecutters, and the factories act strengthened to prevent employment of children under 16. A railway along the west side of the Saint John River valley had long been a dream of the premier{apos}s, and it had considerable local support. To assist its construction by the Saint John and Quebec Railway Company, the government introduced legislation guaranteeing $4 million in bonds.

Only two years later the premier faced political ruin. His downfall began in April 1914 when Louis-Auguste Dugal, the Liberal mla for Madawaska, introduced two motions. The first claimed that in 1913 Flemming, through the agency of William H. Berry, an official in the Crown Land Department and thus under Flemming{apos}s direct control, {d-0}did unlawfully extort from divers large lessees of Crown Timber Limits within this province, a sum of fifteen dollars per square mile of their said timber limits, over and above the amount of bonus paid by them respectively,{d-1} as set out in the department{apos}s annual report. Dugal charged the premier with acquiring, through Berry, some $100,000 in this way. Before 1913, lumbermen had been able to cut timber on crown-leased limits on the basis of public tendering, paying stumpage for the harvest and eight dollars per square mile. But changes to the legislation introduced that year provided for the fees to be set by the surveyor general, one of the portfolios held by Flemming.

Dugal{apos}s second motion contended that the Saint John and Quebec Railway Company contractors had been compelled {d-0}to pay and did pay large sums of money to the members of the Government in the year 1912, before they obtained their contracts.{d-1} Flemming, with responsibility for railways, had personally conducted negotiations with Maine businessman Arthur Robinson Gould, the chief promoter of the railway. Dugal believed he could prove that $10,000 was paid to Flemming and $1,500 to Harry Fulton McLeod, a former provincial secretary. When the mla addressed the legislature on 9 April regarding these allegations, he requested permission to speak in French. The speaker ruled that he could do so only with the permission of the house. This was readily given, and it marked the first time that French was used in the New Brunswick legislature.

The charges against Flemming had been put together by a powerful group of back-room Liberals known as the {d-0}Dark Lantern Brigade{d-1} and made up of party organizers Edward S. Carter and Peter John Veniot* and lawyer and mp Frank Broadstreet Carvell, who had been an mla for Carleton, the riding represented by Flemming. The trio provided ammunition for the two inexperienced opposition members, both Acadians with only a limited command of English. A {d-0}man of ruthless tenacity,{d-1} Carvell proved to be Flemming{apos}s nemesis. As lawyer for the estate of Timothy Lynch, a prominent New Brunswick lumberman, he had discovered that the Lynch company, in renewing a crown lease in 1913, had paid $1,830 to a Conservative political fund.

After Dugal introduced his first motion, Flemming became violently ill, and he did not return to the legislature for the debate, though he was present to introduce legislation that increased the province{apos}s guarantee for the railway bonds from $25,000 to $35,000 per mile. George Johnson Clarke became acting premier, and Flemming was given a leave of absence until the charges were disposed of. On 24 April he told the St. John Standard, {d-0}I have never received one dollar or the equivalent of a dollar directly or indirectly from any limit-holder in the Province of New Brunswick since I have been Minister of Lands and Mines.{d-1} He was prepared to resign his seat while remaining premier if Carvell would enter the ensuing contest in Carleton, leaving the electors {d-0}to judge the case and pronounce their verdict upon it at the ballot box.{d-1}

The allegations rocked the New Brunswick Conservatives. In an attempt to control the damage, they settled on two royal commissions to inquire into Dugal{apos}s charges. The commissions, both chaired by Supreme Court judge Harrison Andrew McKeown*, were established by Lieutenant Governor Josiah Wood in May. Mariner George Teed led Flemming{apos}s defence, and Carvell represented Dugal. Testimony before the timber limits commission was highly damaging to the government. It revealed that Berry had indeed approached crown land lessees to contribute to the Conservative party on the basis of $15 per square mile of timber limits, and a total of $71,000 had been collected from large operators such as John Percival Burchill. Berry, a key witness, had fled to the United States before he could be served with a summons, telling friends that he did not intend {d-0}to be made a goat{d-1} for the Conservatives. Flemming testified before the commission that Berry had told him the lessees {d-0}were desirous of making a contribution to the [Conservative] funds{d-1} and that he had said any contributions must be {d-0}absolutely voluntary.{d-1} After the {d-0}second or third time{d-1} they had discussed the matter, he had told Berry that neither of them should have anything to do with the money and that contributions should go directly to the Conservative party treasurer.

On this charge the commission found {d-0}That the money was in fact extorted by Berry is fully proved. That the Premier was well aware that moneys were being collected for a purpose unquestionably improper, is also amply shown. It is also manifest that he directed the disposition of such moneys when collected, also that he acquiesced in the collection of such moneys at a time and from a source highly and grievously improper.{d-1} The inquiry noted that Flemming could not have been ignorant of Berry{apos}s activities, but it did not find extortion in his case, stating, {d-0}There is a great deal to support such a view, but, in our opinion, it stops short of such sufficiency of proof as would justify the Commission in declaring the charge of directing the extortion proved.{d-1}

Far worse for Flemming were revelations concerning the Saint John and Quebec Railway Company. John Kennedy, a railway contractor, testified that in 1912 he had paid Flemming $2,000, after the premier told him that there was an election on, and {d-0}you ought to help us along with some money.{d-1} The premier admitted receiving the money for the Conservative party campaign, but he insisted that no compulsion was involved. Nevertheless, the commission observed that, {d-0}while there was no threat or menace in the conversation, we have no hesitation in concluding that compulsion undoubtedly existed . . . we think and find that Hon. Mr. Flemming is guilty of this act of compulsion which has been charged against him.{d-1}

The commissions{s-1-unknown} reports were presented to the lieutenant governor in early October but were not made public until 19 November. In the meantime Wood shared their findings with a number of prominent Conservatives, including Hazen and Flemming. On 29 October he sent a letter described as secret to Hazen, saying that he had met with Flemming, who thought he should retain the premiership. Wood wrote, {d-0}The report of the Commission, whether right or wrong, I feel we are bound to accept and act upon. It appears to me therefore, my clear duty is not to retain him as Premier . . . he should voluntarily retire.{d-1} The lieutenant governor added that there could be no objection to Flemming resigning as premier but keeping his seat in the legislature.

Following the release of the commissions{s-1-unknown} findings, the premier published a lengthy response to the electors of New Brunswick. The inquiries, he argued, had found he had knowledge that a fund was being contributed to, but not that the donations were not entirely voluntary. He did not believe {d-0}the extortion was of a very strong character.{d-1} While he exercised no control over the money, he hoped the party treasurer would return it to the lumbermen. With respect to the railway, Flemming claimed that the allegations were {d-0}cruel and unjust.{d-1} He noted that Kennedy had received a first contract before the money was paid and a second contract not until 15 months after. Once again he challenged Carvell to run against him in Carleton, saying that he had the strongest faith in the justice of the people and he had given them honest and faithful service.

There was widespread public condemnation of the premier. Some of the harshest attacks came from the Protestant clergy. A Congregational minister in Saint John, observing that {d-0}God said, thou shall not steal,{d-1} accused Flemming, a former Sunday school teacher, of {d-0}brazen impudence.{d-1} Even newspapers that normally supported the Conservative party, such as the Ottawa Citizen and the Toronto World, were highly critical. Senior Conservatives felt that he must resign both the premiership and his seat. A week after the commission reports were released, newspaperman James Harvie Crocket, a confidant of Hazen, was sent to Woodstock to meet with local Conservatives. That Lieutenant Governor Wood might dismiss the premier had aroused considerable fear in party circles. The strategy was to get Flemming to step down and for him to challenge Carvell as Conservative candidate in Victoria and Carleton in the next federal election. Initially, Crocket received little support for his plan. {d-0}The boys, however, finally agreed with me, that the logical way out of the difficulty was for Flemming to also resign his seat, and Flemming after remarking {s-0}Then I am to become a complete victum [sic],{s-1-unknown} practically consented to do this.{d-1}

The premier resigned on 6 December and was replaced by Clarke. He expected a federal election to be called within two to three years, but he had to wait eleven years before facing the electorate again. In the 1917 federal election, Sir Robert Borden asked Carvell, now a Liberal Unionist, to help organize support for his Union government in New Brunswick. No Unionist member was to be challenged by a Conservative. There followed one of the most dramatic episodes in New Brunswick politics. Flemming{apos}s supporters wanted him to run as a Conservative, but he entered the nomination meeting arm in arm with Carvell, his bitterest enemy, and in the speech of his career, he announced that he was withdrawing as official candidate and urged Conservatives to accept Carvell instead.

The railway affair followed Flemming to his deathbed. In 1915 the company had defaulted on its contractual obligations, and the province took over its stock. Gould sought compensation of $500,000, and in 1916 the claim was subjected to arbitration by McKeown. Under questioning by Carvell, Gould admitted that he had paid Flemming $100,000 before the 1912 election. In his report of March 1918, McKeown found that since most of the money had gone to Flemming personally and Gould had {d-0}deliberately set out by payment of this money, to make his position secure and to evade the consequences of future defaults, should any be made by him, by placing the most trusted public man in the Province under his control,{d-1} his claim for compensation should be rejected.

When the Liberals, under Walter Edward Foster*, returned to power in New Brunswick in early 1917, they were determined to get to the bottom of the railway controversy. Another commission of inquiry was established, and after commissioner John M. Stevens brought in his report in 1918, the government introduced legislation making the money paid to Flemming and others crown debts. A writ was served on the former premier to recover the $100,000, and technical objections brought by his lawyer were overruled. However, in November 1919 his physician told the court Flemming{apos}s health was so poor that he was incapable of appearing or giving evidence, and the case was held over indefinitely. In the end, no action was taken against him.

The railway scandal also pursued Gould into the United States. After he was elected to the Senate from Maine in 1926, his opponents challenged his right to sit because, they claimed, he had bribed the premier of New Brunswick. In a hearing before the committee on privileges and elections, Gould claimed that the railway company, not he, had paid the money. But Flemming was quoted in the New York Times as stating, {d-0}It is not true I was paid $100,000. . . . For my personal use or benefit, neither Mr. Gould or any of his assistants in the Saint John and Quebec Railway Co. ever paid me a single dollar or any larger amount directly or indirectly while the railway was under construction, nor before nor since.{d-1} On 25 Jan. 1927 the committee sent Flemming a telegram inviting him to appear before it in Washington, but when the request arrived, he was seriously ill. He died two weeks later.

In 1961 political scientist Hugh G. Thorburn wrote that a common characteristic of all provincial campaigns in New Brunswick was {d-0}the attempt by one party to show the other to be either dishonest and corrupt, or irresponsible and wasteful.{d-1} This was certainly the case in the early years of the 20th century. Despite having won one of the greatest electoral victories in the province{apos}s history, James Kidd Flemming was driven from office by alleged and proven scandal dredged up by the opposition. Whether the premier benefited personally from Gould{apos}s $100,000 payment, as his enemies alleged, or the money all went to the Conservative party, as he claimed, remains unanswered.

PANB, MC 80/1095; MC 1156. New York Times, 25 Jan. 1927. Can., House of Commons, Debates, 1927. Canadian annual rev., 1912-18. A. T. Doyle, Front benches & back rooms: a story of corruption, muckraking, raw partisanship and intrigue in New Brunswick (Toronto, 1976). N.B., Legislative Assembly, Journal, 1918, app., Report of the directors and chief engineer of the St. John and Quebec Railway Company for year ending March 15th., 1918: 33-44 (Interim and final report of commissioner J. M. Stevens, k.c., re Saint John and Quebec Railway Co.); 45-77 (Report re Gould arbitration and finding of Hon. H. A. McKeown, chief justice of the King{apos}s Bench Division); Synoptic report of the proc., 1900-18; Royal commission concerning St. John and Quebec Railway Company charges, Report (Fredericton, 1915); Royal commission concerning timber limit charges, Report (Fredericton, 1915) (both royal commission reports also appear in N.B., Legislative Assembly, Journal, 1915). Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell). H. G. Thorburn, Politics in New Brunswick (Toronto, 1961). U.S., Senate, Senator from Maine; hearings before a subcommittee of the committee on privileges and elections (2v. in 1, Washington, 1927).

In 1912 Winona Flett left Woodstock, Ont., with her mother and her sister Lynn to live in Winnipeg. On their arrival, Winona and Lynn, {d-0}tall handsome businesswomen,{d-1} joined the newly established Political Equality League (renamed the Manitoba Political Equality League in 1913), which sought to obtain the provincial franchise for women. A stenographer, Winona served as the convener of the league{apos}s literature committee. When the league organized a petition for women{apos}s suffrage after the victory of the Liberal party under Tobias Crawford Norris* in the general election of August 1915, Flett was in charge of the document bearing the names of 39,584 women. Along with the league{apos}s president, Mary Elizabeth Crawford, its secretary, Lillian Kate Beynon* Thomas, and the oldest signatory of the petition, Amelia Burrell, Winona was photographed to record the successful campaign which in January 1916 resulted in Manitoba being the first province in Canada to enfranchise women. Winona was one of eight women to be invited to occupy seats on the floor of the Legislative Assembly, rather than in the public galleries, for the third reading of the bill.

In October 1914 Flett had married Fred Dixon. Both the bride and the groom were described as having {d-0}active interests in various public movements.{d-1} In 1917, during World War I, Fred opposed the registration of men for military service and conscription; with Winona he became committed to pacifism. Author and pacifist Gertrude Richardson*, who visited the Dixons that year, described them as {d-0}people whose ideals are those I call the Ideal of the New Humanity.{d-1} Winona, she noted, was {d-0}a lovely woman, in form, mind and spirit. She shares [her husband{apos}s] loftiest ideals. When there was talk of imprisonment for all who resisted registration in the beginning of this year, Mrs. Dixon made all her arrangements to return to the business world, and earn her living, leaving her baby daughter with her mother.{d-1}

At her death, Winona Flett Dixon was described in the Manitoba Free Press as {d-0}well versed in industrial conditions, especially as they affected women. She was a gifted speaker and was keenly enthusiastic in the support of the principles she advocated.{d-1} She had been able to combine {d-0}motherhood and public service.{d-1} Attending her funeral were Liberal and Labour politicians, including Norris, the premier of the province, and colleagues from her suffrage and social reform causes. She was 37 years old.

Events 173/3 (N9905); P 192. AO, RG 80-2-0-209, no.1778. Man., Dept. of Finance, Consumer and Corporate Affairs, Vital statistics (Winnipeg), nos.1914-134063, 1922-018170. Grain Growers{s-1-unknown} Guide (Winnipeg), 29 Dec. 1915, 5 Jan. 1916. Manitoba Free Press, 5 May, 2, 7, 9 July, 16 Oct. 1914; 17 May 1922. Voice (Winnipeg), 23 Oct. 1914, 22 Jan. 1915. Western Labor News (Winnipeg), 17 Jan. 1919; 11, 25 June, 5 Nov. 1920. Winnipeg Tribune, 28 Jan. 1916, 19 May 1922. Harry and Mildred Gutkin, Profiles in dissent: the shaping of radical thought in the Canadian west (Edmonton, 1997). D. N. Irvine, {d-0}Reform, war and industrial crisis in Manitoba: F. J. Dixon and the framework of consensus, 1903-1920{d-1} (ma thesis, Univ. of Man., Winnipeg, 1981). B. A. Roberts, A reconstructed world: a feminist biography of Gertrude Richardson (Montreal, 1996).

The Flynns, who had settled at Percé in the Gaspé region, were of Irish descent. Edmund James Flynn{apos}s paternal grandfather, Edmund, was born in Percé, where he managed a large commercial firm and was a customs officer. On his mother{apos}s side, his grandfather, John, was from Guernsey and his grandmother from Jersey. His father made his living from business, fishing, and farming. His mother was also born in Percé.

Bilingual and Roman Catholic, Edmund James studied at the Séminaire de Québec from 1860 to 1865. From 1867 to 1869 he had his initiation into administration as assistant registrar, assistant prothonotary, and assistant clerk to the Court of Queen{apos}s Bench, registrar of the Circuit Court for the District of Gaspé, and secretary-treasurer of the municipality of Percé. He studied law at the Université Laval in Quebec City from 1871 to 1873, obtaining his degree with distinction. On 16 Sept. 1873 he was called to the bar of the province of Quebec and he took up his profession in the region where he was born. The following year he moved to Quebec, where he was to live from then on. He would practise law there until 1914 in partnership with Édouard Rémillard, François-Xavier Drouin, and Jean Gosselin, and then with his son Francis. He would be bâtonnier of the Quebec bar from 1907 to 1909.

When Chapleau resigned as premier in 1882 to move into federal politics, his successor, Joseph-Alfred Mousseau*, did not include Flynn in his cabinet. His time in purgatory did not last long, because Mousseau was replaced in January 1884 by John Jones Ross*, who invited Flynn, a moderate conservative, to become commissioner of railways (1884-86) and then solicitor general (1885-87). In the house in 1886 Flynn had to confront such tough adversaries as Honoré Mercier*, when, in the absence of Ross, he had to defend the provincial government{apos}s refusal to censure the federal government{apos}s stance in the Riel affair [see Louis Riel*].

Early in 1887, Mercier{apos}s Parti National came to power on a groundswell of public opinion related to the Riel affair, and Mercier replaced Louis-Olivier Taillon, who had just succeeded Ross. For the first time Flynn found himself in opposition. Then, in the provincial general election of 1890, in which Mercier was again victorious, he lost the seat he had won as a Conservative in 1879, 1881, 1884, and 1886. He ran in the riding of Quebec in the federal general election of 1891, but was again defeated. During the period when he was out of the house, Flynn devoted himself exclusively to his law practice and university teaching.

At the beginning of May 1896, Taillon, who had succeeded Boucherville as premier a few years earlier, went to Ottawa to become postmaster general. Since his appointment had been made quickly, Taillon wrote to Lieutenant Governor Chapleau on 4 May that {d-0}it is hardly appropriate for me to offer you my opinion on the choice of my successor.{d-1} Chapleau wanted to offer the office to a member of the moderate wing of the Conservative party, represented by Guillaume-Alphonse Nantel* and Flynn, rather than to a cabinet member connected to its ultramontane or Castor wing. Since Chapleau ruled out the Castors and they ruled out Nantel, Flynn, who was the senior member of the cabinet and against whom no personal objections were raised, was a good compromise. The lieutenant governor made a symbolic offer to Nantel, who refused to form a new cabinet. Thus on 11 May 1896 Flynn became the tenth premier of the province of Quebec. In his cabinet, within which Thomas Chapais* and Louis-Philippe Pelletier were the strongest members, he kept the portfolio of public works for himself. However, the team would have to function without two party stalwarts, Taillon and Thomas Chase-Casgrain*, who would soon follow Taillon to Ottawa.

Flynn{apos}s agenda, which was less austere than Taillon{apos}s but more cautious than Mercier{apos}s, included conversion of the public debt (through replacement of the bonds in circulation by longer term bonds at a lower rate of interest), higher railway subsidies, reorganization of government departments, more rational development of natural resources, and abolition of the property transfer tax that had been imposed in 1892. The premier, who had in addition been leader of the Conservatives since 13 June, turned his attention to matters related to primary education, in particular financial assistance to poor municipalities and an increase in teachers{s-1-unknown} salaries. Debt conversion and railway subsidies were the most debated subjects in the house. Conversely, the legislation known as the Homesteads Act, intended to protect settlers against the seizure of essential property (200 acres of land, house, livestock, farm implements, household equipment), was favourably received.

The Conservatives{s-1-unknown} term of office was coming to an end, however, and it was time to think about an election. Polling day was set for 11 May 1897. Within only a year of his appointment as premier, Flynn had already accomplished a great deal. During that same period of time, two of his daughters had died of some form of tuberculosis; two others would fall victim to the same disease, one in 1898 and the other in 1906. The Conservative leader was faced with a very unfavourable situation, due, among other things, to the normal wear and tear of being in power, the Liberals{s-1-unknown} arrival in strength in Ottawa under Wilfrid Laurier*, the strong resentment against the Conservatives because of their decisions on the Manitoba schools question [see Thomas Greenway*] and the Riel affair, as well as the rehabilitation of Mercier, who had died in October 1894. Pelletier, who served as attorney general in Flynn{apos}s cabinet, wrote to him on 17 Nov. 1896, {d-0}I do not think we can win the election starting as we are at this moment. . . . We have cut costs, we have healed the wounds inflicted on the province: this is good, but it is not enough.{d-1} Furthermore, the incumbent premier was not well known (especially in Montreal), and with his rather reserved and lacklustre personality he was not an orator who could stir up crowds.

The political agenda Flynn put forward during the campaign was a continuation of his achievements of the previous year. He asked to be judged on his program and its results, and for federal issues to be kept out of the provincial election. The Conservatives mounted a furious attack on the Mercier government, which was still being blamed for all existing ills. As for the Liberal leader, Félix-Gabriel Marchand*, he concentrated mainly on the Conservative government{apos}s record and its poor financial management. Laurier{apos}s organizers also arrived in strength and the election campaign soon took on the appearance of a confrontation between Flynn and Laurier. On polling day, Marchand{apos}s Liberals won an easy victory, taking 52 seats. The Conservative leader, one of the 22 candidates elected for his party, kept his seat in Gaspé, but by a margin of only 11 votes. With the fall of Flynn{apos}s cabinet, the last Conservative government in Quebec disappeared and the party was not to regain power in the province. The Union Nationale, which would win the 1936 election, would emerge from a coalition of the Conservative party and the Action Libérale Nationale.

Flynn now became the inconspicuous leader of a demoralized opposition. The country was enjoying a notable period of economic prosperity and both the federal Liberals and their provincial counterparts had everything going in their favour. The latter called an early general election for 7 Dec. 1900 and again swept the province with no difficulty. During the campaign, Flynn made a half-hearted and largely unsuccessful attempt to denounce federal interference in provincial politics. (A few months earlier, Marchand{apos}s death had made it necessary for a new premier to be appointed, and it was reportedly Laurier who had decided in favour of Simon-Napoléon Parent*.) Rather than risk running in Gaspé, Flynn chose the riding of Nicolet, where his party had won every election since 1867, with the exception of 1890. He took the seat with a majority of 41 votes.

On 3 Nov. 1904 Laurier was returned to power in the federal election. The next day, while Flynn was still leader of the opposition in Quebec, Parent had the Legislative Assembly dissolved and set 25 November as the day to go to the polls, thereby forcing the voters to make up their minds in record time. Since the Liberals had carried 64 of 74 ridings in 1900, all they had to do was nominate the same members. Flynn was not in the same situation and had little time to get ready. He signed a manifesto denouncing Parent{apos}s actions and accusing him of trying to identify his candidature with Laurier{apos}s. The opposition would not play that game, he declared. He then ordered his followers to challenge the legitimacy of the election (which he described as a power grab) by abstaining from it. He himself did not run. The directive was not universally followed, and again the Liberals won an easy victory. The following year, having no seat, Flynn resigned as leader of the Conservative party, which by then had only one daily paper, L{apos}Événement, and just seven members in the house.

After some 30 years in politics, Flynn now had to resume a professional life with a lower profile - his law practice and university teaching. In 1908 he made a final, unsuccessful bid to return to the political scene by running in Dorchester in the federal general election. He brought his son Francis, recently called to the bar, into partnership with him in 1911. Then came more bereavements. His wife Augustine died that year after a brief illness and in June 1919 Francis died of pulmonary tuberculosis. Flynn had been appointed a judge of the Superior Court for the district of Beauce in June 1914. In June 1920 he became a judge of the Court of King{apos}s Bench, an office he held for the rest of his life.

No biography of Edmund James Flynn exists. The main archival source for his life is a modest collection in ANQ-Q, P734, S1, consisting of correspondence, telegrams, speeches, documents relating to governmental and legislative affairs, and addresses to electors, as well as personal and family information. Additional material is in LAC, MG 27, II, F8. Flynn{apos}s speeches are collected in various pamphlets. The Debates of the Legislative Assembly of the province of Quebec, 1878-1904, constitute an important source for his political career, particularly those for the sixth session of the eighth legislature (1896-97).

ANQ-BSLGIM, CE102-S19, 18 nov. 1847. ANQ-Q, CE301-S1, 11 mai 1875. BCM-G, RBMS, Saint-Jacques-le-Mineur (Montréal), 8 janv. 1912. L{apos}Action catholique (Québec), 7 juin 1927. Le Devoir, 7 juin 1927. L{apos}Événement, 8 juin 1927. Le Soleil, 7 juin 1927. Ken Annett, {d-0}To clutch the golden keys: the distinguished career of Edmund James Flynn,{d-1} SPEC (New Carlisle, Que.), 10 (1984), no.42: 14. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898). Marc Desjardins et al., Histoire de la Gaspésie (nouv. éd., Sainte-Foy, Qué., 1999). DPQ. Jacques Flynn, Un bleu du Québec à Ottawa (Sillery, Qué., 1998). J.-A. Lamarche, Les 27 premiers ministres (Montréal, 1997). Laurent Laplante, {d-0}Edmund-James Flynn,{d-1} in {d-0}Portraits des premiers ministres du Québec{d-1} (Radio-Canada broadcast, Montreal, 1982; copy in BCM-G). Où sont les cliquards: le groupe Flynn, ce qu{apos}il en coûte à la province ([Québec?, 1897?]). Rumilly, Hist. de la prov. de Québec, vols.8-9, 12. George Stewart, {d-0}The premiers of Quebec since 1867,{d-1} Canadian Magazine, 8 (November 1896-April 1897): 289-98.

MacKenzie Forbes{apos}s mother came from a prominent Montreal family that included her grandfather John Torrance* and her cousin David*. After attending the High School of Montreal, Forbes entered McGill University in 1890 at age 15. In 1894 he enrolled in McGill{apos}s faculty of medicine, from which he graduated with honours in 1898. Later that year, on 18 September, he obtained his licence to practice. He then worked, probably for a year, as a government physician on the French Shore of Newfoundland and visited Wilfred Thomason Grenfell*{apos}s mission in Labrador, where he saw so many children with bone, foot, and lower limb deformities that he became interested in orthopaedic surgery. He received training in orthopaedics in New York City at the Hospital for the Ruptured and Crippled as a house officer. After returning to Montreal in 1902, he was appointed assistant demonstrator in anatomy at McGill.

Because they had no hospital admitting or operating privileges, Forbes and a group of friends met on 25 Nov. 1902 and decided to open a children{apos}s hospital in Montreal where they could treat orthopaedic disease. By November 1903 a building had been rented and converted into a hospital with 10 beds. Francis John Shepherd, Alexander Dougall Blackader*, Harold Beveridge Cushing, Robert Tait McKenzie*, and Forbes formed the medical staff. The Children{apos}s Memorial Hospital admitted its first patients in January 1904 and can be considered one of the first institutions in Canada devoted to the treatment of children{apos}s orthopaedic diseases.

Forbes was chief of surgery at Children{apos}s Memorial and he operated on many types of orthopaedic deformities. Typical operations dealt with club feet, tuberculosis of the spine, scoliosis, the complications of spina bifida, spastic dipligia, defects from osteomyelitis, deformities of spine and limbs from poliomyelitis, torticollis, bowed legs, birth defects of the arms and legs, Volkmann{apos}s ischaemic contractures (reflex sympathetic dystrophy), and trauma. He set fractures, reduced dislocations, repaired cleft palates, transplanted tendons, and applied spica plaster splints to the hips, feet, and spine. He was finally given in-patient operating privileges at the Montreal General Hospital in 1906 and was appointed orthopaedic surgeon to the hospital the same year.

After two years, the children{apos}s hospital desperately needed to move. Admissions continued to increase and in many cases hospital stay was prolonged because Forbes and the other doctors treated increasingly complex deformities. A new site was chosen on the southwest side of Mount Royal on Cedar Avenue. Money was raised to purchase the land and construct the new hospital in 1907 and the doors opened in 1909. Forbes, who took an interest in every aspect of the hospital{apos}s administration, was chief of the hospital and surgical services and Cushing was chief of medicine.

At the outset of World War I Forbes volunteered for military service. In the fall of 1914 he was sent to Valcartier, near Quebec City, to begin training at the newly established No.1 Canadian General Hospital. After eight days at Valcartier he departed with the hospital for Salisbury Plain, England. Although he had no training in psychiatry, Forbes, a captain, had the unpleasant duty of interviewing soldiers who were thought to be unfit for service for psychiatric reasons. He was temporarily commissioned major on 17 April 1915 and the following month his unit went to Boulogne, France. In a tent hospital Forbes and a few other surgeons treated wounds with a quantity of tissue destruction and sepsis never imagined in Montreal. With experience the staff changed its procedures and septic wounds were scrubbed and drained and the majority of the wounded survived. In July 1915 1,065 patients were admitted, 617 of them were wounded, 335 were operated on, and 26 died from wounds. By November 1915, of the 1,993 admissions, 470 were wounded, 321 were operated on, and only 15 died from wounds, a remarkable record. McGill University tried to send its surgeons to the front on rotation, so in December 1915 Forbes was recalled to Canada for military duty; he was discharged on 30 June 1917 and returned to his work in paediatric orthopaedics. After the war he served on the national executive of the Great War Veterans{s-1-unknown} Association of Canada.

The prolonged hospitalization and rehabilitation of many school-aged patients that Forbes and other surgeons treated created educational problems for the children. The initial solution was to hire a teacher for the children{apos}s hospital. Awareness of the problem also led to a greater concern about the education of those crippled children in Montreal who could not attend regular schools and who were not hospitalized. Forbes and his associates thus founded the School for Crippled Children on Cedar Avenue, east of the children{apos}s hospital. It opened in 1914 with a few children who were transported to and from the school in hospital ambulances; by the end of the first year almost 100 children were enrolled. Forbes would remain a director until his death.

Forbes{apos}s excellent work led to his appointment as clinical professor of orthopaedics at McGill in 1922 and it attracted the attention of the Shriners, a North American fraternity interested in helping crippled children. On Cedar Avenue between the Children{apos}s Memorial Hospital and the School for Crippled Children, they established the Shriners Hospital for Crippled Children - Montreal Unit, the 10th in their system of orthopaedic hospitals in North America. It was opened on 18 Feb. 1925. Forbes had been appointed its first chief of orthopaedics on 19 April 1924 and served in this position until he died. Operations by Forbes and other surgeons on indigent crippled children from all over Canada were paid for by the Shriners.

Alexander MacKenzie Torrance Forbes is the author of {d-0}A case of lues venerea with an unusually protracted incubation period,{d-1} Montreal Medical Journal, 28 (1899): 942-43; {d-0}Notes on the etiology and pathology of catheter fever: with the results of an investigation as to the prophylactic treatment,{d-1} Montreal Medical Journal, 28: 333-38; Reconstructive surgery in peace based on orthopaedic surgery in war (Philadelphia, 1919); Soldier and the land: vice-president of Great War Veterans{s-1-unknown} Association points to need of a new national policy for Canada ([Winnipeg, 1919?]); Canada in 1920 ([Montreal, 1920?]); and Essays and lectures on clinical surgery ([Philadelphia], 1922).

ANQ-M, CE601-S68, 17 mars 1875. BCM-G, RBMB, St George{apos}s (Anglican) Church (Montreal), 9 Nov. 1912. LAC, RG 150, Acc. 1992-93/166, box 3178. Shriners Hospitals for Children - Canada (Montreal), Admissions book, 1925-44; Record of operations, 1925-44. W. H. Atherton, Montreal, 1534-1914 (3v., Montreal, 1914). Kenneth Cameron, History of No.1 General Hospital, Canadian Expeditionary Force . . . 1914-1919 (Sackville, N.B., 1938). Canadian Medical Assoc., Journal (Toronto), 21 (1929): 109. L. M. Kruger and S. R. LaForte, Chiefs of staff, then and now: a history of the chiefs of Shriners Hospitals for Crippled Children, 1922-1994 ([Springfield, Mass., 1994?]). H. E. MacDermot, {d-0}Dr. Mackenzie Forbes and his hospital,{d-1} McGill News (Montreal), 27, no.2 (spring 1956): 35, 62. McGill Univ., Faculty of medicine, Calendar (Montreal), 1922. Montreal General Hospital, Annual report, 1911-12. J. B. Scriver, The Montreal Children{apos}s Hospital: years of growth (Montreal, 1979). The storied province of Quebec; past and present, ed. W. [C. H.] Wood et al. (5v., Toronto, 1931-32).

The triumph of the Liberals in the federal election of 1874 made patronage appointments for party stalwarts possible. Forget, an ardent Liberal, was not slow in forwarding his claim. He pressed his contacts in government for a position, reminding them of his fluent bilingualism and work during the election. The canvassing succeeded: on 21 May 1875 he was made a secretary of the commission to enumerate mixed-blood settlers entitled to land grants under the Manitoba Act. Forget arrived in the western province in June and was responsible, with Commissioner Matthew Ryan, for the French-speaking parishes. Following his return to Quebec after the work ended in January 1876, Forget practised law for a while in Saint-Hyacinthe in partnership with Honoré Mercier*, but it was simply an interlude before taking up another appointment he had been soliciting. Ottawa had moved to establish a new governing council for the North-West Territories and on 7 Oct. 1876 David Laird*, then minister of the interior, was made lieutenant governor and Indian superintendent. Forget became his secretary and clerk of council, a posting that required his immediate move west with his new wife and a winter at Fort Livingstone (Livingstone, Sask.), where on 8 March 1877 council held its first session. Forget{apos}s role involved preparing the initial ordinances and assisting in the government{apos}s move to Battleford (Sask.) that summer.

The Forgets bought a farm and entered into Battleford{apos}s lively social life. In addition to the work of council, Forget assisted Laird in his dealings with the native population, which included travelling to make the annual treaty payments. Laird found such tasks tiresome and he resigned as Indian superintendent in February 1879, though he continued as lieutenant governor. That spring the buffalo disappeared and starving Indians began turning up at Battleford. Their presence alarmed the settlers; Henriette Forget, for one, was afraid to leave her house. Difficult negotiations followed and, when provided with food, the visitors returned to their reserves. These experiences with native affairs would serve Forget well in subsequent years. During a summer visit to Edmonton with Laird, the Forgets met Edgar Dewdney*, who had arrived to take up the new position of Indian commissioner; in late 1881 he became lieutenant governor as well. Although these appointments came from a Conservative government, that of Sir John A. Macdonald*, Forget remained clerk of council.

The decision to build the Canadian Pacific Railway along a southern route across the prairies led to the creation of a new capital, Regina. The Forgets moved there in February 1883. As the number of elected councillors and the volume of legislation grew, Forget{apos}s duties expanded; {d-0}a capital officer{d-1} in Dewdney{apos}s estimate, he met the challenge easily. One of council{apos}s initiatives was the creation of a system of education. Legislation in 1884 allowed for a board of education divided into Catholic and Protestant sections, each controlling its own teachers, schools, and curriculum [see Charles-Borromée Rouleau*]. Forget, who sat as a Catholic representative from 1886, emerged as a principal defender of the sectarian and bilingual nature of the system, features that came under increasing attack from the Anglo-Protestant element of the population. In 1892 the board was replaced by the Council of Public Instruction, which brought education under a single authority. Forget vehemently opposed this measure and joined the Catholic hierarchy in a futile attempt to have it repealed. Named to the council of instruction without his approval, he nonetheless stayed to fight for Catholic rights, though he was never as intransigent as some clergy. He could find no objection, for instance, to the textbooks prescribed by the council but denounced by Father Hippolyte Leduc and others.

In the summer of 1884 Dewdney had become concerned about reported restlessness among the Métis of the District of Saskatchewan. Their most important grievance was lack of security of land tenure. The arrival of Louis Riel* in July seemed to escalate the agitation and Dewdney decided to investigate. Known to the Métis for his work in Manitoba, Forget was among those dispatched. During his week in September in the area of Batoche and St Laurent (St-Laurent-Grandin), he interviewed Riel and Gabriel Dumont*, among other members of the community, and suggested that Riel be appointed to the territorial council. This proposal, which Riel rejected, had not been endorsed, yet it reflected official thinking on how to neutralize the Métis leader. In his report to Dewdney, Forget noted that the Métis were determined and were expanding their list of demands; appended was a petition outlining Riel{apos}s specific requirements on the land question. Forget{apos}s major concern was the decline of missionary influence since Riel{apos}s arrival. He proposed immediate help with education and agriculture and action on the land issue. The government procrastinated - the commission to settle Métis land claims was not established until March 1885. Forget was one of the three commissioners authorized to confirm existing holdings and offer scrip in compensation for aboriginal title. The North-West uprising was already under way when they began their determinations in April; the struggle and the scattered nature of settlement presented enormous challenges, and work continued into the following year. Meanwhile, the uprising was crushed and Riel was sentenced to hang. Many French Canadians had a certain sympathy for the Métis cause. Forget, who shared the sentiment, visited Riel in his Regina cell a number of times that fall and made no secret of his opposition to execution. When Riel mounted the scaffold on 16 November, he asked Father Alexis André* to convey his gratitude to Forget and his wife for their kindness. Dewdney noted Forget{apos}s subsequent bitterness and felt that he could not be trusted completely.

Forget never deviated from the Department of Indian Affairs{s-1-unknown} methods of strict surveillance and coercive tutelage with a view to assimilation. His language betrayed the prevailing prejudices against natives, whom he described as {d-0}a people who one generation past were practically unrestrained savages.{d-1} On reserves he sought out such signs of progress as {d-0}the desire to accumulate property{d-1} and a decline in paganism and the influence of medicine men. In his report for 1896 he was most optimistic about the potential of industrial schools for {d-0}uplifting a savage race and eradicating the nomadic and other inherent tendencies which centuries of a wild and barbarous life have firmly implanted.{d-1} The skills acquired in these schools were supposed to lead to self-sufficiency, especially through farming. Forget believed that Indians could be good farmers, but his department{apos}s agricultural policy lacked coherence. Reed had insisted that Indians tend their crops with hand implements rather than modern machinery - they had to become frugal peasants before evolving into prosperous farmers - and on moving to Ottawa he ordered Forget to persist. Forget was dubious about a policy that was opposed by agents and Indians alike, but he dutifully tried to enforce it. When besieged by requests to permit the use of machinery, he sometimes conceded on the understanding that harvesting by hand had been tried and that the crops were in danger of being lost. He was all too aware from agents{s-1-unknown} reports that the policy only discouraged Indians from becoming agriculturalists.

Government officials and missionaries were virtually unanimous in recognizing that the continuation of native ceremonies such as the Sun and Thirst dances obstructed cultural and religious transformation. An amendment to the Indian Act in 1895 forbidding the torture and gift-giving segments of these ceremonies gave the authorities some power to combat the practices. Forget urged his agents to invoke the law if {d-0}prohibited and revolting{d-1} aspects were ever featured and to use the section of the act prohibiting trespass on reserves to keep visitors away and thereby limit the size of gatherings. He ensured that beef tongues issued to the Blackfoot were split to render them useless for the Sun Dance and he approved the withholding of rations from those who danced. Yet he was sufficiently pragmatic to realize that ceremonies could sometimes be condoned under strict conditions. Agreements struck with the Blackfoot were followed by appeals to the {d-0}better element{d-1} on the reserves to use their influence against future dances. The department approved Forget{apos}s use of {d-0}wise discretion.{d-1}

The victory of Wilfrid Laurier* and the Liberals in 1896 brought great satisfaction to Forget, who was a friend of the new prime minister. It also opened the door to higher office, especially important to a Liberal who had laboured long in a bureaucracy dominated by Conservatives, and paved the way for Forget{apos}s most enduring contribution to Indian administration: a radical restructuring of western operations. Clifford Sifton, the new interior minister and superintendent general of Indian affairs, was determined to slash the department{apos}s operating budget, especially on the prairies, where treaty obligations and security concerns kept costs high. Happy to oblige, Forget provided the blueprint. The Indian commissioner{apos}s office was moved to Winnipeg in 1897 and made smaller; its role was reduced to inspecting agencies and schools. The Manitoba superintendency was abolished and agencies were eliminated. Within two years 57 employees had resigned or been dismissed, and the salaries of agents, clerks, and farm instructors had been cut. These measures did produce savings, but it became clear that purging Conservatives was also part of the restructuring. As vacancies opened up, they were filled with Liberals. A willing distributor of the spoils, Forget accepted nominations from prominent western Liberals such as Frank Oliver* and James Hamilton Ross*, and he issued a circular instructing agents to contract for supplies only with government supporters. He was irked when a copy was leaked to the press by a disgruntled employee, who he suspected was on the termination list.

Forget had been suffering for some years from a chronic infection of the spinal cord, a condition that baffled his doctors and impaired his work. With the Liberals in power, however, a less demanding appointment was conceivable. Royal{apos}s successor as lieutenant governor, Charles Herbert Mackintosh*, was to retire in 1898. Forget made his interest in the position known to Laurier and Sifton but he was disappointed when it went to Malcolm Colin Cameron*, an Ontario Liberal. His hopes revived when Cameron died in September 1898. This time he was successful and the appointment was made effective 13 October. The news was generally welcomed in the western press, but there was dissent. Conservative papers were critical of Forget{apos}s partisanship in the Indian office and some Catholics felt that his support for the Laurier-Greenway compromise of 1897 on the Manitoba school question had been a {d-0}base betrayal.{d-1}

Most of Forget{apos}s work as lieutenant governor was routine and ceremonial. With responsible government entrenched by an amendment to the North-West Territories Act in 1897, political initiative had passed from the office. Along with his easy duties came substantial benefits, including residence in Government House in Regina. One of the finest houses in the west, it became the scene of lavish entertainments. Forget enjoyed his new role immensely. Although ill health occasionally kept him from his functions, he made a point of visiting many of the communities in his domain. His appearances at schools, country fairs, and other events were occasions for grand speeches laced with the boosterism and imperialist jingoism that audiences loved. The man who flaunted his credentials as a true Northwester was never slow to praise the prospects of the region, even to the point of stretching his listeners{s-1-unknown} credulity. On a visit to Montreal in 1904, for example, he claimed there were no poor people in the NWT.

Forget{apos}s friendship with Laurier was of no small importance after 1898. He was a trusted confidant and Laurier sought his advice on party interests and such delicate territorial matters as language, religion, and schools. As his term drew to a close, there was talk of a senatorship, but he preferred reappointment. He explained to Laurier that he had not managed his finances well and would be better able to plan for retirement were a second term offered. The prime minister obliged and Forget was sworn in on 4 April 1904 in Montreal, where he had gone for medical treatment.

In the general election in November, Laurier was returned with a majority. The NWT were now represented by 10 mps, 7 of them Liberals, a balance that strengthened the prime minister{apos}s hand in determining the region{apos}s political future. The Autonomy Acts of 1905 granted provincial status to Alberta and Saskatchewan. Forget learned in July 1905 that Laurier had chosen him as lieutenant governor of the latter, an appointment he had not solicited but gratefully accepted. His inauguration in Regina on 4 September was attended by Laurier and Chief Justice Arthur Lewis Watkins Sifton. The position allowed Forget to influence the composition of the province{apos}s first government. Former territorial premier Frederick William Gordon Haultain* was the logical candidate for the provincial post, but he was a Conservative and opposed the Autonomy Acts{s-1-unknown} allowance for separate schools and federal control of land and natural resources. Forget feared he would stir up trouble over these issues. With Liberals in most of Saskatchewan{apos}s federal seats, he felt justified in calling on provincial Liberal leader Thomas Walter Scott* to become premier. The choice, predictably enough, was not well received in the Tory press; the Toronto Mail and Empire denounced Forget as Laurier{apos}s {d-0}instrument{d-1} and cartoons showed Haultain facing a firing squad that included Forget. In the election that December, his decision was vindicated by the defeat of Haultain{apos}s Provincial Rights party.

ANQ-M, CE601-S35, 17 oct. 1876; CE602-S21, 12 nov. 1847. LAC, MG 26, A: 42921-33, 42938-40, 90090-92, 90697-703; G: 20121-22, 29946-51, 41516-17, 78710-14, 99633-35, 176042-43, 185782-84; H: 18531; MG 27, II, D15: 12029, 12061-62, 12110, 28483, 128683; MG 29, D27; E106, 18: 463; RG 10, 3802, file 50320; 3825, file 60511-1; 3878, file 91837-23; 3964, file 148285. Saskatchewan Arch. Board (Regina), R-2.77 (A.-E. Forget scrapbook) (mfm.); R-39 (A.-E. Forget papers); SHS 21 (Saskatchewan Hist. Soc. files, corr. and biog. sketch on A.-E. Forget). Le Devoir, 11 oct. 1923. Morning Leader (Regina), 16 June 1923. Amy Nelson-Mile, {d-0}The Forgets had much to offer,{d-1} Regina Sun, 21 March 1999. N. F. Black, History of Saskatchewan and the North-West Territories (2v., Regina, 1913), 1. Can., Parl., Sessional papers, reports of the Dept. of Indian Affairs, 1895-96; Senate, Debates, 1911/12: 602-3, 758-59; 1923: 797-98. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). Sarah Carter, Lost harvests: prairie Indian reserve farmers and government policy (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1990). J. W. Chalmers, Laird of the west (Calgary, 1981). T. [E.] Flanagan, Métis lands in Manitoba (Calgary, 1991). D. J. Hall, {d-0}Clifford Sifton and Canadian Indian administration, 1896-1905,{d-1} in As long as the sun shines and water flows: a reader in Canadian native studies, ed. I. A. L. Getty and A. S. Lussier (Vancouver, 1983), 120-44. John Hawkes, The story of Saskatchewan and its people (3v., Regina, 1924), 1. J. K. Howard, Strange empire: Louis Riel and the Métis people (New York, 1952; repr. 1974). M. R. Lupul, The Roman Catholic Church and the North-West school question: a study in church-state relations in western Canada, 1875-1905 (Toronto, 1974). Pioneers and prominent people of Saskatchewan (Winnipeg and Toronto, 1924). G. F. G. Stanley, The birth of western Canada: a history of the Riel rebellions (Toronto, 1936; repr., intro. T. [E.] Flanagan, 1992). [E.] B. Titley, The frontier world of Edgar Dewdney (Vancouver, 1999); A narrow vision: Duncan Campbell Scott and the administration of Indian Affairs in Canada (Vancouver, 1986).

Francis Forster attended local schools before transferring in 1890 to the Basilian-run Assumption College in Sandwich (Windsor). {d-0}A boy who seemed always enjoying life to the full,{d-1} he completed his classical studies there in brilliant fashion, winning nearly every prize at graduation. Although small for his age, Forster had a strong personality and fearless self-assurance. He was a natural leader and an accomplished and relentless debater. His determination to win over opponents was a characteristic that would mark his priestly career.

After graduation Forster stayed at Assumption for two more years of philosophy, and then an extra year, studying theology and teaching the junior classes. In 1897 he entered the Basilian novitiate in Toronto and he was ordained a priest on 30 June 1901. He taught belles-lettres at St Michael{apos}s College in Toronto from 1901 to 1903, after which he was made superior of St Basil{apos}s College in Waco, Tex. In 1907 he returned to Assumption as superior and he remained there until 1919.

Forster was a thoroughly modern college administrator for whom change was inevitable and healthy. In curriculum, he lifted Assumption out of the 19th century. He immediately added a fourth year to the high school program, which gave the students an opportunity to achieve junior matriculation in conformity to provincial regulations [see John Seath*]. He also welcomed the prospect of affiliating Assumption{apos}s college division, or arts department, with the Western University of London, Ontario, and would have achieved this result as early as 1909 if the diocese of London had not been vacant. Instead, he had to let the initiative pass to the new bishop, Michael Francis Fallon*, who for a variety of reasons did not sign articles of affiliation until 1919 and only then on a misunderstanding about the future location of the arts department. Fallon wanted it transferred to Western, where the Ursuline college for women in Chatham would also be moved. Forster was just as adamant that it would stay in Sandwich. Without it, the high school might fail and all the efforts the Basilians had made to build up the Sandwich campus would be in ruins. In spite of the dispute, affiliation was a tremendous leap forward. It offered Assumption graduates proper university degrees for the first time.

At the college itself, Forster was a whirlwind of activity. He eliminated the debt from the chapel, built by his predecessor; he replaced gas lighting with electricity; he refurbished the 1875 and 1884 buildings erected by superior Denis O{apos}Connor*; and he financed the construction of a much-needed gymnasium, dormitory, and central heating plant, in the face of constant interference from Victorin Marijon, who became superior general of the Basilians in 1910. Forster increased the student rolls to capacity and would have expanded them even further had it not been for World War I, the influenza pandemic of 1918, and Bishop Fallon{apos}s decision to remove his diocesans from the college. Forster knew each boy by name and home town and monitored his progress. He was especially anxious about those fighting overseas, taking the time to respond to their letters. Also noteworthy is his introduction to the college{apos}s front office of a typewriter and the practice of making carbon copies. Typing all his own correspondence, he left a rich archive that reveals a logical mind in control of every detail connected with his religious community and his boarding school.

Forster had entered the Basilians at a time of high tension between the French-speaking members from France and the English-speaking members from Canada and the United States. The French believed, in the words of Father Thomas James Hanrahan, that {d-0}religious life consisted precisely in the voluntary and life-long acceptance of obedience to the authority of the Superior.{d-1} The North Americans looked instead to the community{apos}s rules and traditions; in their minds, the superior was but the first among equals in running the community in a democratic fashion. At the general chapter of 1910 a compromise of sorts was reached. The Basilian community divided itself into two provinces, one for France and one for America, each to be governed by a provincial, and the whole to be governed by a superior general. However, this new arrangement simply exacerbated tensions.

In 1911 Forster was made a member of the provincial council for America. He was elected provincial five years later (he continued as superior at Assumption, undoubtedly feeling that the college needed his guidance during the war years) and was re-elected in 1919, when he moved to Toronto. No sooner had he taken his seat on the council than he let it be known that the only solution to {d-0}the tyrannical, absolute and unconstitutional administration of Fr. Marijon{d-1} was his resignation as superior general and the establishment of an independent government for each province. Rome rebuked him for his harsh opinions, but he was to win the day. In 1914 Rome requested and received Marijon{apos}s resignation, and in 1922, in response to a petition from the French province, it issued a decree establishing the Congregation of Priests of St Basil of the Diocese of Viviers, in France, and the Congregation of Priests of St Basil of Toronto. That same year Forster was elected the Toronto congregation{apos}s first superior general, and he was re-elected in 1928.

During the years immediately preceding his first election Forster{apos}s prime objective was to rewrite the constitutions for the Toronto congregation so that they conformed to the regulations governing every other religious community in the church. His study of the 1917 Code of Canon Law had convinced him in particular that Rome would continue to reject the constitutions, and consequently the Basilians{s-1-unknown} desire to be a true religious congregation and not just a pious sodality of priests, if they did not include a simple vow of poverty held in common by all members.

Forster had continued to accomplish a great deal of good in education. He managed to keep the arts department in Sandwich by winning a decisive Roman judgement against Fallon in 1925; he purchased a building on St Mary Street in Toronto for Basilian scholastics in 1926; he sent Basilians to teach at the Aquinas Institute in Rochester, N.Y., in 1927; he opened the Catholic Central High School in Detroit in 1928; and he supported the changes at St Michael{apos}s College that issued in the founding in 1929 of the Institute of Mediaeval Studies under Father Henry Carr*.

Forster died by drowning in Montreal in November 1929. He had been waiting for a ship to dock, lost his footing in the dark, and slipped into the water unnoticed. His body was not recovered until the spring, when he was buried in Mount Hope Cemetery in Toronto. His devotion to Catholic education inspired a generation of Basilian leaders, and his role in transforming the Basilians into a religious community guaranteed their growth and prosperity for many decades and led to his being honoured as the {d-0}second founder{d-1} of the congregation.

General Arch. of the Basilian Fathers (Toronto), c. 314 1929.3 (R. F. Forster file), including a typescript copy of an undated item in the Bay City Daily Times (Bay City, Mich.) and a manuscript genealogical chart. Evening Record (Windsor, Ont.), 22 June 1893. Henry Carr, A sketch of the late Very Reverend Father Francis Forster, c.s.b. (address delivered at Father Forster{apos}s funeral mass at St Basil{apos}s Church, Toronto, 12 May 1930; privately printed; copy in General Arch. of the Basilian Fathers). A documentary history of Assumption College . . . , ed. and intro. Michael Power (4v., [Windsor], 1984-89), vol.3 (Assumption College: the making of a modern school, 1890-1919, 1986). T. J. Hanrahan, The Basilian Fathers (1822-1972): a documentary study of one hundred and fifty years of the history of the Congregation of Priests of St. Basil (Toronto, 1973). W. E. Kelly, {d-0}Father Forster: a sketch of the president of Assumption College,{d-1} Canadian Magazine, 48 (November 1916-April 1917): 289-92. K. J. Kirley, The Congregation of Priests of St. Basil of Viviers, France, 1922-1955 (Toronto, 1981); 1922: before and after ([Toronto], 1992). Michael Power, {d-0}Fallon versus Forster: the struggle over Assumption College, 1919-1925,{d-1} CCHA, Hist. studies, 56 (1989): 49-66. R. J. Scollard, Dictionary of Basilian biography: lives of members of the Congregation of Priests of Saint Basil from its beginnings in 1822 to 1968 (Toronto, 1969), 59. {d-0}Very Reverend Francis Forster, c.s.b. (1873-1929),{d-1} Basilian Newsletter (Toronto), no.15 (November 1979): 2.

On his return to Canada in September 1893, Fortier established his residence and consulting office in the Upper Town of Quebec, at the corner of Rue Sainte-Anne and Rue Sainte-Ursule. While physicians in that era limited their careers initially to general practice, Fortier began his by including obstetric care and paediatrics as well. From 1903 his office hours would be devoted exclusively to children. As soon as he arrived back he began working with the rector of the Université Laval, Mgr Joseph-Clovis-Kemner Laflamme*, and the dean of the faculty medicine, Charles-Eusèbe Lemieux, to establish a chair of paediatrics. He began teaching there in January 1894 as an associate professor; he would be appointed a full professor in 1899 and would continue in that position for the rest of his life. In 1894 future physicians were given 15 classes in the theory of paediatrics in each of their third and fourth years, although this instruction was not yet compulsory. (It would become so on 1 Jan. 1910, when the Quebec Medical Act came into force [see Albert Laurendeau*].) Paediatric instruction would be increased to about 35 hours a year in 1905, and to 45 hours in 1925. In these courses, Fortier concentrated on information relating to newborn and nursing infants and to early childhood (from birth to the age of 6 to 7 years). Although he was concerned with the general state of the child{apos}s health, he went into detail about various ailments and their causes, including digestive complaints related to dietary deficiencies, a subject that gave him an opportunity to explain the benefits of breastfeeding. From 1898 the faculty also charged Fortier with the teaching of hygiene (120 classes a year for first- and second-year students). In 1913, in order to combat epidemics more effectively, especially smallpox, which often broke out in poor urban neighbourhoods, a course in public health would be introduced that would lead to a diploma as an expert in hygiene. Physicians who took this course would then be qualified to work in the civil service. Its 20 classes on paediatric nursing and contagious diseases would be added to Fortier{apos}s teaching load.

The institutionalization of abandoned children provided an initial clinical setting for paediatrics, and Fortier worked as the visiting physician at the Hôtel-Dieu du Sacré-Cœur de Jésus from 1898 to 1906. Founded in 1873, this hospital was located in the working-class ward of Saint-Sauveur, in the Lower Town, and served the needs of deserted children and epileptics. Fortier found this work increasing appreciably from 1903. That year, after a number of fruitless requests, he got permission from the hospital to give clinical instruction to the students in the medical faculty. As was the custom then, in return for this permission he looked after, with no salary, the treatment and medical direction in the establishment where the classes were taught. The Dispensaire de Québec, which was in the Hôtel-Dieu, was the first place to benefit from such an agreement with Fortier. In 1907 he would open the {d-0}sick children{apos}s department,{d-1} and he would be in charge of it until 1929. In 1905 he also became professor and visiting physician at the Crèche Saint-Vincent-de-Paul, which provided care for illegitimate infants born in the maternity ward of the Hôpital de la Miséricorde and taken in by the Sisters of the Good Shepherd. He would continue to work there for the rest of his life. From 1916 to 1920 Fortier would give practical classes on contagious diseases at the new Hôpital Civique in Quebec. This 58-bed institution on Chemin de la Canardière, founded in 1915 and funded by the city of Quebec, was established for tuberculosis patients and was administered by the Sœurs de la Charité de Québec. Students in the faculty of medicine would also be able to study at the Hôpital du Saint-Sacrement, which opened in 1927 on Chemin Sainte-Foy and would have a paediatric service introduced by Fortier.

These public experiments with the care of the city{apos}s children were pivotal and encouraged other initiatives. In 1923, at the height of his career, Fortier helped found its first hospital for sick children. In January, Irma Le Vasseur*, the first female French-speaking physician in the province, who had co-founded the Hôpital Sainte-Justine in Montreal in 1907, opened a small dispensary on Rue Grande Allée, where Fortier was the first physician and where he admitted the first child as a patient. In May the paediatrician drew up a constitution and by-laws so that the institution could be incorporated under the name of Hôpital de l{apos}Enfant-Jésus and receive government grants. The city{apos}s elite gave it their moral support. Three sisters from the Dominicaines de l{apos}Enfant-Jésus, under the medical supervision of Dr Fortier and Dr Édouard Samson, an orthopaedic specialist, were put in charge of its operation. It got off to a precarious start. The hospital moved three times before finding a home in 1927 in a new building on Chemin de la Canardière. The establishment of the hospital, with its 125 beds, reflected the local citizens{s-1-unknown} interest in child care. Providing clinical instruction to future physicians, it then included two operating rooms, a dental clinic, a laboratory, a radiology room, and a maternity ward. After Fortier{apos}s death it would become a general hospital.

An active man who combined the practice of medicine with university teaching, Fortier also championed the interests of his profession. He was secretary of the Société Médicale de Québec from 1897, when it was founded, until 1901. In 1899 the society began publishing the Bulletin médical de Québec; Fortier was a member of the editorial committee from 1899 to 1906 and its secretary from 1911 to 1913. He published some 20 articles in it, dealing especially with poliomyelitis, the feeding of infants, and hygiene. In his articles and lectures, Fortier encouraged breastfeeding and the practice of such hygienic measures as the pasteurization of milk and the sterilization of baby{apos}s bottles. He sometimes criticized physicians who neglected to send sick children for consultation with specialists. Finally, in the interests of public health, he urged the government to improve the quality of milk for human consumption and to increase its financial support to hospitals.

René Fortier took to his bed in February 1929, suffering from cardio-renal arteriosclerosis, and he died on 8 August. His long-time friend Arthur Simard paid tribute to him, describing him as a shy, emotional, and modest person. With his talent, his fine moral qualities, and his professional dignity, Fortier gained an enviable reputation throughout the province, where he had become {d-0}the children{apos}s doctor.{d-1} The career of this pioneer in paediatrics provides a wealth of information about medical practice of the time. The first Quebec City physician to devote himself to paediatrics both privately and in numerous clinics, he taught this discipline at the Université Laval for more than 30 years. He stressed the importance of physicians in general hospitals and encouraged medical specialization, especially through the founding of the Hôpital de l{apos}Enfant-Jésus, where a commemorative plaque in his honour was unveiled in 1937.

René Fortier wrote several articles, most of which were published in the Bull. médical de Québec. He also contributed to L{apos}Union médicale du Canada (Montréal), Journal d{apos}hygiène populaire (Montréal), and Bull. sanitaire (Montréal), and some of his lectures appear in the proceedings of the Association des Médecins de Langue Française de l{apos}Amérique du Nord. Worth mentioning among these texts are: {d-0}De l{apos}alimentation artificielle des enfants du premier âge,{d-1} in Premier congrès de l{apos}Association des médecins de langue française de l{apos}Amérique du Nord tenu à Québec, les 25, 26 et 27 juin 1902; texte des mémoires (Québec, 1903), 458-88; {d-0}Hygiène des classes ouvrières sous le rapport social et administratif,{d-1} in Quatrième congrès de l{apos}Association des médecins de langue française de l{apos}Amérique du Nord tenu à Québec, les 20, 21 et 22 juillet, 1908; texte des mémoires (Québec, 1910), 176-85; and, in collaboration with Arthur Simard, {d-0}Considérations sur l{apos}alimentation des enfants du premier âge en dehors de l{apos}allaitement au sein,{d-1} Journal d{apos}hygiène populaire, 11 (1894-95): 212-29.

At the ANQ-Q, the Fonds René Fortier (P265) includes a medical bag, several surgical instruments, and numerous notes for the courses on paediatrics and hygiene that Fortier gave in the faculty of medicine at the Université Laval in Quebec. His son De La Broquerie Fortier, himself a paediatrician in Quebec and the author of articles on the history of medicine, also gave his name to a collection at the ANQ-Q (P596); it contains, among other things, articles that he wrote about his father. Also useful is Véronique Lépine{apos}s {d-0}Guide des archives hospitalières de la région de Québec, 1639-1970,{d-1} which is available on the internet site of the ANQ, in {d-0}Instruments de recherche en ligne.{d-1}

ANQ-Q, CE301-S1, 12 oct. 1896; CE306-S24, 6 août 1866. Le Soleil, 8-9 août 1929. Jacques Bernier, La médecine au Québec: naissance et évolution d{apos}une profession (Québec, 1989). Rita Desjardins, {d-0}L{apos}institutionnalisation de la pédiatrie en milieu franco-montréalais, 1880-1980: les enjeux politiques, sociaux et biologiques{d-1} (thèse de PHD, univ. de Montréal, 1998). Directory, Quebec, 1893-1930. De La Broquerie Fortier, Au service de l{apos}enfance: l{apos}Association québécoise de la Goutte de lait, 1915-1965 (Québec, 1966); {d-0}Les débuts de la pédiatrie à Québec, 1892 à 1929,{d-1} L{apos}Union médicale du Canada, 112 (1983): 656-63. Denis Goulet and André Paradis, Trois siècles d{apos}histoire médicale au Québec; chronologie des institutions et des pratiques (1639-1939) (Montréal, 1992). Univ. Laval, Annuaire, 1884-1931.

James Fowler{apos}s surname was originally Fowlie. It is not known why or precisely when, as a young man, he adopted the name Fowler. His father and his mother{apos}s family had emigrated from Scotland to eastern New Brunswick in 1816. George Fowlie eventually established a farm with a grist mill and sawmill at Little Branch on Miramichi Bay, and it was here that Fowler was raised. He might well have been expected, at age 14 and with eight younger siblings, to step into the breach created by the death of his father in 1843. It was evidently a remarkable mother who instead enabled him to attend the county grammar school at Chatham, and from 1850 to 1855 to pursue theological studies at the Free Church College in Halifax, where he took the prize in classics. After teaching for a short period in the academy connected with the college, he returned home and was ordained in 1857.

Although he corresponded with and twice visited the renowned botanist Asa Gray, of Harvard University, during his years at Bass River, Fowler{apos}s chief early mentor in botany was George William Clinton of Buffalo, N.Y. A capable amateur botanist, distinguished judge, and president of the Buffalo Society of Natural Sciences, Clinton reviewed Fowler{apos}s early identifications, sent him large collections, and provided moral support during a long-sustained correspondence. Fowler also made important scientific contacts in New Brunswick, especially with the geologists George Frederic Matthew and Loring Woart Bailey, both of whom published notable papers on the climatic and historical contexts of New Brunswick flora.

Late in 1875 Fowler wrote to Clinton that chronic laryngitis might compel him to {d-0}cease public speaking for some time, if not for life.{d-1} He resigned his pastorate in 1876, and spent the next two years in Saint John completing the first catalogue of New Brunswick vascular plants and bryophytes, which would be published by the province in 1879. In 1878 he was appointed instructor in natural science at the Normal School in Fredericton. His comment that the position did {d-0}not involve much speaking{d-1} is odd, but may reflect his adaptation of the program to his own style. He was nonetheless an influential and popular teacher. Several of his students and others inspired by his example made important local plant collections, and these would enable Fowler to publish a substantially revised catalogue of the provincial flora in 1885.

Fowler was appointed lecturer on natural science, librarian, and curator of the museum at Queen{apos}s College in Kingston in 1880, and for the next 12 years he taught its courses in geology, botany, and zoology. He had been warmly recommended for the lectureship by Gray and Bailey, and was promoted to the rank of professor in 1891. With the creation of a professorship in animal biology and physiology in 1892, he gave up his duties in zoology, and after geology was removed to the new School of Mining and Agriculture in 1894, he became the university{apos}s first full-time professor of botany. Fowler{apos}s most notable achievement at Queen{apos}s was the development of a major herbarium, building on the one he had brought with him from New Brunswick. Numbering nearly 50,000 specimens and probably more than 15,000 species by his retirement in 1907, it was at the time second in size and scope among Canadian herbaria only to that established at the Geological Survey of Canada by John Macoun*. He continued to collect intensively while at Queen{apos}s, both in eastern Ontario and in the Maritimes, in large part to obtain material for use by his students. In 1900 and 1901, for example, he personally collected a total of more than 12,000 specimens at St Andrews, N.B., and Canso, N.S., using the mobile research station of the Marine Biological Stations of Canada as a base of operations.

While his record of published original research was modest, Fowler was widely respected for his prodigious knowledge of the flora of eastern North America. A maritime knotweed which he had first collected in New Brunswick in 1869 was named Polygonum fowleri in his honour by the Harvard botanist Benjamin Lincoln Robinson. Fowler{apos}s meticulous and thorough work habits gave his identifications a high degree of reliability, and he was consulted especially on the naming of grasses and sedges. His student and eventual successor at Queen{apos}s, William Thomas MacClement, noted that he {d-0}did not thrust himself or his work on the attention of the world. A man of greater modesty and less self-assertion could scarcely be found.{d-1} He was awarded two honorary degrees, ma (1872) and lld (1900), by the University of New Brunswick, and was elected to the Royal Society of Canada in 1891. That year he was invited to give the inaugural address at the opening of the Queen{apos}s theological faculty, an acknowledgement of his stature in the Presbyterian community, and of his exceptional command of classical Hebrew, Greek, and Latin.

About 1904 Fowler began to experience significant memory loss. This progressed rapidly following his retirement at age 77. He remained physically active for many years, but soon recognized no one but his daughter Eliza Annie Law Fowler, who cared for him until his death at age 93. During the next half-century the emphasis in botany at Queen{apos}s shifted to physiology, and the herbarium was neglected. It was revived and named the Fowler Herbarium in 1965, and since then has assumed an important role in modern research on plant systematics and conservation.

James Fowler{apos}s reports as curator of the museum were published in the Queen{apos}s Quarterly (Kingston, Ont.) from 1893-94 to 1905-6. His other publications include: {d-0}List of New Brunswick plants,{d-1} N.B., Secretary for agriculture, Report (Saint John), 1878, app.B: 35-63; {d-0}Additions to the list of New Brunswick plants [continued from last year{apos}s report],{d-1} N.B., Secretary for agriculture, Report, 1879; {d-0}Geology of the Maritime provinces{d-1} and {d-0}Useful minerals of the Maritime provinces,{d-1} in F. B. Roe, Atlas of the Maritime provinces of the Dominion of Canada . . . (Saint John and Halifax, 1879), 8-13 and 13-14; {d-0}Preliminary list of the plants of New Brunswick,{d-1} N.B., Natural Hist. Soc., Bull. (Saint John), no.4 (1885): 8-84; {d-0}Arctic plants growing in New Brunswick, with notes on their distribution,{d-1} RSC, Trans., 1st ser., 5 (1887), sect.iv: 189-205; {d-0}Vegetable physiology,{d-1} Queen{apos}s Quarterly, 3 (1895-96): 199-208; {d-0}How plants use animals: a chapter in ecology,{d-1} Queen{apos}s Quarterly, 6 (1898-99): 188-203; {d-0}Report on the flora of St. Andrew{apos}s, N.B.,{d-1} Contributions to Canadian Biology (Toronto), [1] (1901): 41-48; and {d-0}Report on the flora of Canso, Nova Scotia,{d-1} Contributions to Canadian Biology, [2] (1902-5): 59-70..

Buffalo Soc. of Natural Sciences Arch. (Buffalo, N.Y.), Papers of George William Clinton, Fowler to Clinton, 25 July 1865-22 Feb. 1879. Library of the Gray Herbarium Arch., Harvard Univ. (Boston), Historic letter coll., Fowler to Asa Gray, 12 Oct. 1870-22 May 1880. N.B. Museum (Saint John), W. F. Ganong fonds, Fowler to L. W. Bailey, 8 June 1865; 28 Jan., 23 Feb., 27 Sept. 1867; 27 April, 18 May, 8 Dec. 1869; Fowler to G. F. Matthew, 10 Dec. 1866; Fowler to Ganong, 6 June 1904; W. T. MacClement to Ganong, 3 Jan. 1918. Private arch., G. F. MacMillan (Bathurst, N.B.), Geneal. of the Fowlie family. QUA, Office of the University Secretariat fonds, Queen{apos}s Letters ser., James Fowler, application and testimonials, 1880, locator no.1244. Daily Telegraph (Saint John), 17 Sept. 1880. R. E. Beschel, A history of the biology department and the Fowler Herbarium of Queen{apos}s University, summarized for the opening of Earl Hall on May 19, 1966 ([Kingston, 1966]) (copy at QUA, Dept. of biology fonds); {d-0}Presenting: some early history of the biology department,{d-1} Queen{apos}s Rev. (Kingston), 40 (1966): 92-99. Bernard Boivin, Survey of Canadian herbaria (Quebec, 1980), 86. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). A. A. Crowder, {d-0}The collection of bryophytes in the Fowler Herbarium, Queen{apos}s University, Kingston, Ontario,{d-1} Canadian Field-Naturalist (Ottawa), 88 (1974): 47-55. W. D. Hamilton, Dictionary of Miramichi biography; biographical sketches of men and women born before 1900 who played a part in public life on the Miramichi: Northumberland County, New Brunswick, Canada (Saint John, 1997), 130-31. W. T. MacClement, {d-0}{s-0}The makers of Queen{apos}s{s-1-unknown}: James Fowler, m.a., ph.d., f.r.s.c.,{d-1} Queen{apos}s Rev., 2 (1928): 2-4. D. P. Penhallow, {d-0}A review of Canadian botany from 1800 to 1895, part ii,{d-1} RSC, Trans., 2nd ser., 3 (1897), sect.iv: 1-56. B. L. Robinson, {d-0}The New England Polygonums of the section Aviculare,{d-1} Rhodora (Boston and Providence, R.I.), 4 (1902): 65-73. B. N. Smallman et al., Queen{apos}s biology: an academic history of innocence lost and fame gained, 1858-1965 (Kingston, 1991). Who{apos}s who (London), 1912.

In 1884 Friedlander was elected to the position of minister of the Congregation of English, German and Polish Jews of Montreal, one of the largest Jewish congregations in Montreal, which represented a moderate, acculturated traditionalism. Its members had great respect for religious customs and ceremonies within the synagogue, but had largely adopted English Canadian norms in their personal lives. Two years later Friedlander officiated at the consecration of a new synagogue for the congregation, named Shaar Hashomayim. In 1887 he was a founding member of one of the first proto-Zionist societies in Canada, probably the Hovevei Zion Society of Montreal. It never flourished, however. He remained at Shaar Hashomayim until 1896, when he resigned because of differences with the congregation{apos}s trustees. From 1896 to 1899 he lived in New York City and Chicago.

British Columbia Vital Statistics Agency (Victoria), Death registration records (mfm. at the Victoria Geneal. Soc.). Victoria Daily Times, 22 Feb. 1927. A biographical dictionary of Canadian Jewry, 1909-1914: from {d-0}The Canadian Jewish Times{d-1}, comp. L. F. Tapper (Teaneck, N.J., [1992?]). A. A. Chiel, The Jews in Manitoba: a social history (Toronto, 1961). C. E. Leonoff, Pioneers, pedlars, and prayer shawls: the Jewish communities in British Columbia and the Yukon (Victoria, 1978). B. G. Sack, History of the Jews in Canada, trans. Ralph Novek, [ed. Maynard Gertler] ([2nd ed.], Montreal, 1965).

Gage subsequently focused his passion for efficiency, his energy, and his Methodist ideals on commerce and charity. In 1871 he embarked on his first venture, buying and selling cordwood in Brampton. He then became a bookkeeper with a Toronto publisher, Adam Miller and Company. After Miller{apos}s death in 1875, he continued as a partner in the firm, which he took over in 1879 and renamed W. J. Gage and Company. Although the market for textbooks, its most important line, was rife with competition, governmental intrusion, and copyright disputes, Gage achieved considerable success. In 1893 his company was incorporated. A promotional booklet later claimed that {d-0}there is . . . not a community throughout the Dominion where the schoolbooks published by this house have not found a place.{d-1}

After fire destroyed Gage{apos}s building on Front Street in 1904, he immediately constructed a five-storey factory on Spadina Avenue, {d-0}laid out to handle the business in the most systematic and economic way possible.{d-1} His integrated operation included a paper plant in St Catharines, sophisticated Miehle presses for colour printing, and the sale of writing paper and envelopes in addition to textbooks. An imposing figure, he presided over a richly decorated office that reflected his thoroughness and attention to detail, qualities also evident in his private life. He was an affectionate but at times controlling husband whose letters to his wife, during his travels on business, frequently reprimanded her for not writing more often.

In 1893, with some wealth at his disposal, Gage had turned his attention to tuberculosis, Canada{apos}s most lethal disease. He committed himself to the sanatorium movement - drug treatment would not become available until the 1940s - and investigated sanatoria in Europe and the United States. His offer in 1894 to fund a hospital in Toronto had the backing of the Board of Trade, whose president, Hugh Blain, had encouraged Gage to tackle tuberculosis, but city council hesitated. {d-0}No . . . delightful reward awaited the man who tried to start sanatoria, especially in the early years of the movement,{d-1} Gage would recall. Some critics even sent him threatening letters. Publicly regarded as incurable and contagious, tuberculosis was popularly associated with indigence, squalor, overcrowding, and unhygienic living habits. Gage remained undaunted, however, and in 1895 Hart Almerrin Massey* and other influential citizens threw their weight behind his efforts.

In 1896 Gage helped found the National Sanitarium Association and two years later the Toronto Citizens{s-1-unknown} Sanatorium Committee, which led to the creation in 1900 of the Toronto Association for the Prevention and Treatment of Consumption and Other Forms of Tuberculosis. Between 1897 and 1913 he established several treatment facilities: the Muskoka Cottage Sanatorium and the Muskoka Free Hospital for Consumptives near Gravenhurst; the Toronto Free Hospital for Consumptives, the King Edward Sanatorium for Consumptives, and the Queen Mary Hospital for Children, all near Weston (Toronto); and a free dispensary in Toronto. In 1912 he initiated the King Edward Memorial Fund for Consumptives. The following year, in recognition of his work, he was made a knight of grace of the Order of St John of Jerusalem in England.

Gage also used his money to promote his political and religious values. In 1893 he had headed a group who purchased the Toronto Evening Star to fight the provincial Liberal government, which, by taking control of the copyrights on many textbooks, had undermined Gage{apos}s near-monopoly. He also wanted a vehicle for defending the local ban on streetcar service on the sabbath. As chairman of the Citizens{s-1-unknown} Anti-Sunday Car Association, he challenged Mayor Warring Kennedy to resist mounting pressure for Sunday service, which the Star saw as a sign of {d-0}degenerate days.{d-1} Gage{apos}s campaigns ended in 1895 when the newspaper was bought by Edmund Ernest Sheppard, fronting for Frederic Thomas Nicholls and the Toronto Street Railway.

The streetcar commotion, which concluded in 1897 with the authorization of Sunday service, was not the end of Gage{apos}s civic involvement. He was active in the Board of Trade, and was a delegate in 1909 to the Congress of Chambers of Commerce of the Empire, where he argued that the colonies should have their own laws on copyright. Elected president of the board the following year, he pushed for the development of the city{apos}s waterfront, a board of harbour commissioners, and improved highways between Toronto and York County. {d-0}We should plan for a city of a million people,{d-1} he reasoned in January 1910. In November he took the lead in forming the Ontario Associated Boards of Trade and became its first president.

During the war years Gage{apos}s sanatoria interests remained strong. At a cost of more than $100,000, he funded the construction of the National Sanitarium Association{apos}s new headquarters and dispensary (the Gage Institute), which opened on 10 Feb. 1915. The following year he helped negotiate the admission of tubercular soldiers to the Muskoka sanatorium, demonstrating in the process his autocratic style and skill in driving hard bargains. In 1917 Gage and his wife set aside $110,000 for the Ina Grafton Homes Corporation, to provide rental accommodation for war widows and orphans. He was granted an honorary lld that year by Mount Allison College in Sackville, N.B., and in 1918 he was made a knight bachelor.

Gage was much sought after for the boards of other charities and businesses. He chaired the Toronto branch of the Victorian Order of Nurses, and was a director of the Imperial Bank of Canada, the Traders{s-1-unknown} Bank of Canada, the Ontario Sugar Company, and the Anglo-American Fire Insurance Company. Devastated by the burning of the Muskoka Free Hospital on New Year{apos}s Eve 1920, he suffered a stroke and died at his Wychwood Park estate. His church, Trinity Methodist, held two services in his honour. The Toronto Daily Star stated that Gage had {d-0}combined a kindly and understanding mind with great fixity and tenacity of purpose.{d-1} He represented a generation of businessmen who put profit-making in the service of humanitarianism to achieve their concept of a better society.

AO, F 1193-A-3, box 24, folder 141; RG 22-305, no.42995; RG 80-5-0-95, no.13255. Private arch., Mrs Diana Gage Griffith Tisdall (Toronto), Gage family papers. TRL, SC, Biog. files, vols.2-3, 6. Toronto Daily Star, 8 Jan., 8, 11 March, 10, 18 June, 16 July, 2 Oct. 1894; 5, 8, 14-15 Jan. 1921. G. C. Brink, Across the years: tuberculosis in Ontario ([Willowdale (Toronto), 1965]). Canadian annual rev., 1901-21. Canadian Assoc. for the Prevention of Tuberculosis, Annual report (Ottawa), 1901-21. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1898 and 1912). Construction (Toronto), 11 (1918): 168-74. Dict. of Toronto printers (Hulse). Dominion annual reg., 1883. G. L. Gale, The changing years: the story of Toronto Hospital and the fight against tuberculosis (Toronto, 1979). Ross Harkness, J. E. Atkinson of the {d-0}Star{d-1} (Toronto, 1963). Gerald Killan, David Boyle: from artisan to archaeologist (Toronto, 1983). Desmond Morton and Glenn Wright, Winning the second battle: Canadian veterans and the return to civilian life, 1915-1930 (Toronto, 1987). G. L. Parker, The beginnings of the book trade in Canada (Toronto, 1985). The province of Ontario: a history, 1615-1927, ed. J. E. Middleton and Fred Landon (5v., Toronto, 1927-[28]), 5: 789-91. Victor Ross and A. St L. Trigge, A history of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, with an account of the other banks which now form part of its organization (3v., Toronto, 1920-34), 3. Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell). G. H. Stanford, To serve the community: the story of Toronto{apos}s Board of Trade (Toronto, 1974). W. J. Gage and Company, Manufactured stationery, 1909-1910: catalogue no.1 (Toronto, [1909]); Educational works & school blanks: catalogue no.4, 1911-1912 (Toronto, [1911]); copies in TRL, SC). G. J. Wherrett, The miracle of the empty beds: a history of tuberculosis in Canada (Toronto, 1977). Who{apos}s who and why, 1921.

The younger brother of musician and folklorist Ernest Gagnon*, Gustave Gagnon completed the classical studies course at the Collège Joliette and received musical training in Montreal from his brother-in-law Paul Letondal, a blind French émigré who would become a distinguished pianist, cellist, and organist. Gagnon was active over a long period as an organist at Saint-Jean-Baptiste church (1864-70) and at Notre-Dame basilica (1876-1915), both in Quebec City. Like his brother Ernest and others of his generation, he furthered his education in Europe; he was there from 1870 to 1872. In Paris he studied organ with Charles-Alexis Chauvet, piano with Antoine-François Marmontel, and harmony with Auguste Durand. Later in Liège, Belgium, he studied piano with Félix-Étienne Ledent and harmony with Jean-Théodore Radoux. During the summer holidays of 1871 and 1872 he visited the German musical centres of Dresden and Leipzig, where he received organ lessons from Benjamin Robert Papperitz and Louis Plaidy. Highlights of his European sojourn were his meetings with Camille Saint-Saëns and Franz Liszt. He met Liszt first in Rome and later had the opportunity in Leipzig to attend a rehearsal of Liszt{apos}s Legend of St Elizabeth with the composer conducting.

Spanning a 60-year period, Gagnon{apos}s work as a musician and teacher was highly regarded and recognized. His appointment in 1922 as the first director of the newly formed École de Musique at the Université Laval, where he taught until 1930, is ample testimony of the esteem in which he was held. As the school{apos}s first director, he had a major impact on curriculum; importance was attached to church music, such as plainchant and organ music. He was considered a knowledgeable and compassionate teacher and a fine administrator.

As a composer, Gagnon is remembered today for several piano compositions, notably Reflets du passé and Souvenirs de Leipzig, both in the tradition of the 19th-century descriptive, often virtuosic, character-piece for piano. Also well known is his Marche pontificale, composed for either piano or organ and later orchestrated by Joseph Vézina. Gagnon{apos}s church music includes a harmonized setting of the popular plainchant Messe royale by the 17th-century French composer Henry de Thier, dit Du Mont. This work was performed in June 1880 on the Plains of Abraham by a 600-voice choir at the same celebrations that included the inaugural performance of Calixa Lavallée*{apos}s O Canada.

Often discussed in conjunction with the achievements of his brother Ernest - their lives shared many parallels - Gustave Gagnon{apos}s career was marked by unusually long, sustained musical productivity, which contributed to a lasting legacy of high standards in church music and organ performance through the 20th century in French Canada.

ANQ-MBF, CE401-S15, 6 nov. 1842. ANQ-Q, CE301-S1, 9 juill. 1873. Le Devoir, 19 nov. 1930. Encyclopedia of music in Canada (Kallmann et al.). Arthur Letondal, {d-0}Gustave Gagnon,{d-1} La Rev. moderne (Montréal), 2 (1921), no.8: 13-14. J.-M. Turgeon, Les vendredis de l{apos}oncle Gaspard (Québec, 1944), 193-200.

Joseph Gallant{apos}s father was one of the most prosperous Acadian farmers in Rustico. Evidently Joseph attended the local elementary school and worked on the family farm before going to Charlottetown, where he found employment with Carvell Brothers, the largest exporter of merchandise on the Island [see Jedediah Slason Carvell*]. By also serving as a stable boy for a well-to-do family who gave him room and board, he was able to save enough money to buy a 50-acre farm when he returned to Rustico.

When he moved onto his farm, Gallant also ventured into the world of business. He opened a small store in his home, where around 1871 he took on the job of postmaster as well. In 1880 he had an impressive house built in Second Empire style in which he kept a store. That year he invested in maritime commerce, having a 77-ton schooner, the Four Sisters, built. He bought another one in 1884, the Acadian, of 84 tons burden. Gallant was able to export the produce of land and sea, principally to Massachusetts, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, for some 40 years. The ships brought back mainly coal and building lumber. In 1880 Le Moniteur acadien sang his praises as a businessman. {d-0}Thanks to his skilful management, Mr Gallant sees his business grow and prosper, and success attends him in all his undertakings.{d-1}

At the end of the 19th century, Gallant was at the height of his career. He owned three stores, two schooners, a farm, and warehouses. Most of his transactions were carried out from his store in Rusticoville, where he had even had a wharf built. He was undeniably the most important businessman in his region and, with Gilbert DesRoches*, one of the most prosperous in the province{apos}s Acadian community.

Father George-Antoine Bellecourt*, the dynamic founder in 1861 of the Farmers{s-1-unknown} Bank of Rustico, had officiated at Gallant{apos}s wedding, and the two men were neighbours until 1869. Although Gallant had not been a founding director of the bank, he became its second president in 1878. The bank had experienced quite serious administrative difficulties for several years, and Gallant, along with the cashier (general manager), Adrien Doiron, was responsible for getting it back on a sound footing. He approached the federal government many times in order to get its charter renewed in 1883 and 1891, but it finally expired in 1894. As president, Gallant had to deal with the liquidation of this people{apos}s bank, which was a forerunner of the caisse populaire [see Alphonse Desjardins*] and credit union movements in North America.

When Joseph Gallant, who was nicknamed Dandy Joe, died in 1923, he was quite heavily in debt. It is believed that the man to whom he had entrusted the management of his business in his old age and illness was responsible for this situation. After the death of this pioneer among Acadian businessmen in Prince Edward Island, his lovely home in Rustico, his farm, and his business were sold. Fortunately the residence has been preserved and restored. Known as Barachois Inn, it stands opposite St Augustine{apos}s Church and the parish hall that housed the Farmers{s-1-unknown} Bank of Rustico, now a national historic site.

Centre de Recherches Acadiennes de l{apos}Île-du-Prince-Édouard (Miscouche, Î.-P.-É.), Fichier généal. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1881, 1891, 1901, Queens County, P.E.I. (mfm. at PARO). PARO, Parish of Saint-Augustin de Rustico, 1890 census. Private arch., Georges Arsenault (Charlottetown), Interview with Théophile Blanchard, 25 April 1986. Supreme Court of Prince Edward Island, Estates div. (Charlottetown), liber 23: f.93; inventory and affidavit, 3 Oct. 1923; order passing the accounts etc., 9 Feb. 1925. Examiner (Charlottetown), 15 Feb. 1878; 18 Sept. 1885; 4 May, 6 Nov. 1888; 24 Dec. 1890; 20 Jan. 1892. L{apos}Impartial (Tignish, Î.-P.-É.), 26 juill., 11 oct., 29 nov. 1894; 28 févr. 1895; 26 oct. 1899; 26 avril, 25 oct. 1900; 20 nov. 1902; 19 nov. 1903; 31 août 1905; 8 févr. 1910. Le Moniteur acadien (Shédiac, N.-B.), 12 août 1880, 24 déc. 1885, 7 déc. 1886, 17 juin 1887, 17 août 1888. Gabriel Bertrand, Paroisse acadienne de Rustico (Î.-P.-É.) et la Banque des fermiers: recueil de citations épistolaires du père Georges-Antoine Belcourt (Moncton, N.-B., 1995). Chappelle{apos}s Prince Edward Island almanac and guide book . . . (Charlottetown), 1885. J. T. Croteau, {d-0}The Farmers{s-1-unknown} Bank of Rustico: an early people{apos}s bank,{d-1} Dalhousie Rev. (Halifax), 36 (1956-57): 144-55. Directories, Can., 1871; P.E.I., 1889/90. Antoinette Gallant, {d-0}Les Bronne: une courte histoire de ma famille,{d-1} La Petite Souvenance (Wellington, Î.-P.-É.), 1 (1979): 9-13. R. J. Graham et al., The currency and medals of Prince Edward Island (Willowdale, Ont., 1988). Harvie{apos}s Prince Edward Island almanack . . . (Charlottetown), 1872. Ships and seafarers of Atlantic Canada: the Atlantic Canada Shipping Project (CD-ROM, St John{apos}s, 1998).

George F. Galt was born into a powerful family. His father would become chief justice of Ontario in 1887. His uncle Sir Alexander Tilloch Galt*, a prominent Lower Canadian politician and businessman, and his cousin Elliott Torrance Galt would play an influential role in the commercial development of the Canadian northwest. Galt was educated at the grammar school in Galt (Cambridge, Ont.), but at age 15 he left to pursue a career in business. From about 1871 to 1882 he worked for various Toronto firms, including that of Perkins, Ince and Company, wholesale grocers, and held positions as a salesman, commercial traveller, and clerk. According to all reports, he was of almost abnormal physical strength and he quickly made a name for himself in amateur athletics, particularly in rowing. In the 1870s and early 1880s he stroked for the Argonaut Rowing Club of Toronto; in 1880 and in 1881 his team won the Canadian Association of Amateur Oarsmen{apos}s competitions.

The Galts quickly became members of the Anglo-Saxon elite in Winnipeg. A founder of the Winnipeg Grain and Produce Exchange in 1887, George was elected its first vice-president. Before he was 35, he had already served a term as president of the Winnipeg Board of Trade, in 1888-89. His reputation as a sound financial manager soon placed him on the boards of other organizations. He held office as president of the Northern Trusts Company (1904-5), vice-president of the Great-West Life Assurance Company, and director of numerous prominent financial institutions, including in 1910 the Canadian Bank of Commerce. He became a member of the Hudson{apos}s Bay Company{apos}s Canadian committee advisory board [see Sir Augustus Meredith Nanton] at its inception in 1911.

Along with another former member of the Argonaut club, Galt had founded the Winnipeg Rowing Club in 1882; he would serve as its captain, president, and coach. Galt stroked the Winnipeg crew to victory at the North American championship in Pullman (Chicago) in 1889. He served as a member of the Central Olympic Committee in 1908. The following year he was elected vice-president of the Canadian Association of Amateur Oarsmen. In July 1910 the Winnipeg crew won the prized Stewards{s-1-unknown} Challenge Cup at the Henley Royal Regatta, the first time the cup had been taken out of England. The following year Galt retired as president of the Winnipeg club. Later, he would be a founder of several other sporting clubs in Winnipeg and a designer and sailor of yachts. An avid duck hunter, he owned several marshes in Manitoba and entertained governors general Lord Byng* and Lord Willingdon [Freeman-Thomas*] and the Prince of Wales at his lodge on Lake Manitoba.

Among his benevolent and philanthropic works Galt was a member of the Order of St John of Jerusalem in England, in which he had been created a knight of grace on 29 July 1913. In 1914 he and John Galt had donated $5,000 each to the Manitoba Patriotic Fund and during World War I he acted as president of the Manitoba section of the Red Cross Society. He had served as treasurer of the Winnipeg General Hospital and was president of its board of directors when he retired in 1921, having contributed 31 years of service to the institution. After a four-month illness Galt died at his home in Winnipeg at age 73 and was buried in St John{apos}s cemetery. The Winnipeg Rowing Club presented the George Frederick Galt Trophy to the Canadian Association of Amateur Oarsmen in his memory. It is still a prestigious national award. As an influential businessman and a determined athlete, Galt was one of the builders of Winnipeg during its heyday as an industrial and grain-trading centre.

ANQ-M, CE601-S1, 3 sept. 1883. Winnipeg Tribune, 16 April 1928. A. F. J. Artibise, Winnipeg: a social history of urban growth, 1874-1914 (Montreal and London, 1975). Canadian annual rev., 1914-18. K. [S.] Coates and Fred McGuinness, Manitoba: the province & the people (Edmonton, 1987). Directory, Winnipeg, 1885-90. A. [G.] Levine, The exchange: 100 years of trading grain in Winnipeg (Winnipeg, 1987). A. A. den Otter, Civilizing the west: the Galts and the development of western Canada (Edmonton, 1982). C. S. Riley, Rowing memories (Winnipeg, 1934). Victor Ross and A. St L. Trigge, A history of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, with an account of the other banks which now form part of its organization (3v., Toronto, 1920-34), 2. Standard dict. of Canadian biog. (Roberts and Tunnell). Margaret [Stovel] McWilliams, Manitoba milestones (Toronto and London, [1928]). S. F. Wise and Douglas Fisher, Canada{apos}s sporting heroes (Don Mills [Toronto], 1974).

Placide Gaudet{apos}s father had died in a fight a few months before he was born, so his mother returned to her father{apos}s farm where she, and later her son, worked. Gaudet attended the local school and he developed an interest in Acadian genealogy and history through listening to his grandfather. In January 1862 his mother moved to her father-in-law{apos}s farm in Dorchester. When the College of Saint Joseph opened in nearby Memramcook two years later, Gaudet was one of its first students. His mother worked in the kitchen and bakery to pay his fees, and the director, Camille Lefebvre*, took a particular interest in him. After graduating in 1873, Gaudet began to study for the priesthood at the Grand Séminaire de Montréal, but, to the great disappointment of his mother, he was advised to leave by John Sweeny*, the bishop of Saint John, because of ill health. By late November 1874 he had returned to New Brunswick.

On leaving the seminary Gaudet{apos}s lifelong struggle with poverty began, as did the first of several desperate searches for employment. He wrote to friends from college, seeking work in journalism or the civil service, but was forced into a series of short-term teaching posts. These included about a year, 1875-76, at the Académie de Saint-Louis in Saint-Louis de Kent, a brief period in the public schools of Tracadie and Neguac, and a year with the French department of the grammar school in Shediac. During his spare time he enjoyed researching local history and at about this period he contributed the first of many articles to Acadian newspapers. Since advancement to a higher class of teaching licence would mean an increase in pay, Gaudet enrolled in the regular program of the Normal School in Fredericton during the autumn of 1881. He received three of the necessary five progress reports, but withdrew before any average or change in professional standing was allotted to him; he returned to teaching. In the Cocagne region he taught during 1882-83 using the {d-0}intuitive method of instruction,{d-1} and some parents complained. He left at the end of the term, but not without publishing a vindication in Le Moniteur acadien of Shediac, indicating that Valentin Landry*, then inspector, had found his school in satisfactory condition and had praised his work as {d-0}sound and intelligent.{d-1} Historian and senator Pascal Poirier* would nevertheless write at Gaudet{apos}s death that he could think of no one less suited to teach the rudiments of education. Gaudet{apos}s plan to have his students collect oral history from the old people of the village was, however, well ahead of its time.

Gaudet{apos}s job search began again. In 1882 he had sought work at the Canadian archives [see Douglas Brymner*], apparently in competition with Poirier. Narcisse Robidoux, a brother of Ferdinand, the editor of Le Moniteur acadien, agreed to support his application if Gaudet could conquer his long-standing difficulty with alcohol. Although Gaudet would continue to struggle with this problem until at least 1901, he obtained a two-year contract (1883-85) with the archives to copy parish registers in Acadian areas. This did not pay the bills, so he took three more short-term teaching jobs and spent an equally short period in Bathurst with the Courrier des provinces Maritimes before becoming the editorial secretary of Le Moniteur acadien during the fall of 1886. From there he moved to L{apos}Évangéline in Weymouth, N.S., where he worked from July 1890 to mid August 1893. In May 1894 he went back to the Courrier des provinces Maritimes and stayed until March 1895. His disputes with colleagues and with contributors who ventured to write Acadian history became notorious.

In August 1895 Gaudet moved to Church Point, N.S., to teach at the new Collège Sainte-Anne [see Gustave Blanche*]. He also continued to research local history. One student, J. E. Belliveau, would remember his talks there on Acadia with interest. He remained until the college burnt down in January 1899. That year he received a full-time contract from the archives to copy registers in the Acadian parishes of Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick. Brymner, the dominion archivist, was dissatisfied with Gaudet{apos}s failure to produce reports of the work he had accomplished. In 1903 only the intervention of friends, including New Brunswick mp John Costigan*, allowed him to keep his job. When Arthur George Doughty* took over the archives in 1904, the two established a good relationship. Gaudet moved to Ottawa to become genealogist at the archives. Under pressure from Doughty, he produced a genealogy of Acadian families over 460 pages long, published in the Report concerning Canadian archives for the year 1905 (Ottawa, 1906). It was his only lengthy publication.

During his years at the archives, where he would remain until 1924, Gaudet continued to collect material from a variety of sources. Much of his time was occupied by correspondence; he replied, often at great length, to numerous queries for information on Acadian genealogy and history. His remarkable contribution to Acadian genealogy, the transcription of an estimated 50,000 entries from parish registers covering the descendants of almost all Acadian families from the 17th to the early 20th century, made him the unquestioned authority on genealogy and provided a basis for Acadians to begin writing their own history rather than relying on scholars from elsewhere. He was also an important source of information for historians such as Pierre-Marie Dagnaud, William Francis Ganong*, Henri-Raymond Casgrain*, John Clarence Webster*, and Émile Lauvrière, as well as for author Margaret Marshall Saunders*. The stories of Acadian experiences, especially during the deportation of 1755, that he had collected and published were always carefully documented. James de Finney views Gaudet{apos}s work as characteristic of a tradition in Acadian literature which attempted to recover scattered fragments of the collective memory. Gaudet{apos}s vitriolic criticisms of the works of others were at times justified, though in the case of his 1911 pamphlet Les données erronées, which pointed out errors in Joseph-Edmond Roy*{apos}s history of Acadian notaries, personal feelings may have sharpened his pen.

Financial pressures and his reluctance to publish what he considered unfinished work meant that Gaudet{apos}s only additional publication was an 84-page booklet entitled Le grand dérangement. Written in 1921 in support of the Acadian proposal to construct a commemorative church at Grand Pré, N.S. [see David-Vital Landry], it was issued the following year by the committee sponsoring the project. Gaudet{apos}s thesis, that the evidence convicted only Governor Charles Lawrence* of responsibility for the deportation of the Acadians, and not the British government, was highly controversial.

In spite of frequent disputes with other authors, Gaudet could be a generous friend and ally. He maintained lifelong ties with many correspondents, including most of the Acadian elite. A founder and member of the Ottawa branch of the Société l{apos}Assomption [see Rémi Benoît*], he was a hospitable and well-liked member of the capital{apos}s Acadian community. He encouraged the establishment of monuments to the Acadian past and gave talks on Acadian history.

The voluminous Placide Gaudet fonds at the LAC consists of typewritten Acadian genealogies (MG 30, C20, 1-19), notes and subject files on Acadian history as well as extracts from parish registers (C20, 20-28), and about 135,000 index cards on Acadian genealogy (C20, 29-118). The Placide Gaudet fonds at the Centre d{apos}Études Acadiennes, Univ. de Moncton, N.-B., just as imposing, contains documentation on Acadian history, including manuscripts (originals, copies, and transcripts), correspondence (originals and copies), notes, and a number of other materials.

In addition to numerous articles published in the local press, Gaudet is the author of {d-0}Acadian genealogy and notes,{d-1} in Public Arch. of Canada, Report concerning Canadian archives for the year 1905 (3v., Ottawa, 1906), 2; Les données erronées de monsieur J. Edmond Roy sur les notaires de l{apos}Acadie (Shédiac, N.-B., 1911); and Le grand dérangement: sur qui retombe la responsabilité de l{apos}expulsion des Acadiens (Ottawa, 1922).

Centre d{apos}Études Acadiennes, Fonds du collège Saint-Joseph/univ. de Moncton, 1864-1972, documentation financière, Grand Livre no.1, 1865-78: 33-35; Grand Livre no.1, 1865-84: 1, 9, 22; Fonds Pascal Poirier, 6.1-3; Fonds Valentin Landry, 7.1-2, 7.1-7, 7.1-19. PANB, MC2495, F15653 (mfm.); RS117, A2/2, 1. L{apos}Évangéline (Weymouth Bridge, N.-É.), 31 oct.-12 déc. 1895; (Moncton), 30 mars 1916; 4 mai 1922; 28 avril 1927; 13, 20, 30 nov. 1930. Le Moniteur acadien (Shédiac), 22 mars 1883. Anselme Chiasson, {d-0}Placide Gaudet,{d-1} Soc. Hist. Acadienne, Cahiers (Moncton), 4 (1971-73): 6-23. C.-A. Doucet, Une étoile s{apos}est levée en Acadie ([Rogersville, N.-B.], 1973). James de Finney, {d-0}Du fait divers au récit commun: le rôle littéraire de l{apos}Évangéline,{d-1} in {s-0}L{apos}Évangéline,{s-1-unknown} 1887-1982; entre l{apos}élite et le peuple, sous la dir. de Gérard Beaulieu (Moncton, 1997), 135-53. Pierre et P.-M. Gérin, Marichette: lettres acadiennes, 1895-1898 (Québec, 1982). {d-0}Histoire de la paroisse de Cap Pelé,{d-1} Soc. Hist. de la Mer Rouge, Sur l{apos}empremier (Robichaud, N.-B.), 2 (1986), no.1: 44. René LeBlanc et Micheline Laliberté, Sainte-Anne, collège et université, 1890-1990 (Pointe-de-l{apos}Église [Church Point], N.-É., 1990). J.-M. Leger, {d-0}Placide Gaudet,{d-1} Soc. Hist. Acadienne, Cahiers, [2] (1966-68): 18-22.

Of French Canadian and Scottish parentage, Charles Gauthier received his early education from the Brothers of the Christian Schools in Alexandria. Later he attended Regiopolis College in Kingston, from which he graduated with high honours in 1863; he subsequently studied theology at the Grand Séminaire in Montreal. On 24 Aug. 1867, at St John the Baptist Church in Perth, Ont., he was ordained by Bishop Edward John Horan* of Kingston. He served as professor of rhetoric and director of Regiopolis College until 1869, when Horan made him pastor of St John the Evangelist parish in Gananoque, a charge that included missions at Howe Island, Lansdowne, Jones Falls, and Brewers Mills. In 1875 he was transferred to Westport and then, upon the accession of Bishop John O{apos}Brien, to St Mary{apos}s parish in Williamstown. He spent 11 years there, during which time he opened a new parish at nearby Glen Nevis (which he also administered), constructed a new rectory in Williamstown, built mission churches in Lancaster (1885) and Martintown (1886), and liquidated the debt of St Mary{apos}s. Moved to Brockville in 1886, he acted as regional dean and, after 1891, as vicar general for the archdiocese of Kingston. His fluency in English, French, and Gaelic enabled him to communicate with its principal linguistic groups.

Gauthier{apos}s pastoral skills, good humour, and financial acumen were acknowledged by his fellow priests when, in an unprecedented step, 37 of them met and selected him as their choice to succeed Archbishop James Vincent Cleary*, who had died in February 1898. Kingston{apos}s clergy were fearful that the Vatican might appoint the bishop of Waterford and Lismore, in Ireland, to succeed the Irish-born Cleary, instead of a Canadian who understood the diocese and its needs. Their petition may have influenced the Canadian bishops{s-1-unknown} recommendation to Pope Leo XIII, who named Gauthier archbishop on 29 July. He was consecrated in Kingston on 18 October.

Like the priests who supported him, many Kingstonians regarded Gauthier as moderate in both politics and temperament - a striking contrast to his predecessor. {d-0}The choice of Msgr. Gauthier has been hailed throughout the country, as a special grace of divine Providence,{d-1} exclaimed Archbishop Joseph-Thomas Duhamel* of Ottawa. {d-0}For me, I consider it a gift of God.{d-1} The new archbishop continued the energetic pace he had set as a parish priest. Within his diocesan boundaries, which extended west from Dundas County to just beyond the Trent River and from Lake Ontario to Algonquin Park, he administered 41,384 Catholics, who constituted 16 per cent of the diocese{apos}s entire population. His frequent travels throughout the diocese and familiarity with its growing towns and villages made it easier for him to approve the construction of new churches and rectories, and renovations of ageing ones, in such centres as Odessa (1898), Ormsby and South Mountain (1899), Lombardy (1900), Frankford (1901), Lansdowne (1901), Merrickville (1902), Lanark (1903), Marmora (1904), Toledo (1907), and Enterprise (1908). His episcopate was also marked by the construction of St Francis{s-1-unknown} Hospital in Smiths Falls, St John{apos}s Convent in Perth, and St Mary{apos}s of the Lake Orphanage in Kingston, and renovations to Kingston{apos}s Hôtel Dieu hospital.

Gauthier{apos}s Kingston years were devoid of the sectarian tension that had earned the city the nickname the Derry of Canada [see John Gaskin*]. His own actions won him respect among its Protestants. When St George{apos}s Cathedral was gutted by fire in 1899, for example, he was one of the first to offer sympathy and financial aid to Anglican archbishop John Travers Lewis*. Although he contributed to the atmosphere of toleration and commented on the absence of Protestant proselytizing in his diocese, he still worried that local Catholicism was being endangered by mixed marriages, increased socializing with Protestants, and Catholic attendance at public schools. For Gauthier, the establishment of Catholic schools {d-0}wherever possible{d-1} was the surest way to strengthen the Catholic minority in a largely Protestant province. In 1901, 4,000 out of 6,000 Catholic children of school age were enrolled in the diocese{apos}s separate schools; the remaining 2,000, according to Gauthier, lived in areas with no access to Catholic schools. By the end of his tenure new ones had been created in Belleville, Tweed, and Chesterville.

His interest in separate schools extended beyond his diocese. He quickly became a respected leader among the bishops on the issues of teachers{s-1-unknown} qualifications, textbooks, and school-tax reform. In 1904 justice Hugh MacMahon ruled that members of Catholic religious orders who were employed as teachers in Ontario must obtain qualifications commensurate with provincial standards. Archbishops Gauthier, Duhamel, and Denis O{apos}Connor* of Toronto, however, were alarmed that many sisters and brothers might leave their teaching posts rather than attend classes in the {d-0}Protestant{d-1} atmosphere of the provincial normal schools. Believing that the members of orders were already well qualified, through teachers{s-1-unknown} conventions and experience, Gauthier and his colleagues appealed MacMahon{apos}s decision to the Supreme Court of Canada and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, but without success. When John Seath*, Ontario{apos}s superintendent of education, produced legislation early in 1907 that required the proper certification of teaching sisters and brothers, Gauthier opposed the plan, fearing the closure of at least four convents in his diocese and the demise of Catholic schools that employed religious. Declaring the bill {d-0}odious and unjust,{d-1} he appealed directly to Premier James Pliny Whitney* to allow the teachers to be certified without further qualification. With the passage of the act on 20 April 1907, Gauthier and his colleagues conceded defeat and began working to ensure that the teaching members adapted to the three levels of certification.

Gauthier coordinated efforts by the Ontario bishops to secure better funding for Catholic schools from the government and also to obtain improvements to Copp, Clark{apos}s Canadian Catholic readers series. By 1909 he and his long-time friend Archbishop Fergus Patrick McEvay* of Toronto were the instigators and chief negotiators of a quiet diplomacy to procure for the separate schools a larger share of business and corporation taxes and to have public funding extended to the senior grades of Catholic high schools. At one point in the negotiations, in order to win the desired financial concessions, Gauthier and the bishops were prepared to sacrifice their Copp, Clark Catholic textbooks, which would have been very expensive to revise. Doubts about the wisdom of this course of action arose, however. Gauthier asked Whitney to offer Catholic schools more of the taxes in exchange for which the bishops, after removing the {d-0}objectionable features,{d-1} would allow public school readers to be used as supplementary texts in Catholic schools. Negotiations continued but in 1910 the bishops{s-1-unknown} hopes were dashed when the government shelved plans for Catholic school reforms because of vociferous demands by Franco-Ontarians for the extension of French-language education. Whitney feared that any concessions to the bishops in the midst of these demands would alienate the Orange faction of his government.

The Kingston archbishop{apos}s influence in ecclesiastical politics was complemented by the attention shown him by the apostolic delegate to Canada, Monsignor Donato Sbarretti y Tazza. Their close relationship - Sbarretti sought Gauthier{apos}s advice and assistance on several occasions - was fortunate for the English-speaking bishops as they moved to exert their influence over the church west of the Ottawa River. Gauthier was known to be vehemently opposed to French Canadian clerical nationalists and, as Bishop Thomas Joseph DOWLING reported Gauthier{apos}s position to Rome, their {d-0}impertinent interference with the affairs of English speaking provinces.{d-1} As an integral part of their struggle for control, Gauthier and other English-speaking bishops attempted to secure their own candidate each time a see became vacant. In partnership with McEvay and Archbishop Edward Joseph McCarthy of Halifax, in 1909 Gauthier acquired the services of Father Henry Joseph O{apos}Leary* as the anglophone bishops{s-1-unknown} agent at the Vatican. With O